History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 22

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXII.

MILITARY SYSTEM.

1642-1808.

Early Efforts to Provide Forces — Organization Begun — Difficulties and Changes in Policy — Regular Troops — Urban Companies — Provincial Regiments and Battalions — Presidio Companies — Coast Guards — Effective Force for War — Artillery and Other Supplies — Perote as a Deposit — Sea-coast Defences — Fortresses on Both Seas — Naval Stations — Pay Department — Pay of Officers and Men — Pension System — Annual Expenditure — Religious Department — Vicario General — Tenientes Vicarios Generales — Army and Navy Chaplains — Fuero Militar, and its Judiciary System.

The danger of foreign invasion in time of war did not escape the attention of a military man like the Viceroy Cruíllas. He formally reported to the court on the defenceless condition of New Spain, all the regular force at the disposal of the government being one regiment, called La Corona, ^[1] in Vera Cruz, some dragoon companies, a few soldiers in Acapulco, a small body of artillerymen, and the two companies of the palace guard.

The militia troops consisted of urban companies, mostly made up of white men and mestizos. In the capital there were some companies of laboring men, and about thirteen or fourteen others composed of merchants and tradesmen. In Puebla, as in Mexico, was a regimiento del comercio, which had been created about 1693. These troops lacked a knowledge of the use of weapons, and to enable them to acquire it, the viceroy asked the crown for experienced officers and a supply of arms, urging likewise the construction in Perote of warehouses for the safe-keeping of military stores, so that the viceregal government might afford prompt aid to Vera Cruz and the Antilles. These suggestions were acted upon at court, and on the first of November, 1765, Lieutenant-general Juan de Villalba arrived at Vera Cruz, commissioned as commander and inspector of the forces, having with him several mariscales de campo,^[2] and a number of field and company officers, being the nucleus of an infantry regiment to be known as the America, and nearly two hundred non-commissioned officers and drummers for organizing provincial infantry and cavalry regiments.

General Villalba began his labors at Vera Cruz by reconstructing the old Corona into a cavalry regiment,^[3] which was thereupon called the España; he then proceeded to the capital with the other generals to continue the work of organization. The pay of each rank was at once established. The Mexican privates it was decided should be drawn by lot from the male population; but this scheme was not then enforced, and that of voluntary enlistment was for a time adopted.

It had been intended by the supreme government to raise one regular regiment of dragoons, and three others of militia, light cavalry, and dragoons; and six regiments, with twelve companies each, of militia infantry, the calculation being that the number of militiamen would reach 25,000.^[4]

The development of the system was left to General Villalba, under the orders of the viceroy as the captain-general. In order to smooth the way, the officers were instructed to maintain the most cordial relations with the people, and to make the necessity for the change evident to them. Every effort to render the military service attractive was resorted to. Members of the nobility and gentry were induced to accept commissions in the provincial militia by granting them the fuero militar^[5] and such other distinctions as would flatter their pride. The viceroy had the choice of colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and the inspector might select the other officers with the viceroy's sanction. The only able-bodied men excluded from the ranks were negroes and Indians. The castas, or various grades of mixed breeds, might be admitted to the number of one third in each company, and regiments of any certain color might be formed,^[6] The different localities were to pay for the clothing and other needed articles, the government furnishing arms.

The two companies of the viceroy's guard were mustered out of service, and the palace was thereafter guarded by the troops of the garrison, the halberdiers being retained.^[7] Dissension soon arose between the viceroy and General Villalba, the latter assuming independent powers, in which he seemed to have been upheld by some of the officers brought by him from Spain,^[8] and even failed to pay the viceroy honors that were due him. His course was disapproved by the crown, and an order issued for him and the mariscales Zayas and Ricardos to return to Spain,^[9] After this, the organization of the forces was left to the viceroy, who was an experienced soldier. But, as Great Britain had in her North American colonies the material for an army, and in Jamaica a naval station, and was thus in a position to strike at any moment a blow against New Spain,^[10] the government deemed the forces already organized insufficient, and several regiments were despatched from Spain. By the 18th of June 1768, there had arrived at Vera Cruz on the frigate Astrea and seven transports the regiments Saboya, Flandes, and Ultonia. Later came the Zamora, Granada, Castilla, and Guadalajara.^[11] Each regiment was of three battalions. The veteran force now in the country consisted of 10,000 men. Their uniform was white, with trimmings of different colors to distinguish the regiments. For this reason the people nicknamed them blanquillos. The office of sub-inspector, formerly held by a maestre de campo, was created with larger powers and importance; he had the direct management of the troops. The marqués de Rubí was appointed to it.^[12] His superior in Spain was the inspector-general, who at that time was the conde O'Reilly.^[13] The chief duty of this officer was the discipline of the troops. From time to time his functions were more clearly defined till 1806, when

it was ordered that every three years he should personally inspect the troops, not only those stationed at the capital, but those in the provinces, and if unable to do this on account of ill health, the fact was to be confidentially made known to the king by the viceroy or captain-general.^[14]

Fears of war with Great Britain having ceased in 1772, the government mustered out of garrison duty three of the native regiments,^[15] though the drilling of the militia was continued. The troops from Spain were successively sent back, and from the last of them, the Zamora, were retained the necessary officers, sergeants, and corporals for perfecting the organization of the provincial militia. Later, the occupation by the British of the Philippines, and the revolution in England's colonies in North America, again warned Spain of the necessity of being prepared for an emergency. But no preparations were made. At the end of the war of 1783, when the coasts of Spanish America were threatened, and the forts of Omoa and San Juan de Nicaragua were taken by the English, she resolved further to increase her military establishment in Mexico, creating in 1788 the regiments Nueva España and México, and the next year the Puebla. The French revolution deeply affected Spain, and the revolt of Santo Domingo gave rise to the creation of the Fijo de Vera Cruz in 1793. The Nueva España, Mexico, and Puebla were afterward sent away to serve in Cuba, Santo Domingo, Louisiana, and Florida.^[16] But between 1789 and 1794 the force, both of regular and provincial troops, had been reduced to 4,767 men.^[17]

Having thus spoken of the regular force in Mexico, I have to add a few remarks on the provincial and urban organizations. Each infantry regiment had two battalions, and each battalion^[18] five companies, including that of grenadiers. The effective force in time of peace was 825 rank and file, and in time of war 1,350. Each cavalry regiment had four squadrons with 361 men in time of peace, and 617 in time of war. The conscription age was from 14 to 40 years inclusive, taken first from the unmarried men; but if the able bodied of a district did not cover the requisition, then the married were conscripted. Officers' commissions were given by the viceroy, subject to confirmation by the crown.^[19] The provincial regiments already organized were disbanded about 1788 by the conde de Revilla Gigedo, and their arms taken to the royal warehouses in Mexico, Perote, and Vera Cruz. They were, however, restored by his successor after 1794.0^[20] It was officially stated that the work met with no obstacles. Men voluntarily enlisted, and wealthy persons aided with their pecuniary means.^[21]

After completing the organization of the provincial regiments, the government had of these troops about 10,000 men, which, added to 5,000 of the regular force, made 15,000, of whom about 4,000 were light cavalry and dragoons, and the rest infantry. There were also three companies of artillerymen,^[22] mustering about 400, the companies of negroes and colored men of Vera Cruz, one battalion of infantry, and two companies of volunteers in the same city.^[23] Let us now examine the special military organization of the provincias internas, some of which were at all times immediately dependent on the viceroyalty of New Spain, others being under a government of their own. The expenses incurred by the twenty presidios and three flying companies existing in 1721, amounted to 370,000 pesos per annum. But though the treasury had every year paid out the full amount, the soldiers were defrauded of a large portion of their pay.^[24] Other abuses were also committed, such as employing the soldiers away from their presidios in working mines or herding cattle for their captains' profit. Officers had been sometimes despatched by the viceroys to inspect and report upon the presidios, but no advantage had been gained, and matters had gone from bad to worse till a complete demoralization prevailed. Moreover, as the population had in some parts increased, a number of the presidios had become unnecessary. Viceroy Casafuerte recommended the promotion of Colonel Pedro de Rivera to the rank of brigadier, and his appointment as special inspector and regulator of presidios, which was done by the sovereign in 1724. Accompanied by the lieutenant colonel of engineers, Francisco Álvarez Barreiro, who was to make plans, Rivera proceeded on his mission. The task occupied him four years, during which time he journeyed three thousand leagues, and reorganized the presidios in the best possible manner. The government Gazeta of June 1728 mentions his return to Mexico from his arduous labors, when he made his report to the viceroy.^[25]

In 1729 the number of presidios was fixed at twenty, that of New Mexico being the most distant, with seventy-seven men and three commissioned officers. On the 20th of April was issued the new reglamento, under which the annual expenditure for such troops was reduced from 444,883 pesos to 283,930 pesos; the prices of goods and provisions sold to the soldiers were fixed, and captains of presidios were required to reside permanently in their presidios. The law also prescribed the circumstances under which Indians might be aided against hostile tribes.^[26]

The king, accepting the viceroy's suggestions, decided, November 26, 1757, that governors of frontier provinces should thereafter be military officers. Still another royal order of October 8, 1761, declared that inasmuch as the command of the presidial companies had fallen into the hands of traffickers instead of being held by true soldiers, the viceroy was to remove all captains of the former stamp without going through the formality of a court-martial or other procedure. A later one of January 11, 1764, regulated the prices of goods for presidios, greatly moderating those of the tariff of 1729. Other orders reiterated preceding ones in the sense of reforming the general regulation of presidios. Finally, in 1765, the whole matter was referred for a general report to the marqués de Rubi,^[27] who discharged the duty in a satisfactory manner. He was again commissioned by the marqués de Croix to revisit the presidios. In a letter of May 24th from Pasage he reported a bad state of affairs, demanding a change in the system of presidios, and that they should be located to better advantage. Hence the regulation of 1772, which Brigadier Hugo O'Connor was directed to enforce, as governor and comandante inspector of the provinces. The reglamento gave the number and positions of the presidios, and the economical system of each, and prescribed the mode of managing funds; the policy to be observed toward the Indians; quality and condition of arms, ammunition, horses, accoutrements, and clothing of the soldiers; mode of providing commissions and promotions, reviews and police of each presidio; powers and duties of captains, subalterns, and rank and file of the troops; and the mode of choosing habilitados and rendering them effective.

It will be unnecessary to dwell here on the presidios of the country north of Durango, as they will be fully treated of in other volumes.^[28] The presidios of Monterey and Nayarit were suppressed, placing in lieu of the former two salvaguardias in each of the eight missions of Nuevo Leon, and seven salvagfuardias in lieu of the latter.^[29]

It was Rubí's report on the secure condition of Nuevo Leon that induced the suppression of the presidio of Monterey. It was ill-founded, for in 1774 the country was overrun by natives. The comandante of the presidios, Hugo O'Connor, came to the rescue, and a detachment was stationed at Punta de Lampazos,^[30] which place was made stronger. Subsequently, in 1783, an attempt was made to increase the force in Nuevo Leon, but Colonel Juan de Ugalde, late governor of Coahuila, strenuously opposed it, as expensive, burdensome in every way, and useless, for Nuevo Leon being in the rear of Coahuila could be of no assistance to other provinces if assailed.^[31] The people of Nuevo Leon, however, were all armed. In 1795 there were twenty-two companies of militia well equipped.^[32] The total military force in 1786 in the provlncias internas, exclusive of the Californias, was 3,663 men, of which there were 300 in Nuevo Leon, and as many in Tamaulipas. The annual expense for all was estimated at 951,084 pesos.

The condition of the military in 1808, shortly before the political disturbances broke out, was essentially as follows: In the province of Mexico the viceroy held command. In Oajaca, Querétaro, and San Luis Potosí, the forces were in charge of commanders of brigades. In the other provinces the respective intendentes were in charge; these officers in Guadalajara, Puebla, and Vera Cruz were also commanders of the brigades within their respective districts. The regular force now consisted of the viceroy's guard of honor; four regiments, namely, Corona, Nueva España, México, and Puebla, of which the last named was then in Habana, and one battalion, the Fijo de Vera Cruz, of infantry, with about 5,000 men; two regiments of dragoons, the España and México, with 500 men each; one corps of artillery with 720 men scattered in several places; a small number of engineers; two companies of light infantry and three fixed companies in the ports of Isla del Cármen, San Blas, and Acapulco.^[33]

The main force consisted, as we have seen, of provincial militia, which was placed under arms only when needful. It was chiefly composed of country people and artisans, and caused no expense to the government. The regiments were distributed by districts, and the companies by towns. The horses of the mounted troops were confided to the care of the haciendas of each district. The officers were property-owners of the provinces. The honor was much coveted, and high prices were paid for a commission as colonel or lieutenant-colonel when the forces were first organized. In the central provinces, which were more thickly settled, and had a cold or temperate climate, were organized seven infantry regiments of two battalions each, namely, Mexico, Puebla, Tlascala, Orizaba, Córdoba, Jalapa, Toluca, Celaya, and Valladolid. There were likewise three separate battalions, named respectively Guanajuato, Oajaca, and Guadalajara. Each battalion had an effective force of 825 men, the total being 14,000, to which were to be added the two urban battalions of Mexico and Puebla, having together 930 men.

The cavalry consisted of eight regiments, namely, Querétaro, Príncipe, Reina in Guanajuato, Puebla, San Luis, San Cárlos in the province of San Luis, Michoacan, or Pátzcuaro, and Aguas Calientes; each of which had four squadrons of 361 men in time of peace, and 517 in time of war, making a total of 4,936 dragoons. In the vicinity of Vera Cruz was a body of 1,000 lancers; there were three other bodies for the protection of the old frontiers of Sierra Gorda, Colotlan, and Nuevo Santander, with 1,320 men, and an urban squadron in Mexico with 200 men.

The troops for guarding the coasts were in detached companies at different places, forming mixed divisions of infantry and cavalry, with little discipline, and not even a uniform. They were useful, however, in their respective sections. Five of them were on the gulf border, and with the two companies of negroes and colored men of Vera Cruz made up a force of 3,400.^[34] On the Pacific were seven companies consisting of 3,750 men. The total force of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, together with the seven companies of militia artillery at Vera Cruz and other points of the coasts, when complete and on a war footing, which never occurred, would have made 29,411 men;^[35] but deducting 7,200 of the coast guard, who were never taken from their sections, the effective force remaining was 22,211, which, added to 6,000 of the regular force, formed a total of 28,000 men whom the viceroy could place in the field. There were, besides, in Yucatan, one battalion of regular troops, a few regiments of provincials, and the necessary artillerymen. The disciplined militia and the coast divisions formed ten brigrades, each having the military commandant at the head town of the district for its brigadier, excepting those of Mexico, Oajaca, Querétaro, and San Luis Potosí which had their regular commanders.^[36]

The organization of troops for defence against internal and external foes, however important, was not all that was needed. The defences of the ports and of the whole coast-line on both seas demanded attention, and constantly engaged that of the supreme national government as well as of the local authorities from the earliest days.^[37] The port of Vera Cruz with the isle of San Juan de Ulúa was the key of New Spain, and the object of special solicitude.^[38] Efforts were made and means supplied in order to put the defences in a condition to resist attacks.^[39] The formation of plans and the building of a new fortress were in charge of Captain Jaime Franck. Objection having been made to the work, the subject was laid before certain officials for their opinion.^[40]

When a portion of the fortress was constructed, a small garrison was placed there under an officer who bore the title of castellano, subordinate to the governor of the town. In the course of years the title was changed to teniente rey, and the officer succeeded the governor at his death or absence. Both officers had high military rank, the governor having charge of the garrisons of Ulúa and Vera Cruz.^[41]

The fortifications on San Juan de Ulúa were in 1767 strengthened with cannon brought from Spain.^[42]

In that year and the next Anton Lizardo was strongly fortified. At the same time was constructed the fortress of Perote, which cost no less than that of San Juan de Ulúa. The former was deemed necessary for the safe keeping of treasure when on the way for shipment to Spain, for if Vera Cruz were once in possession of an enemy, a dash on Orizaba might easily be made. In Perote were mounted six 24-pounders, eight 16-pounders, ten 12-pounders, and 33 pieces of calibre from 4 to 8; there was a complete supply of ammunition, the cost of conveying which had exceeded 40,000 pesos.^[43]

The anxiety to make San Juan de Ulúa and the whole Vera Cruz coast impregnable if possible, was great, but the means were wanting. Among the many plans presented was one in 1774 which might have been acceptable had it not called for an excessive expenditure. One and a half million pesos the authors claimed would suffice; four to six millions, said others, would be consumed before reaching completion, besides the demand for a garrison so large that other important points would have to be utterly neglected. The king favored certain modifications, and in 1780 the matter was left to a commission^[44] which presented a plan to guard the defences, includding the coast on both sides, against foreign assaults, but it was not accepted. Several other schemes were recommended, but no extensive plan seems to have been adopted.^[45]

The use of the native militia of the coast, who were good lancers and inured to the climate, was strongly recommended, it being added that the regular troops might be stationed in cool localities, and the officers make themselves familiar with the country.^[46] Finally, in 1800, the government was still engaged in providing for the security of Vera Cruz, largely supplying the fortress with provisions and war material,^[47] and building an extensive hospital. The two cavalry regiments were reënforced, and barracks erected at Buenavista; but experience soon proved the place sickly, and the troops were removed after sustaining some loss of life.^[48] A considerable number of armed launches and gunboats were also provided. In 1806, at the suggestion of the Spanish generalissimo, the principe de la Paz, viceroys and captain-generals in America were ordered by the king to ask for means of defence only in moderation, and they were to remind him at the end of each year, avoiding repetitions.^[49] They were to employ the means at their disposal, bringing into moderate requisition whatever the country afforded. If they failed so to do, and reverses occurred, they would be held accountable, and the fact of not having been allowed what they had called for from the crown would not serve as an excuse. The half-witted Cárlos IV. was in this as in everything the tool of his wily and avaricious counsellor.

Yucatan had not been neglected. Not only had troops been provided for her defence as early as 1645,^[50] but in 1672 forts were ordered by the king to be built, and garrisons placed in them.^[51] In 1690 the wall around Campeche had been in process of construction for several years. Early in the year thirty pieces of artillery of various calibres were mounted thereon.^[52] The forts of Campeche were begun in 1692 and finished in 1769. Eight castles were successively erected. Spain at first furnished fifty-six poor pieces of iron of small calibre; but in 1739 and 1740 eighty-eight pieces of large size were sent, part of brass and part of iron.^[53] The citadel of San Benito in Mérida had five small bulwarks on an artificial hill commanding the whole town. The artillery consisted of old 18-pounders.^[54]

In the island of Tris in the laguna de Términos was established a presidio for which a regulation was issued in 1791. It had a governor commanding the forces.^[55] In Tabasco was built in 1683 the castle of Santiago, which was garrisoned with a paid infantry company.^[56] Acapulco, the chief Mexican port on the Pacific, was considered in 1642 sufficiently defended with its fortifications and garrison.^[57] In 1790 the same arrangement continued, the governor being also commandant of the fort.^[58] This fort called San Diego de Acapulco, of more modern construction, underwent in 1794 some repairs. It then had only ten brass and fifty-eight iron guns in good condition, and more that were unserviceable.^[59] The provision of muskets, pistols, and side-arms was abundant.

The naval department at San Blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of North America, Arsenals, ship-yards, and warehouses were established. All orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief.^[60] It was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when Father Junípero Serra's suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness for supplying the Californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained. Toward the end of the century the naval force consisted of three ships, two brigs, three schooners, and one sloop.^[61] The personnel consisted of a naval commander, seven other naval officers, one comisario and his assistant, eight clerks, seven chaplains, six surgeons, thirteen sailing masters, seven artillerymen, and five hundred and five petty officers, seamen, and landsmen, besides a number of mechanics and laborers in the navy-yard. Conde de Revilla Gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to Acapulco;^[62] but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at San Blas without change.^[63] For defence, aside from its own garrison, it could rely on the forces in Nueva Galicia and the provincias internas. The comandante de marina had, on his part, erected batteries along the coast for protection against pirates.

Before concluding this review of the military establishment in Mexico let us examine the other branches connected with the service. The pay department had been in charge of the oficiales reales till December 1786, when a royal ordinance intrusted the whole financial business of the army to military intendentes, and to the provincial intendentes within their respective provinces.^[64] The total expenditure of presidial and other forces, transportation, etc., including the presidios of the Philippines, and naval vessels on the Pacific and elsewhere, paid out of the Mexican treasury, was, in 1758, 882,227 pesos.^[65] In 1765-6, after the organization of the military forces, the yearly expense was 626,776 pesos.^[66] The outlay was largely augmented by the cost of the defences of the port of Vera Cruz, the depot at Perote, and the foundry at Tacubaya. The expense at Vera Cruz closely approached $1,500,000, and that at Anton Lizardo exceeded $1,250,000. I have no record of the rest.

The expense, in 1789, for troops, including $98,316 for the naval station of San Blas, is stated to have been $2,594,681^[67] out of a total paid by the treasury during the year of $3,424,995. The military budget for 1805 had risen to $3,500,000, to which must be added $500,000 more for arsenals, fortifications, etc.^[68] In 1809 the outlay is given at the same round figures, four million dollars.^[69] A regular system of pensions had also been established in Mexico and the rest of America to conform with that of old Spain, except in the amounts. A royal order of September 29, 1761, authorized the foundation of the montepío militar, out of which was to be paid to the widows and orphans, or, should there be none, to the mothers of army or navy officers serving and dying in America, a yearly allowance, according to the pay of the officer at the time of decease. In 1773 were issued rules for the uniform observance of that decree, and the rates of yearly allowance, as well as the amount to be deducted from each officer's pay to swell the montepio fund, were fixed.^[70] To swell the fund of the montepío militar the following deductions were made from each officer's pay from the time when he first entered the service: half a month's pay retained once; eight maravedís de plata fuerte out of every peso fuerte; the increase of pay for the first month in the case of officers promoted to higher rank and the amount of the whole month's salary in the case of officers and officials newly employed.^[71] With the view of creating a fondo de inválidos, from which invalided officers and soldiers were to draw pensions, it was ordered by the crown January 14, 1775,^[72] that a deduction of eight maravedís de plata should be made from the pay and extra allowances of officers and men in actual service.

The jurisdiccion eclesiástica castrense, or the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the army and navy of Spain and her Indies, was under the vicario general de los reales ejércitos y armadas, an office annexed to that of the patriarca de las Indias y capellan mayor of the sovereign by the brief of Pope Clement XIII. issued in 1762, with special powers and privileges renewable every seven years. It was exercised in the Indies by tenientes vicarios generales, which title was usually, though not necessarily, conferred on the diocesan bishops by the vicario general. To do away with all doubts and disputes on the subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the pope on June 12, 1807, referring to and confirming all previous briefs pertinent to the subject, placed, at the king's request, under the exclusive control of the vicario general, and detached from that of the ordinaries, all persons, clergymen included, belonging to the military service in any of its branches, and all who held the fuero militar, with their families, employés, or servants. The followers of the army, and all individuals subject to military rule, forts, fortresses, castles, schools and colleges, hospitals, factories, arsenals, navy-yards, war-ships, and transports were placed under the same jurisdiction.^[73]

The judiciary system in its connection with the service also deserves attention. By royal orders of 1606, 1616, 1617, 1633, and 1634, the commandants of castles and forts were clothed with judicial powers over all causes, civil or criminal, of the troops and people within their respective commands. Appeals were allowed to the governing captain-generals.

Militia officers and men, while in active service, had the privilege of fuero militar. Neither the audiencias nor the alcaldes del crimen could intervene in their civil or criminal trials, which had to be adjudicated upon, in the first and second instances, by the captain-generals, or comandantes generales; and appeals from their decisions went to the junta de guerra de Indias in Spain.74^[74] Still, any person, possessed of that privilege, if found committing an oftence against the general laws, or soon after, might be arrested by a juez ordlnario, but he must be forthwith surrendered to the 'juez de su fuero.'^[75]

A supreme court of military justice, under the name of supremo consejo de guerra, was created, or rather the court formerly existing was reorganized in November 1773,^[76] the king retaining for himself the presidency of it. In later times the administration of justice under the fuero militar was subdivided in minor courts, one for each branch of the military service.^[77]

Persons possessed of the fuero militar preferred to fight or litigate in their own camp, having little respect or regard for any authority but their own, and committing offences that might not have occurred if punishment by the common courts had been certain. The question of fuero, not the military one alone, for there were others, has been in Spanish countries a great evil in the body politic, until completely eradicated, as will afterward appear in the course of this history.

 

 

1. The earliest organization of anything like a regular force, apart from that employed to keep hostile Indians in check, seems to have been in 1642, when a battalion with 12 companies of infantry of about 120 men each was formed, whose officers, all men in high positions, cheerfully paid the expense of organization and arms. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 101; Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser. i. 20-1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 16, followed by several others. This was, it is presumed, the nucleus of the body of infantry which in 1741 was organized into a regiment whose ranks were filled mostly with marines of the escuadra de barlovento when it visited Vera Cruz. It was then named La Corona, and its chief object was to garrison that port. Previous to and after 1642, between 1635 and 1649, on several occasions a few companies were formed, destined to be short-lived, their support being too much for the treasury. Their last disbandment was in 1649, after serving seven months and ten days. Guijo, Diario, in Id., i. 1st ser. 20-21, 31-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 143. Again ten companies were organized in 1061. Guijo, Diario, in Id., i. 1st ser. 400-9. In 1685 was completed the organization of militia on the coasts of the Mexican Gulf, which did not prove of much service, as the buccaneers made sudden raids and as quickly escaped with their booty. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 100. In 1692, at the time of the riots, were formed two companies of 50 men each, that had, contrary to royal orders, not been disbanded in 1694, which brought down a second and peremptory command to break them up. Reales Cédulas, MS., 75-6. In 1745 there were 14 companies of militia in the city of Mexico, of merchants and tradesmen, who served on occasions when the regulars had to march out. These regulars were two companies, one of infantry and one of cavalry, to guard the viceroy's palace, which still existed at the time of the marqués de Cruíllas' rule. The infantry company had a captain-governor, a major, second engineer, lieutenant, second lieutenant, alférez, adjutant, eight sergeants, 12 corporals, two drummers, 188 privates, 10 artillerymen; the cavalry company had a captain, lieutenant, second lieutenant, alférez, two sergeants, four corporals, one bugler, and 96 privates. Their cost was 46,168 pesos a year. There was also in 1758 a company of 24 halberdiers under a captain, who formed the viceroy's guard of honor, the yearly expense of which was 5,161 pesos. Villa-Señor, Theatro Am., i. 37, 50. In that same year, 1758, there was also a battalion of negroes and mulattoes, with a white colonel. Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 53-5.
2. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 184. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 120, gives their arrival in 1762, naming four of them, Juan Fernando Palacios, Cristóbal de Zayas, Antonio Ricardos, and the marqués de Rubí.
3. With the Corona and the dragoon companies, and men brought from Spain. Some of the officers and men of the former were made into a third battalion for the América. Villalba lowered the pay of those troops, and of the artillerists, and did other things 'sin anuencia del Rey,' possibly meaning the virey. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom, Esp., MS., 120.
4. This plan eventually had to be abandoned. The treasury could not defray the expense of maintaining an army of regular troops, which would be no less than three million pesos yearly. In view of this, the king approved in 1787 and 1788 a plan of Colonel Francisco Antonio Crespo, and ordered its execution with a few modifications. It was put in practice in 1789. Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 14-15; Flores, Instruc., MS., 26-29.
5. It was defined in a royal order of March 26, 1782, that the fuero militar belonged to members of the militia only when they were in actual service. Cédulario, MS., i. 69, 82. In Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 58-63, appear the military regulations enacted from 1766 to 1785; rules and regulations for the militia issued in 1767, and tactics for dragoons decreed in 1768; privileges of soldiers in making their wills, and in the settlement of their estates, all former grants being confirmed, and new ones added in the royal order of December 16, 1762, and July 21, 1766.
6. The provincial regiments were intended to replace the old urban companies. Colored men serving in them were exempted from personal taxation. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 134-5. All military officers were exempt from taxation by royal decree of May 4, 1760. Providencias Reales, MS., 52. The task of raising white troops was not an easy one. As late as 1775, a committee appointed by the government to aid in developing the military defences, declared both the old Spaniards and their descendants unreliable; for at the least rumor of war they would disappear, there being in them none of the old Roman or Greek spirit. Plan de Defensa, MS., 424, in Col. Diar. The white natives had no taste for the military service. Of the enlisted men many deserted, despite the measures adopted from time to time, between 1773 and 1810, to uphold discipline, and to check vice and desertions, and other violation of the articles of war, which were not very successful. Reales Ordenes, i. 254-8; Arrillaga, Recop. (1836), 323-4, (1839), 298-300; Gaz. Méx. (1788-9), iii. 339-41; (1792-3), v. 529-31; (1802-3), xi. 37-8, 211-15; Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, ii. no. 6; Diario Méx., ix. 319-20, xiii. 505-6. It is not surprising that desertions were common when we consider that the government forced and accepted into the service some very bad characters. Real Cédula (May 7, 1775), in Cédulario, MS., iii. 15-23; Estalla, xxvi. 334-5. The natives either could not endure the strict discipline, or disliked the dress or food, or may be, 'el aseo, como poco acostumbrados á él desde su nacimiento.' Villarroel, Enferm. Polít., in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. 166-7.
7. Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 10.
8. A colonel was suspended and placed under arrest in consequence, and was released and reinstated only by Cruillas' successor. Vir. Instruc., MS., 1st ser. no. 9, 1-8.
9. The marqués de Rubí was sent to inspect the provincias internas, and General Palacios was made governor of Vera Cruz. Panes., Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 120-1.
10. Such an emergency had been foreseen, as appears in the correspondence of the marqués de Croix with Minister of State Arriaga in 1776. Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 6.
11. The secretary of war of Mexico in an official report gives these names: Ultonia, Saboya, América, Asturias, Granada, and Zamora. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1835, 9. The fact was that the Asturias came out in a ship of the line in June 1776. Gomez, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 22.
12. The officer was called cabo subaltemo, or segundo cabo. Some years after a doubt having occurred whether he should take the command in chief in the event of the viceroy's death, the crown, on the 10th of January 1786, decided the point in the negative, adding that in that event he was merely to command the forces subject to the real acuerdo. He was declared to have no prerogative. Reales Ordenes, MS., iii. 158.
13. From this time Mexico assumed a military aspect, and retained it ever after. Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 6. A provisional regulation for the army was issued in 1774. Bucareli, Reglamento, 1-32. In this same year was decreed the creation of a cuerpo de inválidos, which was organized in 1779. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1840, 37-39.
14. The king wished it distinctly understood that the office had been created to he useful to the royal service, and not to be a mere additional authority in the country. Cédulario, MS., 25.
15. The government always was apprehensive that the natives, with arms in their hands, might revolt. Hence the policy of transporting and maintaining at heavy expense in Mexico one or two regiments of Spaniards. But nothing was really gained by it. A few months after the arrival of such troops they were of little use. Officers and men pursued pleasure and vice, and discipline became relaxed. Some of the privates got themselves mustered out of service, and others deserted; and when a regiment went back to Spain it was much smaller than when it came out. Villarroel, Enferm. Polit., in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. 167.
16. From Habana these regiments were despatched upon the useless expedition of Bayajá, where, by the 'cobardia de un oficial extrangero,' the honor of one of them suffered. They gradually returned to Mexico several years after, almost skeletons. General Apodaca brought the Puebla and one battalion of the México very much reduced. Those troops cost a great deal of money, and did no useful service to Mexico. Bustmante, Medidas, MS., 55-6. It was not the first time that Mexico sent military assistance to another Spanish colony. In 1761, news having come that hostile Indians were attempting to capture the fort at Panzacola, 200 infantry and some artillerymen under command of Colonel Luis Ortiz Parrilla was sent there, who arrived in season, and the difficulty was terminated without bloodshed. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 119.
17. Certainly not enough for general defence, though the conde de Revilla Gigedo had deemed a larger force unnecessary. Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 13-14. He thus decided against the order of the court; but finally organized the first Batallon Fijo de Vera Cruz, which was later increased till in 1809 it had three battalions. Bustamante, Medidas, MS,, 56. The same viceroy in 1792 had two companies of light infantry created, each with three officers, and eighty men rank and file, costing for the two companies $27,816 per year. Revilla Gijedo, Bandos, no. 69.
18. A royal order of 1798 placed each battalion under a lieutenant-colonel. Arrillarga, Recop. (1830-6), 508-9.
19. Diario, Mex., v. 162-320, 389, 554; vi. 12-32, 159-376; vii. 48-254; viii. 112, 414; ix. 548. Gaz. Mex. (1784), i. 199, 287-8. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 180, asserts that the nominations, made by the ayuntamientos, were often awarded for money to the highest bidders, though in some instances the money was applied to the fitting-out of the forces.
20. In 1798 was organized the Michoacan dragoon regiment, and a small company near Cape San Lucas in Lower California. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 172-3, 187.
21. The wealthy contributed not only money but gave their own and their sons' services. Gaz. Mex. (1795), vii. 7-8, 14-16, 22-4, 33-5, 66-8, 95-6, 119-20, 174-8. The marqués de Branciforte was prompted by his insatiable avarice rather than by loyalty. He sold commissions at his own prices, pretending to apply the money to the purchase of arms for the regiments, which he never did. The purchasers wanted the fuero militar, so as not to be under the jurisdiction of the common law courts. They were of little use when fighting days came. Bustamante, Medidas, MS., 57.
22. The artillery corps, down to the end of the Spanish domination, consisted of a few regular and provincial companies, there being a very limited number of fortified places and some poor redoubts on the coasts and frontiers. The sub-inspection was in charge of the viceroy, and the direct command under an officer sent from Spain. The factories and everything connected with this branch of the service were finally governed by the regulation of December 10, 1807. Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1835, 10.
23. Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 22-3. The following list appears in an official work: Infantry regiments: Mexico, Puebla, Tlascala, Córdoba, Orizaba, and Jalapa (the last three places forming one), Valladolid, Celaya, and Toluca; battalions of Guanajuato and Oajaca, 412 men each; militia of Tabasco, 9 companies of free colored men, and one of cavalry of Spanish volunteers, 1,018 strong; 22 companies mixed of infantry and cavalry on the Mexican Gulf coasts; 2 companies of negroes and colored men of Vera Cruz; light cavalry regiments, Santiago de Querétaro and Principe; dragoon regiments, Puebla, San Luis, San Cárlos; dragoons de la Reina; lancers of Vera Cruz; dragoons of Michoacan; cavalry on the frontier of Sierra Gorda; dragoons on the frontier of San Luis de Colotlan, being 9 companies with 720 men; cavalry on the frontier of the colony of Nuevo Santander, being 6 companies with 360 men. In Yucatan, one battalion of volunteers of Mérida, another of whites of Campeche; 2 divisions of colored sharp-shooters of Mérida and Campeche, each division with 8 companies. Colon, Juzgados Milit., ii. 527-8. In forming the urban companies of Vera Cruz it was agreed that when necessary the citizens should be armed, the ayuntamiento furnishing 500 men, and the real consulado 500 more, for whom the government provided 1,000 muskets. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 172-3; Marquina, Instruc. (1803), in Instruc. Vir., 184. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 811-25; Id., Versuch, v. 30-51, 55, gives in 1804: regular force, 9,919, and militia, 22,277, adding that of the 32,196 the number of disciplined troops scarcely amounted to 8,000 or 10,000, of whom 3,000 or 4,000 had considerable military experience, namely, the cavalry stationed in Sonora, Nueva Vizcaya, and Nueva Galicia, nearly all of whom were natives of the northern provinces—tall, robust mountaineers, accustomed to all weathers and hardships. Humboldt, Tabla Estadística Estadística, MS., 65-6, a copy of which is said to have been left by the author in the archives of the viceroyalty, gives the whole force in 1803 as follows: regular troops 9,924, provincial militia 21,951, urban militia 1,059. The levy of recruits he declared to be excessive for the population. Essai Polit., i. 273.
24. June 27, 1608, the king decreed that the payment of the presidios should be punctual every four months. Recop., Ind., i. 695-6, 612. The crown had from time to time issued orders tending to the efficiency of the service in the presidios, and providing for the welfare of the men. The following are some of them: Every officer or private soldier, before an expedition started, might with a proper modesty appear before his superior, and express his opinion, and any difficulties he might foresee. If his remarks were well founded they must be heeded; any neglect of the same made the superior amenable to a fine of 500 ducados. See Royal decree of 1622. Vacancies occurring in the office of captain of presidios were to be provisionally filled by the captain-general; after which the names of three officers competent for the position were to be sent to the king accompanied with a statement of the services and qualifications of each; the appointment would then be made from the terna. Mulattoes, negroes, and mestizos were not to be accepted as soldiers in the presidios. No soldier was to be dismissed the service witliout a just cause. Id., 597, 600-2. In 1688 and 1690 the presidios had been fully supplied with men, arms, and ammunition. Those on the northern coast had not been neglected. In former years each presidio had to send a well paid agent to Mexico for its supplies, who, after dancing attendance on and paying much reverence to the officials, obtained and took away the goods to his presidio, at the risk of being plundered on the way by Indian raiders. Under royal orders of 1643, 1663, 1664, and 1672, the viceroys were to attend to those supplies, the treasury officials having little to do in the matter. These injunctions had been overlooked. But in 1688 the situados were taken in coin to those presidios by the armada de barlovento. Sigüuenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 4; Montemayor, Svmarios, 184-91.
25. Rivera, Diario y Derrotero, 1-76. In October, 1727, the king had ordered the establishment of a presidio at the Real de Boca de Leones in Nuevo Leon with a corporal and fourteen men, which were later increased to 25. New Mex., Cédulas, MS., 245-7. In 1728 a full report was called for by the crown upon all the presidios, and the force each could rely on both paid and unpaid; also upon armament of all kinds, etc. Id., 324-31.
26. It also marked out the course of duty for each man in the presidio, and the discipline to be maintained. Instruc. formada en virtud de Real Órden, 9; New Mex., Cédulas, MS., 335-7; Zamora, Bib. Ley. Ult., iv. 284; Escudero, Son. y Sin., 61-2, 70; Arévalo, Compend., 228. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 177, speaking on the subject about 1742 gives the presidios then existing, namely: Nayarit, Durango, El Pasage, El Gallo, Mapimi, Cerro Gordo, San Bartolo, Conchos, Nuevo Mexico, El Paso, Janos, Fronteras, Sinaloa, Adais, Texas, Bahia del Espíritu Santo, San Antonio de Béjar, Rio del Norte, Coahuila, Cerralvo, Cadereita, and the force at Saltillo, with a total force of 846 officers, rank and file. In 1754 frontier presidios were ordered to have each four swivel guns, and 50 muskets with the requisite ammunition, lances, shields, etc. Sixteen articles were issued for their rule. Ditches, ramparts, and stockades were to be erected. Instruc. Vireyes, 29. In 1755 Engineer Cámaras Altas was sent to make a thorough map of the northern frontiers of Mexico and provinces outside. Id., 97. The same year the king reiterated his order of 1748 about statements of arms and ammunition, and their condition being punctually forwarded him. New Mex., Cédulas, MS., 350.
27. New Mex., Cédulas, MS., 353-8. Rubí was told that the presidios were in a state of confusion, dissension prevailing everywhere, and that a remedy of the evils was much needed. He visited those of Nueva Vizcaya, Sonora, Coahuila, and New Mexico in 1706, and that of Texas in 1707. His report to the crown, on his return, was the basis of reformatory measures, embodied in a new reglamento published by the marqués de Croix in 1771. Morji, Tex., 392-3.
28. Hist. North Mex. States, i.; Hist. Cal., i.-v.; Hist. New Mex. and Arizona, passim, this series.
29. The reglamento was carried out in Nayarit in 1773, a detachment of the Catalan volunteers placed there, and Pedro Alberni, then a subaltern, made a captain and comandante. A subaltern officer, sergeant, and fourteen privates were also stationed at the mesa de Tonati. Regl. é Instruc. Presid., 127-9; Laba, Informe, in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 208; Nayarit, Informe de la Aud. de Guadal., in Id., 75. In 1792-3 Jalisco and Nayarit were defended by nine companies of dragoons. The governor at San Luis Colotlan was ex officio their commander, and resided at Real de Bolaños. There were two adjutants, one with the governor, and the other at the mesa de Tonati as lieutenant-governor of the province of Nayarit. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 80.
30. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 812.
31. Ugalde, Doc., MS., 19-24. In 1786, Ugalde, as governor and comandante of Coahuila, Texas, Nuevo Leon, and Santander, materially reduced their force and offered to protect Saltillo and Parras. Instruc., Ugarte, 39-40.
32. The people knew of the king and viceroy only by hearsay. Governors were sent out from Mexico every four or five years, who at the expiration of their terms remained in the country. It was not uncommon to see an ex-governor acting as alcalde or regidor. Gonzalez, Apuntes, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3a ép., i. 238.
33. The total effective regular force at the disposal of the viceroyalty did not exceed 6,000 men. Alaman, Hist. Méj., i. 77-8.
34. In June 1806 was living at the age of 90 years Antonio Santa Ana, who was decorated with a royal medal, and was captain of the company of blacks of Vera Cruz; a master mason by trade; he wrote a farce for the theatre that won a prize. Diario, Mex., iii. 207.
35. Another account gives the entire force of New Spain in time of peace in 1805 as 32,924 men. Not. de N. Esp., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 24. The force of all organizations is set down in 1809, before the revolution, at 29,061. Torrente, Rev. Hisp. Am., Introd., i. 19; Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 26.
36. Most of the field and many of the company officers, in both the regular and militia regiments, were from Spain. The sergeants, corporals, and privates were natives of Mexico, taken chiefly from the various castas, the pure Indians being exempt. Alaman, Hist. Méj., i. 78-81; v. 956. We are told by a competent authority, however, that the country, in 1809, lacked muskets, bayonets, sabres, and other things for infantry and cavalry; it had not enough field-pieces, balls, grape, etc., for the artillery, nor tents. It was deficient in almost every material of war nedded to organize a competent force fit to cope with the well provided armies of Europe. Some of them could at that time be obtained in the United States and Jamaica. Cannon and cannon balls and grape could be made in Mexico. Queipo, Represent, al Real Acuerdo, 129-30, 137.
37. From 1570 to 1657 the crown was repeatedly issuing orders for the defence of the country and the improvement of the military service, and particularly of the management of fortresses on the coasts, and garrisons of presidios in towns or frontiers. Most of them are mere matter of routine, which it is unnecessary to give here. Among those which were of general interest may be mentioned: A royal order of May 7, 1570, made it incumbent on all residents at ports to have arms and horses, according to their means, ready to resist and repel foreign aggressions. Another of November 30, 1599, required that in time of danger no man, unless specially exempted by law, should fail to present himself for military service. One of March 26, 1627, prescribed that only military men, known to be possessed of experience in the defence of besieged fortresses, should be nominated for the position of alcaldes. Among the requirements from commanders of forts on the coast, good ones probably, but which often had not the desired effect, they were urged to be discreet as well as energetic and brave, and thus make themselves feared, 'para cobrar reputacion, pues esto bastará á atemorizar los ánimos de los cosarios.' Recop. Ind., i. 260-1, 567-617.
38. From 1648 to 1673 the place was well supplied with means of defence Repairs were begun in 1671. The commander proposed a plan of fortification involving heavy expense, but affording great strength. It was referred to the king. After some changes of policy in regard to the garrison, it was decided finally in 1670 and 1671 to keep a force there of about 300 men. The white militia and the companies of free negroes and mulattoes were tolerably well disciplined. During the years above mentioned there were expended upon San Juan de Ulúa $403,278, besides $183,914 on other defences, and for men, war materials, etc. Mancera, Instuc., in. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 490-3. Money was being constantly spent on supplies for the defences. Montemayor, Svmarios, 188-9.
39. Sigüenza y Góngora was very sanguine in 1692, when he said that the new fortress of San Juan de Ulúa was in a good condition to defend the jiort, and all accomplished within a few months at a moderate expenditure. Carta al Almirante, MS., 39.
40. Several of the persons consulted eluded the responsibility. The mathematician Sigüenza y Góngora recommended that no change should be made, considering the defences almost impregnable, though chiefly from the natural strength of the position. Memorial, in Morfi, Col. Doc., i. 211, 223-39.
41. Till about the middle of the 18th century the garrisons of the city and castle had been necessarily small, but always being gradually increased. In 1727 there were in the fort, besides the Castellano, one major, one alférez, one surgeon, and 153 rank and file of infantry, one captain and 101 rank and file of artillerists. The captains were enjoined to swell their ranks with Spaniards from the mother country, and if possible with veterans, but as the sons of Spaniards born in Mexico could not be prudently excluded 'se permitia que en cada compañia pudiera haber catorce, y nada mas.' Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes Hist., 384.
42. The same year was put up in Tacubaya a factory for cannon; and the next were cast some field pieces. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 141. The powder factory was in Chapultepec. At the end of the century it supplied large quantities of powder, not only to Mexico, but also to the Antilles, New Granada, Louisiana, and Florida. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 135; Azanza,Instruc., MS., 180-1; Alzate, Gacetas, iv. 349-55; Gaz. Méx. (1784-5), i. 228-30; Diario, Méx., ii. 132; Guia de Hac. Rep. Mex., ii. 129-40.
43. As a warehouse for provisions and war material to aid Vera Cruz, and as a rendezvous for troops to keep a foreign enemy in check, Perote was, owing to its climate, very valuable; but as a fortress it was not worth much. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 527-8.
44. Carrion, Plan de Defensa, MS., 404-591, in Pinart, Col. Diario, Not., etc.
45. The most favored was that of Lieutenant Colonel Pedro de Alonso, which called for large supplies in and out of San Juan de Ulúa; and a garrison of 1670 men, including the governor and his staff, attachés of the government, and the military force, hospital, etc. Alonso, Plan de Defensa, MS., 508-48, in Id.
46. Costansó, Reconocim., MS., 594-614, in Id.
47. In 1794 the armament of the fortress, town, and batteries of Alvarado and Mocambo consisted of 132 brass pieces of various calibres, 173 iron pieces, 17 brass and four iron mortars. Many of them were old-fashioned and should have been excluded. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 524-7; Flores, Instruc., MS., 29-30. In 1799 the fortress had 120 cannons and three mortars, besides a handsome lower battery, built in the latest style, to defend the two channels to the north and south-east. Estalla, xxvii. 59.
48. The climate of Vera Cruz was deadly for troops; and the force stationed in the nearest healthy towns, owing to distances and difficult roads, could not be counted on to meet a sudden attack. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 159-63, 166-71.
49. 'Con una moderacion prudente lo q haga falta en su distrito. . .estas repeticiones hacen vulgares las cosas.' Cédulario, MS., iv. 24; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., v. 503.
50. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 204-5, 702-3; Calle, Mem. y Not., 85; Montemayor, Svmarios, 187-8.
51. The viceroy of New Spain was directed to afford all aid. Mancera, Instruc., in Doc. Inéd., xxi. 495-6.
52. Sierra, Efemérides, Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 273.
53. Spain in 1795 and 1808, and Mexico in 1827, increased the armament to over 200 pieces. Villevéque, Descrip.
54. It had two inexhaustible wells of water, and warehouses with arms, etc. Echánove, Cuadro Estud., 1813; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii, 362-3.
55. The command consisted of one adjutant, one surgeon with his hospital and assistants, two chaplains, one paymaster and his assistant; one infantry company of 100 men and 3 officers; one dragoon company of 43 men and 3 officers; one officer and 30 artillerymen; 23 settlers, some invalid soldiers, one negro slave of the king's, and some mechanics. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 55, 1-56; Hospital, Instruc., 1-15. In 1798 this presidio had 3 militia companies of 100 men each. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 174-5.
56. There was also a company of colored men. Chiap. y Yuc., Jurisdic, Ecles., 31-2.
57. It had a governor commanding the garrison, who could call to his aid all men dwelling on the coast. Palafox, Instruc., in Morfi, Col. Doc., MS., 15.
58. The garrison was more than doubled from 1766 to 1790. In the latter year it had three officers, 74 infantry, and 28 artillerymen. The supplies were punctually furnished. Acapulco, Provision, in Vir. Instruc., MS., 2d ser., no. 2, 6-31; Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 32, 1-8. No change was made to 1800. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 171.
59. Twenty-one brass guns were under way from Manila. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 528-30.
60. His residence was at the port itself. Greenhow's Hist., 112.
61. In 1800 it had undergone a small change. One of the ships was lying useless at Manila. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 194-6.
62. Looking for a better climate and other advantages. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 533-7.
63. Marquina, Instruc., in Instruc. Vireyes, 188.
64. Intendentes, Real Ordenanza, 347-407.
65. Certif. de las Mercedes, MS., 33-56.
66. Comandante-general’s pay, $18,000; three mariscales de campo, $24,000; engineers, $5,800; detached officers, $13,620; 4 aides de camp, $2,424. The rest went for pay and allowances of the organized bodies of troops. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 402. A royal order of January 17, 1791, made clearer a former one of August 6, 1776, in the sense that all pay and allowances of officers serving in America should be in pesos fuerles de América (eight reales de plata to each peso); those coming from Spain to have their pay reckoned from the day of leaving port. Back pay due in Spain and made good in America to be at the rate of Spain, calculating each peso fuerte at two escudos de vellon. The Spain rate to be allowed any officer of America who was in Europe on leave, or for any other purpose. Ordenes de la Corona,MS.,vi. 63-64. Under various royal orders, officers of the army, below the grade of general, who had held military governments in America by special royal appointment, not at their solicitation, were to be retained with the pay of their rank, and if possible employed; but if no longer needed in America were allowed 12 months' extra pay of their grade. General officers were excluded from that benefit, because when not in actual command or office they were allowed their full pay en cuartel. Id., 75-78. Under a law of 1781 men of the rank and file who had served 25 or 35 years, and continued in the service, received not only the allowances awarded to shorter terms, but also the full pay of their rank. Drummers, filers, timbrel players, and trumpeters who had served 35 years could not obtain the brevet of alférez, but in lieu thereof they received $143/8. All such allowances ceased when the men were promoted to officers; this under a royal order of February 1, 1788. Other laws favored veterans who reënlisted. A regulation of 1810 established the extra allowance of 1121/2 reales per month and the grade of first sergeant for privates honorably serving 30 consecutive years, and the brevet rank of lieutenant with a retired pension of 260 reales monthly for those who served honorably 40 consecutive years. Still another royal order of July 8, 1811, permitted the latter to continue in service if they were able-bodied. Mex. Cuad. de Formularios, 40.
67. The presidial salaries are set down at only $153,707. Not. de N. Esp., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 40. An official account of 1786 gives the expense for the military forces in the provincias intemas (without the Californias or the Pacific ports) at $951,084. Estado general que manifiesta, etc., MS. The commandant of a presidio could not dispose of his company's funds without the sanction of the habilitado, who on his part could do nothing to the prejudice of any member of the company, and was obliged to supply the men with goods at rates that neither he nor they had any power to alter. Purchases were made by the habilitado in public, and with the intervention of the ayudante inspector, so that it was not easy to monopolize effects and prices. The effects were often bought at 20 per cent below the fixed rates of the presidios. Velasco, Son., 98; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 394.
68. The cost for 3099 men in the provincias intemas is not given; it is probably included in the $1,200,000 given as the cost of the presidios. Not. de N. Exp., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 24.
69. Military force, $1,800,000; San Cárlos de Perote, $200,000; fortifications and unforeseen, $2,000,000. Torrente, Rev. Hisp. Am., Introd., i. 19.
70. The following were the allowances according to rank: captain-general. $1,125; lieutenant-general, $750; mariscal de campo or rear admiral, $625; brigadier and colonel, $500; lieutenant-colonel, $375; sargento mayor, or major, $319; captain, $188; adjutant, $169; lieutenant, $120; sub-lieutenant or alférez, $94. The same privilege was awarded to the widows and orphans, or mothers of civil officials belonging to the pay department of the army or navy. The following exceptions were established. Widows, orphans, or mothers of officers who, after the foundation of the montepío, married with a rank below that of a full captain in the army, or a teniente de fragata in the navy, had no claim to the allowance, unless their husbands, fathers, or sons had died in battle; in this event those heirs were entitled to the pay. The same rule applied to officials connected with the pay department of the navy who had not attained the grade of a purser of a ship of the line. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 27. An order of February 21, 1789, the widows, etc., of officers who married after being sixty years old. Gaz. Méx. (1788-9), iii. 363.
71. Agreeably to the royal order of April 20, 1761, establishing the montepío militar. Real Declaracion, in Reales Ordenes, ii. 305-31. The montepío was not founded in New Spain till February, 1765. It was done with the fund accumulated by taking from each officer one whole month's pay, and 2½ per cent from his running pay; to that were added $2,000 annually, taken from the fondo de vacantes mayores y menores; widows and orphans received one fourth of the pay their husbands or fathers obtained at the time of their death. Later all excesses collected under the 2½ per cent were reimbursed. The income of the fund till 1792 was $362,381; the out-go $119,692. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., 5-8. The eight maravedís taken from every dollar of an officer or official's pay were to be also deducted from all other allowances he might have from the treasury, under royal orders of 1779, 1788, and 1791. No such discount could be made from persons enjoying pensions from the montepío fund. Órdenes de la Corona, MS., vi. 68-72.
72. Further explanations were issued in October, 1791. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., 67-68, 72.
73. And every place or building permanently applied to the uses of the army and navy. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., vi. 190-205; Méx., Providencias Diocesanas, MS., 20, 21, 33-35, 68, 69, 106; Real Órd., Eno. 21, 1791 (with autog. sign of King Cárlos IV. and sec.), in Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 34.
74. The fuero militar could be waived, however, under a law of December 31, 1642, by officers and men, in contracts or deeds of conveyance. Recop. Ind., 605-11.
75. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 22. In 1790 it was declared that servants of military men employed in their country estates, factories, or business, wholly foreign to the military service, were not entitled to the fuero militar. Id., no. 26.
76. Reales Órdenes, ii. 1-17.
77. All such causes were, however, under the almost exclusive jurisdiction of the viceroy as captain-general, who, by and with the advice of an auditor de guerra, who was usually one of the oidores of the audiencia, adjudicated in the premises. In appeals, which were made to the captain-general himself, he associated another justice with the auditor de guerra. In affairs of navy persons there was first in Vera Cruz a juzgado de matrícula presided over by the governor of Vera Cruz; later, a juzgado de marina was established for such cases. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, 388-91.