History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 29

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXIX.

AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES.

1521-1803.

Aztec Land System — Spanish Policy and Influence — Cortés as a Farmer — Maize — Maguey and its Manifold Use — Cacao and Vanilla — Introduction of Sugar-cane and Wheat — Fertility of the Southern Provinces — Plantains — Culture of Silk, Vine, and Olives — Tobacco and its Monopoly — Stock-raising — Woollen, Cotton, and Linen Manufactures — Production of Spirituous Liquors — Minor Products — Fisheries and Pearls — Aztecs as Artisans — Feather-work and Jewelry — Oppressive Colonial Policy — Industries at the Close of the Century — Bibliographical.

Of all the native American nations the Aztecs had for centuries held the most prominent position, and their advancement was surprising to the Spaniards, who, instead of encountering a nation of barbarians, were faced by a people to whom they could not deny a great degree of culture. Their large cities, their skill as artisans, their well tilled fields, all gave evidence of a civilization quite unexpected by the Castilians. When Cortés and his followers advanced from the coast regions to the capital, the country that they traversed was a fair specimen of what human energy could accomplish on a soil bountifully gifted by nature. Still it was in southern regions where the inhabitants displayed most inclination for husbandry, those of Jalisco and the. northern territory being more employed in the chase, and in some places in manufactures and other industries. This favorable condition of affairs was due to just and wise laws, and to the fact that the greater share of the land belonged to the crown and to the nobility, a circumstance which stamped farming as an occupation not unworthy of men of the highest rank. The remainder of the ground belonged to the temples and the different tribes, and was worked in accordance with strict regulations. These not only set forth the inalienability of the land given to communities for the benefit of their members, but provided that every one of the latter should receive a lot of such extent and quality as his necessities and rank entitled him to. Possession was subject to liberal conditions, and although given only temporarily, it could, through prudent conduct on part of the holder, be transmitted to his heirs. Thus a peculiar system was created, which for wisdom challenges comparison with the best among old-world institutions. And while land belonging exclusively to communities could not pass into other hands, full scope was given to the industrious member to improve his share, and draw the greatest possible advantage from his labor.^[1]

It would have been prudent and beneficial for the Spaniards to maintain in force so admirable a system, and it would certainly have been just to do so. Cortés did indeed allow certain forms of native government to remain, but this policy was not observed in the distribution of land. The greater number of conquerors disliked the humble sphere and toil of a farmer, and preferred the possession of an encomienda, where they might play sovereignty and king-craft a little on their own account. Fertile as the soil might be, it had little attraction if they were to till it by their own labor, and thus agriculture in the early times after the conquest was carried on only where the work could be done by slave labor. But Cortés on his first stay in Mexico, when a guest of Montezuma, had sent exploring expeditions in a southerly direction, with orders to establish plantations of maize and cacao, and was not inclined to leave undeveloped the resources of a territory which, situated between the fifteenth and thirty-third degrees of latitude, possessed such variety of climate that nearly all the food plants known in Europe could be raised there. Something was also gained when he issued his celebrated ordinances of 1524, and caused the introduction of foreign grains, plants, and live-stock.^[2]

Although the southern provinces were far more fertile than the northern, agriculture gradually progressed in the latter, stimulated by the mineral wealth, which gave new impulse to population. The hold once gained by the settler was in most cases maintained, although the mines which created it were abandoned. A certain influence was exercised by the clergy, from whose orchards and gardens new plants were distributed over other parts of the country. The crown also displayed some interest; old laws were remodelled; new ones framed in quick succession; and the representatives of the government in the colonies urged to encourage the cultivation of the soil. Settlers in new districts were entitled to land according to rank, being obliged to build houses, plant their ground within a certain time, and possess a certain quantity of stock.^[3] The right of property was not acquired till after a residence of four years, when the owmer might sell it, though not to a church or convent. Nor was he allowed to hold within the same term two grants in different settlements. The distribution was made by the viceroy or the governor, with assistance of the city council,^[4] the regidores being entitled to preference, but in all cases the rights of the Indians were to be respected.

These regulations were gradually disregarded, and fifty years after the first grants had been made, quite a number of persons had appropriated extensive tracts belonging to the crown. To put a stop to such abuses a law of November 20, 1578,^[5] ordered all holders of land to exhibit their titles, and all taken in excess to revert to the king. In later years, however, the temporary owners were permitted to obtain possession by paying a small amount into the royal treasury, and the restitution of land became obligatory only when it had been the property of Indians.^[6] Land occupied or improved by them could not be sold to another person; nor were cattle allowed to stray there; and one square league of common was assigned to each village so that there might be sufficient space for the grazing of stock.

In addition to the laws defining the rights of the native population, there existed minute regulations for the organization of all new settlements. Besides the tracts appropriated to the first settlers, others were given as propios, or property of the community, while still others were assigned as ejidos, or common lands for the benefit of the inhabitants.'^[7] In 1536 orders were issued providing for irrigation, and soon afterward encomenderos were directed to plant trees, so as to prevent scarcity of fuel. But unfortunately this latter measure was rendered inoperative by an order issued in 1541 that the forests should be free to all for common use; and still later the native population was allowed to cut wood, almost without restriction. This gave rise to such a wholesale destruction of the forests that toward the close of the eighteenth century Viceroy Revilla Gigedo considered it necessary to dictate measures to remedy the evil.

 

The most important agricultural product of New Spain was maize, which both to the Aztecs and the Spaniards was the principal article of food, as some time elapsed before the cultivation of European cereals became general. A failure of this crop was generally equivalent to a famine, as the inhabitants seldom accumulated sufficient supplies in granaries.^[8] In the southern provinces the average yield was a hundred and fifty fold, and, under very favorable conditions, as much as eight hundred fold.^[9] The plant was used for a great variety of purposes, and furnished food for animals as well as men. From it was manufactured the liquor called chicha; the stalks were extensively used to make sugar, while the leaves served as wrappers for cigarettes. Although an important factor in the internal trade of New Spain, no early statistics have appeared as to the total yield of the country. In the beginning of the present century it was estimated at 17,000,000 fanegas.

Nearly as indispensable to the Mexicans as Indian corn was the maguey, or agave Americana.^[10] Its cultivation dated from very ancient times, and the esteem in which the plant was held is not to be wondered at when we consider the variety of purposes for which it was used, and that it could be raised with so little labor and on so small an area of fertile ground. To the Indian it not only gave food, but its leaves covered his hut, and cloth was woven from its fibres; its medicinal qualities were highly valued, and its juice was his favorite beverage, being known to the Aztecs by the name of octli, but under the rule of the Spaniards the name was replaced by that of pulque,^[11] which to this day forms the favorite drink of the lower classes. Only some of the many kinds of maguey in New Spain were used for the manufacture of pulque, which was made from the plant when about ten years old. On approaching the time of blossoming the heart of the plant was cut out, after which the cavity gradually began to fill with the juice. This was removed two or three times every day as long as sap continued to flow—generally for four months^[12]—and the average yield amounted to about one hundred and twenty gallons for every plant. In an earthen vessel, or more often in a skin, it was then exposed to fermentation, which begins after thirty-two to thirty-six hours, though this process is often effected within several hours by adding some well fermented pulque. According to the care and skill used in its manufacture there are different qualities of this liquor, but nearly always it is repulsive to the unaccustomed palate,^[13] though it possesses, when pure, good wholesome properties. Adulteration, however, was practised even before the conquest, and was continued under the Spanish rule, although prohibited, especially if its intoxicating qualities were increased thereby.^[14]

Occasionally the sale of pulque was entirely forbidden,^[15] as after the riot in Mexico in 1692; but later the prohibition was removed, as before narrated, owing perhaps in part to the decrease of revenue which it entailed. In accordance with the usual policy, the sale of an article of such extensive consumption had been monopolized, the government granting to one individual the exclusive right to sell pulque to the thirty-six establishments allowed in the city of Mexico for that purpose. The amount paid for it almost doubled between 1669 and 1763,^[16] but this by no means indicates the real extent of the consumption, for during the eighteenth century the fraudulent manufacture of pulque and other beverages, chiefly adulterated with unwholesome roots, assumed great dimensions. A number of cédulas and orders were issued both in Spain and Mexico to suppress the abuses,^[17] but with so little result that, in 1763, the contract was not renewed, the government taking charge of its sale, and ten years later, the net profits derived therefrom exceeded 930,000 pesos annually.^[18]

Of Aztec origin, like the pulque, is the sugar made of the sap of the maguey by condensation^[19] but its manufacture decreased after the introduction of the sugar-cane. In the second half of the eighteenth century the juice was also more freely employed in the distillation of a brandy called mescal.^[20] This branch, however, was little developed, owing to the efforts of the Spanish government to protect the industry of the mother country. Medicinal properties have also been attributed to the plant,^[21] but it does not appear to have come into general use for this purpose. In their natural state the leaves served for roofing, while tho fibres were manufactured into cloth, cords, slings, sandals, and paper.

Other products, unknown to the Spaniards on their arrival, were the cacao and the vanilla, the first of of them being made into a favorite beverage^[22] of the Aztecs under the name of chocolatl, the modern chocolate. It was chiefly grown in the regions south and south-east of Mexico, but its cultivation decreased gradually, and the want was mainly supplied, as at present, by importation from other countries. The vanilla, however, was for a number of years almost exclusively obtained from New Spain, where its cultivation was confined to the intendencias of Vera Cruz and Oajaca.^[23]

It was only natural that the Spaniards after establishing their dominion in New Spain should make efforts to raise also those plants to which they had been accustomed in the old world and in the Ántilles. Among such new introductions was the sugar-cane, of which Cortés himself established two plantations at Izcalpan.^[24] Others arose simultaneously or in quick succession, and in 1553 sugar formed an article of exportation to Spain and Peru. The cultivation centred in the intendencias of Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Valladolid, Puebla, Mexico, and Vera Cruz, but on the coast this industry was of little importance. Encouraged by the crown on different occasions,^[25] and especially by a reduction of the tithes to four per cent, a more effectual impulse was given toward the close of the eighteenth century by the failure of the crops in other countries, and the uprising of the negroes at Santo Domingo. Nevertheless the production increased less than might have been expected, and after supplying the home consumption there remained in 1803 only 125,000 quintals for export. The restriction on the sale of liquors made from maguey was applied also to those manufactured from sugar, the most common of which was generally known as guardiente. The prohibitions could not, however, be effectually carried out, and when investigation had revealed the comparatively limited consumption of the article introduced from Spain, its free manufacture was allowed in 1796 under certain regulations.^[26]

Of European cereals only wheat was raised to any extent,^[27] and although in different parts of the cordillera the climate was extremely propitious, the want of moisture, which could be supplied only by irrigation, would frequently check its cultivation. This defect was at an early time recognized by the crown, and in 1612 an order was issued that no cattle should be allowed on irrigated land suitable for raising wheat.^[28] Notwithstanding this drawback the yield exceeded the average returns obtained in Europe, being in some instances as high as seventy or eighty fold.^[29]

One of the different kinds, cultivated chiefly in the neighborhood of Puebla and called trigo blanquillo,^[30] was remarkable for its abundant yield. For some unknown reason the medical board declared it to be injurious to the health, and a decree of the viceroy and audiencia, of May 4, 1677, ordered the consumption of the stock on hand within a limited time, and forbade its cultivation under severe penalties.^[31] During several years the order was in force, but when a famine threatened Mexico, Viceroy Galve revoked it in 1692, and after that time it was again cultivated. It is impossible to form reliable estimates of the total amount of wheat or flour produced and consumed, both on account of the lack of statistics and the mixed character of the population, a great part of which lived exclusively upon maize.

During the first half of the sixteenth century one of the chief articles of food was the plantain, though there is no evidence in suppprt of Humboldt's conjecture that certain species of the Musa Paradisaica are indigenous to America.^[32] After its introduction from the East Indies, its rapid growth and the variety of purposes for which it could be used brought it into general favor throughout New Spain, To this day it forms a staple article of food throughout tropical America, while its juice, when fermented, affords a palatable drink. The dried and powdered fruit resembles the arrow root; the leaves of young plants were used for medicinal purposes, while the fibres were made into textile fabrics, those of the outer stem in certain varieties being strong enough for the manufacture of cordage, while from the inner fibres a garment can be made light enough to be contained in the hollow of the hand.

In addition to these products early experiments were made in the cultivation of silk, olives, and the grape, all of which were encouraged by Cortés, who had himself plantations of mulberry-trees at Yauhtepec, Tetecla, and other places.^[33] At first sericulture made fair progress,^[34] but subsequently the competition arising from the Manila trade, and the partiality in favor of the product of Spanish looms, caused the plantations and factories, which were chiefly in Puebla and Oajaca,^[35] to be neglected. In 1790, under the rule of the second Re villa Gigedo, great interest was taken in this branch of industry, and printed instructions were sent to persons engaged in silk culture, but the result was insignificant and of little practical value, as were the later efforts made by Hidalgo in the beginning of this century.

The cultivation of olives and the vine labored under severe restrictions. Admirably adapted as both soil and climate were for both purposes, the few plantations of olives were merely allowed to exist because they belonged to pious or charitable establishments,^[36] while as to the vine, the viceroys were repeatedly instructed not to permit the planting of new cuttings, nor even the replacing of vines in decay.^[37] Wine could only be made on condition of paying taxes to the crown, and it was not till 1796 that a more liberal policy in this respect was adopted.

The cultivation and manufacture of tobacco, the yetl of the Aztecs,^[38] the use of which soon became common among the Spaniards, was not seriously restricted for nearly two centuries and a half after the conquest, though as early as 1642 a suggestion had been made to include this article in the list of monopolies.^[39] In 1764, however, the crown appropriated the right to the manufacture and sale of the different preparations of tobacco. At the same time, to prevent contrabands and frauds, its cultivation was confined to the districts of Orizaba, Córdoba, Huatusco, and Zongolica, being forbidden in all other places^[40] under severe penalties, and special officers were selected to enforce these regulations. The product was purchased by the government at a stipulated price,^[41] as a rule low enough to make its growth almost unprofitable, and then resold, either raw or manufactured, chiefly as cigars and cigarettes. This soon became a considerable source of revenue to the government, giving in 1801 and 1802 net profits of about $4,000,000^[42] for each year. An attempt made by the crown to establish plantations failed, and the old system of purchasing was continued. Regular importations were also made from Cuba and Louisiana, to supply certain kinds which could not be raised in New Spain.^[43]

Tobacco and cigar factories were established in many cities and towns, but the most prominent were those at Mexico and Querétaro, each of which employed about 7,000 persons of both sexes, whose pay aggregated more than $700,000 a year.^[44] The annual product of all the establishments represented about $7,500,000, of which nearly one half fell to the share of the crown.^[45]

 

Among the chief sources of wealth to the Spaniards during the eighteenth century, and the one least restricted by the government, was the raising of livestock. New Spain with its sparse fauna and rich pasture lands afforded a splendid field for this branch of industry; and soon after the conquest, Cortés made importations from the Antilles, of such domestic animals as did not exist in Mexico. They increased rapidly, and before long vast herds of cattle and horses, almost in a wild state, formed, as they do at the present day, an important feature in the wealth of the country. Fostered by special legislation^[46] and placed under the jurisdiction of the alcaldes de la mesta, first appointed by Viceroy Mendoza,^[47] the raising of stock, and especially of cattle, soon became a favorite occupation. In earlier times cattle were of little value except for their hides, which formed an important article of export. Later, however, they were turned to better advantage, the hides being manufactured into leather, while the tallow was used for making soap. These industries flourished chiefly in Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Puebla,^[48] and Mexico, and being undisturbed by the government, competed successfully with those of Spain.

No comment is needed as to the well known qualities of the different breeds of horses in use throughout New Spain. More than three centuries ago those of Arabian stock were usually possessed by the wealthy, while the more common breeds differed but little from those in existence to this day. Mules were largely raised in many districts, and were of course preferred for the transportation of goods and for work in the mining regions. At one time it was intended to introduce camels as beasts of burden, but beyond an experiment which is said to have been successful nothing was done in the matter.^[49]

During the eighteenth century sheep-raising was of some importance in the northern and central provinces,^[50] owing in part to the increased manufacture of woollen goods. Originally, when introduced by Viceroy Mendoza, this branch was exclusively in the hands of the Spaniards, though the labor, of course, was performed by Indians and mestizos, into whose hands the industry passed in after years.^[51] The conduct of the crown in this case differed somewhat from its usual policy. No open prohibitions were issued, but under the pretext of protecting the Indians a number of laws were made, amounting virtually to restrictions.^[52] Nevertheless this industry made good progress, having met with more favor on the part of the crown during the eighteenth century,^[53] and a considerable number of persons were engaed in it. The principal factories were in Querétaro, Puebla, and Valladolid, and in the beginning of this century the annual consumption of raw wool was estimated at about 16,000 quintals.^[54] The result was somewhat remarkable considering that the native artisan generally used only the most primitive machinery.^[55] He could, however, produce articles which, though inferior to European fabrics, would nearly always successfully compete with them.

Of an earlier date was the manufacture of cotton, a process long known to the Aztecs, who had formed plantations, chiefly in the regions bordering on the South Sea. Imperfect as was their machinery, they produced a variety of fabrics, the greater part of which were used for the dresses of the wealthier classes.^[56] After the conquest the production of cotton goods decreased in consequence of the competition with European commodities, although the latter could never entirely supplant those of the natives. There were few large factories in later years, but looms were distributed over Cholula, Puebla, Tlascala, Querétaro, and Guadalajara. The total produced was considerable; in the intendencia of Puebla the product amounted to $1,500,000 a year.^[57] In 1792, Revilla Gigedo supplied a long-felt want by founding the weaving-school of Tixtla. Whenever Spain was at war with a European power, and the importation of fabrics interrupted, the native industry flourished, but only again to relapse into its former state, as soon as peace was concluded. The export of raw cotton, though favored by exemption from duties and customs, never acquired any commercial importance,^[58] and was inconsiderable compared with that of the United States.

Though at an early date the raising of flax and hemp was encouraged,^[59] little progress was made for more than two centuries. In 1777 and later, numerous orders were issued to the viceroys, urging their cultivation and manufacture,^[60] and in the same year twelve experts were sent from Spain to give practical instruction. Privileges were also granted to persons willing to engage in this industry;^[61] but all efforts were fruitless, despite the large amounts of money spent in experiments, and finally the effort was abandoned.^[62]

In addition to the products already mentioned, others were raised in New Spain of less importance, though still of value for domestic or commercial purposes. To the former class belong the manioc, yam, potato, the different kinds of pepper, or chile, a necessary ingredient in the national dish, tortillas de maiz, and manifold varieties of fruit. Of the latter, mention will be made later.

After the Spanish dominion was established, and strange plants and animals introduced, aboriginal occupations were placed more and more in the background. This was apparently the case with the fisheries, a well developed industry among the Aztecs,^[63] but little encouraged since the conquest. The pearl fisheries, however, were an exception, and from an early date attracted the attention of the crown and its vassals. A number of laws were issued for their regulation,^[64] and for some time they attracted many explorers to the gulf of California; but as this belongs to another division of my work, I shall speak of it elsewhere.^[65]

 

The skill of the natives in certain branches of manufactures created astonishment even among the Spaniards, though they were little inclined to recognize any such ability. No less surprise was caused among the Aztecs by the first examples of European skill in manufactures, not so much on account of their workmanship, as the facility with which they were produced. They immediately discerned the advantages which they could derive from their European masters, and seized eagerly the opportunity, whenever it offered. Instances have already been related, among which may be mentioned the manner in which they contrived to learn the weaving of a certain kind of cloth and the making of saddles.^[66] Soon after the conquest such occupations as those of carpenter, bricklayer, shoemaker, and tailor, fell into their hands, and they not only imitated the Spanish artisans, but exhibited some ingenuity as inventors. Occasionally, however, their enterprising spirit would lead them astray. Of this a rather humorous instance has been recorded by an early chronicler, who relates that an Indian tailor on observing in a procession a man dressed in the sambenito, the badge worn by those sentenced by the inquisition, supposed it to be a new kind of garment to be used in church festivals. A few days later he surprised the Spaniards by offering a number for sale, until the laughter which he excited made him aware of his mistake. Long before the conquest the Indians had been experts in the manufacture of earthenware and pottery, numerous specimens of which are found throughout the country. Under Spanish rule the variety of design was greatly increased and a larger field was opened to them. They also learned the fabrication of glass, and as this industry gradually developed, several factories arose, chiefly at Puebla, where forty-six establishments for the making of glass and pottery were in a flourishing condition in 1793. Subsequently a decline took place, and in the beginning of this century the number was reduced to eighteen.

The fabrications of iron never made any notable progress in New Spain, and the iron implements in use came almost exclusively from the mother country. It was only when communication with the old world was interrupted or difficult that an impulse was given to this branch of industry.^[67]

There were, however, other branches in which the natives excelled the most skilful European artisans, and chief among them was the art of dyeing with cochineal and indigo. Both were produced mainly in Oajaca; but owing to failures of the crop and the oppressive policy of the government,^[68] the indigo trade declined considerably, and toward the close of the eighteenth century the yield was not enough for home consumption,^[69] and. the want was supplied by importations from Guatemala.

Cochineal long maintained its place as one of the leading exports of new Spain, its production being encouraged by the crown from the earliest days.^[70] I was procured entirely by the natives, and efforts were made to protect them from the usual extortions of the Spaniards, though apparently with little avail, as the yield decreased and finally was almost confined to the districts of Oajaca.^[71] Nevertheless at the beginning of the present century the exports from Vera Cruz represented about $2,000,000.^[72] A few years previously this industry had occupied from twentyfive to thirty thousand persons, but the profits were apparently moderate.^[73]

But the skill of the Aztecs in producing feather-work excited the most remark. Marvellous stories were related by the first Europeans who saw specimens of this art, and the choicest patterns were deemed worthy to be offered to the sovereign. The novelty soon lost its charm, however, and an industry which in aboriginal times had been fostered and developed with the utmost care, was neglected by the representatives of civilized Europe,^[74] until it lost all its importance for practical purposes, and merely served to satisfy occasional curiosity. . A worse fate befell the manufacture of jewelry, which had attained the highest perfection among the Aztecs, whose skill was considered as unrivalled by Europeans.^[75] Though it was well known that they possessed the knowledge of working the metal in certain forms absolutely unknown in Europe, when in 1527 some mining regulations were issued in Mexico, severe penalties^[76] forbade all persons interested in or connected with mining to employ native jewellers for making ornaments either of gold or silver. Thus European designs and methods prevailed, and although the manufacture of jewelry was extensively pursued, the style led in another direction, and processes which had only been known to the native workmen were irretrievably lost.

All jewellers were obliged to have their establishments in a certain street, and were forbidden to work any metal unless the payment of the king's fifth had been proved; nor were they allowed to employ coined gold or silver. Since early times they had been incorporated as a guild, with a patron-saint of their own, and subject to certain regulations or statutes.^[77] Nevertheless there is no doubt that contraband trading was carried on in this branch as in most others, and therefore some addition must be made to the official returns, which indicate for the beginning of this century an average value of $270,000 for the gold and silver manufactured every year.^[78]

The question has often been brought forward whether the agricultural and industrial resources of New Spain were sufficient to place her on an independent footing, and the answer has frequently been based on the condition of the country at the close of the eighteenth century. The propriety of selecting that epoch is at least doubtful, considering 'the character and influence of the Spanish dominion during the preceding three hundred years. Allusion has often been made to the policy of the government toward New Spain in all affairs where the interest of the mother country was supposed to be endangered. Branches of agriculture and industry, which might have insured progress, labored for centuries under difficulties, and not only were the markets of foreign countries closed to them, but the colonies were obliged to receive the products of the old world. It is true this policy was chiefly directed against the mining and manufacturing industries,^[79] but it affected none the less the agricultural interest, which was intimately connected with it. This explains the little advance in the different methods of husbandry; the sharpened stick, the wooden shovel, the copper hoe and sickle of the Aztec being comparatively less primitive than the rude plow introduced by the Spaniard in early times and still in use in the eighteenth century. About two hundred and fifty years elapsed before a more liberal spirit pervaded the colonial policy. One of the first steps was to settle the right to property in farm lands in an equitable manner, by granting for a small compensation the possession of such as had been held for years without legal title. The encouragement which these laws afforded,^[80] was increased by giving the native laborer the much needed protection against Spanish oppression.^[81] After that time the total value of agricultural products increased considerably, and amounted at the beginning of this century to more than $30,000,000 a year in those articles alone which were subject to the payment of tithes.^[82] The injurious policy of several hundred years had however wrought evils too serious to be quickly remedied, and whilst some industries had been abandoned, of others the knowledge had been entirely lost.^[83] The statutes and ordinances of most of the different guilds were antiquated and inappropriate; the instruction of apprentices was generally very poor. Of the total yearly product of manufactures, valued at about $7,000,000, the greater part consisted of articles of prime necessity.^[84] It was only, as we have seen, when war in Europe hindered communication with Spain, that some activity prevailed, but it always subsided, and the ground thus gained was soon lost.

The mining interest was, of course, a very prominent one, though its importance has been so greatly exaggerated as to cause the assertion that New Spain was of little value except as a mining territory. What the country under another form of government did accomplish, is a subject which I shall treat later.^[85]

 

Authorities cited in preceding chapter: Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 27, 45-50, 90-103; iii. 166, 185-7; vi. 1-6; Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 81, 99-104, 194-7; Providencias Reales, MS., 91-5, 143-4, 154-5, 160-6, 185-95, 225-6; Azanza, Ynstruc., MS., 69-70, 1434, 180-1; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i. 278-328; Id., Residencia, MS., 406-19; Id., Bandos, 39, 83; Cedulario, MS., i. 28-33; iii. 63, 169-76; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 38; Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 12-13; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oaj., i. 5; ii. 208-9, 228-9; Torguemada, i. 336; Villa-Señor, Theatro, i. 22-3; Reales Ordenes, i. 451-5; Cancelada, Ruina de la N. Esp., 16-20, 33-4, 82-3; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 506; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 96, passim; Puga, Cedulario, 141-2; Recop. de Indias, i. 4; ii. 40 et seq.; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 464-5; Cogolludo, Hid. Yuc., 473; Montemayor, Sumarios, 60-1; Disposiciones Varias, i. 100, 102, 128; iii. 84-96; Humboldt, Essai Pol., passim; Id., New Spain, ii. 365-483; iii. 1-103, 455-93; iv. 278-91; Id., Tablas Entad., MS., 40-5; Id., Versuch, 1-180; Fonseca andUrrutía, Real Hac., ii. 353-486; iii. 338-428; Gaceta Mex., i. 12 et seq.; ii. 21 passim; iii. 10-11, 223; iv. 11-12, 248; v. 265; vii. 33; viii. 45, 263; ix. 188; xii. 112, 445-8; xvi. 972-8; Alzate Gacetas, i.,30-1, 194-6; ii. 55 et seq.; iii., passim; iv. 104-11, 140-76, 299, 390; Diario Mex., i. 37, 341, 378; ii. 79; iii. 139; v. 244, 279-80, 538; vii. 462; ix. 220; xii. 140, 152; Correo Merc. Esp., iii. 34, 90-118; iv. 603-14; Beleña, Recop., i. 219-20; ii. 1-5; Payno, Rentas Generales, vii., passim; Alzate y Ramirez, Memoria, MS., 1-280; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 8, 16-23; iii. 198-206, 285, 308-24; vi. 147-57, 273; ix. 181; Id., 2da ep. ii. 182-4; iii. 25; iv. 410-20, 525-9; Id., 3ra ep. i. 253-4; Estalla, xxvi. 345-7; xxvii. 9-10, 46-7, 73-7, 199-206, 251-3; Yucatan, Estad., 284-308; Bustamante, Cuadro Hist, iv. 67-76; Id., Gabinete Mex., ii. 90-5; Id., Voz de la Patria, v. 127-63; Morfi, Doc. Mex., iv. 479; Fabian, Col. de Providencia, 166-77; Breve Noticias Magueyes, MS., 1-16; Mex., Rel. Estad., 1-2; Noticioso Gen., 1817, 2; Sammlung, aller Reisebesch, xiii. 630-59, 694-5; Galvan, Ord. Tierras, 23-8; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 102-8, 115-16, 35.3-9; iii. 30-1; V. 99; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 14, 57-9; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 163-4; La Cruz, ii. 222-3; Arrillaga, Informe, 11, 47-8; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 255; ii. 96; Campillo, Nuevo Sistema, 114-39, 142-55; Queipo, Col. de Doc., 72-98, 164, 335; Instituto Geog. Estad., 1-22; Zúñiga y Ontiveros, Bomba, 1-12; Pap. Var., ii. 1-54; lx. 1-12; cl. 1-22; clxiv., passim; Chevalier, Expedition, 14; Nouv. Annales des Voy., xxiii. 71; Noticioso Gen., 1817, 3; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 143-8, 175-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 457; iii. 211-38; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 202; Rivera, Mex. in 1842, 241-3; Museo Mex., iii 153 et seq.; Zamora. Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 189; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 301, 435, 442-3; Walton's Spanish Am., ii. 305-7, 318-20; Macgillevray's Humboldt, 315, 320; Morse's Am. Geog., 480; Burke's Europ. Settle., i. 223-8; Winterbotham's Hist. U. S., iv. 111-12; Morden's Geog., 579-82; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 23-31; Pinkerton's Modern Geog., iii. 234; Taylor's Selections, 50-3; Dicc. Univ., i. 214-17, 396; ix. 448-75; x. 44, 731-2, 994; Mex., Mem. Justicia, 1884, 7-58; Album Mex., i. 183; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 150-1; Abispa de Chilpancingo, 391; Niles Register, xxii. 246; Müller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 206; Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 246, 250; Ogilby's America, 240-2; Carranza's Descript., 37; Flint's Geog., ii. 146-7; Torrente, Revol. Hisp., i. 19; Ward's Mex., ii. 58; Semanario Económico, 1-65; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 280-316; Willie, Noticias Hoc., 4; Sanchez, Pueb. Sagrad. Prof., 112-13.

 

 

1. For details concerning the various systems in force before the conquest, I refer to my Native Races, i. 625, 652-3; ii. 223-30, 342-50, 445; iv. 429-31.
2. See Hist. Mex., ii. 132-4, this series.
3. 'Haciendo distincion entre escuderos y peones y los que fueren de ménos grade y merecimiento.' The dimensions to be granted were either peonías or caballerías. The former comprised a ground-plot 50 feet wide by 100 in length, sufficient land to sow 100 fanegas of wheat or barley, and ten of maize, two patches of terrain for orchards, eight for other trees requiring dry ground, and pasture land for ten breeding sows, 20 cows, five mares, 100 sheep, and 20 goats. A caballería included a building lot of 100 by 200 feet, and the other grants were five times the size of that of a peonía. Good and inferior land was to be distributed in just proportion. Recop. Ind., ii. 39.
4. Recop. de Ind., ii. 40-1; where detailed ordinances may be found as to the manner of making applications.
5. It was repeated in 1589 and 1591. Id., 42.
6. In 1681 even the compensation in money was dispensed with, and holders allowed undisturbed possession. Id., 43.
7. The ejidos were to be situated at sufficient distance so as not to impede the growth of the settlement. Recop. de Ind., ii. 22. For other laws regulating new settlements, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 496 et seq., this series.
8. The Aztecs, however, possessed granaries. See Native Races, ii. 347-50, where also many details about the cultivation of maize in aboriginal times may be found.
9. Humboldt says that at New Valladolid a yield varying from 130 to 150 fold was considered as a bad crop. Essai Pol., ii. 374.
10. The Aztec name of the plant, metl, was after the conquest changed to that of maguey, which, according to Motolinia, the Spaniards brought from the Antilles. Hist. Ind., 243.
11. Pulque, or pulcu, is a word of Chilian origin, according to Clavigero, who adds that it is difficult to explain how it was transmitted to Mexico. Storma Mess., ii. 221.
12. The flow of sap sometimes lasts only a few weeks; occasionally, however, as long as six months. Payno, Memoria sobre el Maguey, 56.
13. Especially on account of its smell, which, as some presume, may be caused by the skin vessels used in fermentation and transport.
14. By cédula of August 24, 1529, Puga, Cedulario, 70, and repeated subsequently in other laws. Recop. de Ind., ii. 197 et seq.
15. The viceroy on that occasion asked the opinion of the professors of the university whether its use should be abolished. The faculty recommended such a measure. Informe que la Real Universidad hase, 1-17, Mexico, 1692, a curious document full of Latin quotations and written in a confused style.
16. In 1669 it was $66,000 against $128,500 in 1763. Fonseca and Urretía, Hist. Real. Hoa., iii. 344,422. Mancera, in Insrucc. Vireyes, 298, indicates that the amount in 1671 and 1672 was $92,850 annually.
17. In 1755 a special justice was appointed for that purpose, Órdenes de la Coróna, MS., i. 50-9, and in 1760 it was even under consideration to place the matter in charge of the acordada. Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 76-7. See also Órdenes de la Corona, MS., i. 64-5, 67-8; Revilla Gigedo, Real Cédula of 1753, 1-32, 1-39.
18. Tables with details are given in Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Real Hac, iii. 423—4; they differ essentially from those given by Payno. Memoria sobre el Maguey, 94-7.
19. Sacan de este licor unos panes pequenos deazúcar,' though not as white nor sweet as that of sugar-cane. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 244.
20. In 1792 the duties derived from mezcal amounted to over $24,000. Queipo, 109-10.
21. See Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 422; Payno, Memoria sobre el Maguey, 40-7.
22. 22 See Native Races, ii. 359-60, this series.
23. For details about the production of cacao and vanilla, see Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 435-43; Alzate, Diario, 26-9.
24. Memorial in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 279. See also, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. torn. x. .320, 333; Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 378. Among others by a law of February 27, 1796, allowing the free establishment of sugar refineries. Disposiciones Varias, i. 100.
25. Among others by a law of February 27, 1796, allowing the free establishment of sugar refineries. Disposiciones Varias, i. 100.
26. The viceroy's edict was of December 9, 1796, Disposiciones Varias, i. 102, iii. 84-96; Cedulario, MS., iii. 169-76. Cédulas bearing on the prohibition had been issued August 6, 1747, July 15, 1749, and March 24, 1753. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 45-50; Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 223-4.
27. For an account of its introduction, see Hist. Mex., ii. 132-3, this series.
28. In 1624 the law was repealed. Recop. de Ind., ii. 42. Other laws also fostering the cultivation of wheat are given in Cedulario, MS., iii. 63; Intendentes. Real Ordenanza, 73-4.
29. The average yield in New Spain was 25 to 30 fold. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 385-6.
30. Literally meaning white wheat.
31. Montemayor, Autos, 60-1; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., 38.
32. Essai Pol., ii. 359-62.
33. Some authors, following Herrera, attribute the introduction of the silkworm to the oidor Delgadillo, but it was more probably due to Cortés. See Alaman, Disert., i. 263-4, 1st app. 28; ii. 67-8.
34. A law of 1548 allowed all the inhabitants in the district of Puebla to apply themselves to this industry without any restriction. Recop. de Ind., ii. 108.
35. From Mizteca in Oajaca there came also an inferior class of silk, which was already known to the Aztecs before the Spaniards introduced the genuine silk-worm.
36. Most of them were the property of convents or churches; the best of all belonged to the archbishop of Mexico and was at Tacubaya. Alaman, Mej., iii. 31, and yielded yearly 200 arrobas of oil. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 416.
37. This was forbidden as early as 1595. Recop. de Ind., ii. 60-1.
38. For mention of the use of tobacco among the Aztecs see Native Races, ii. 287-8, this series.
39. By Palafox in his instructions to Viceroy Salvatierra. Morfi, Col. Doc., MS., 19.
40. In the northern states the monopoly created apparently no particular discontent. See Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. tom i. 195-200.
41. The average price at which leaf tobacco waa purchased by the government was three reales a pound, and it was resold for ten, at a profit of 233 per cent. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 282. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 445, is evidently mistaken when he gives the price at two and a half reales per kilogram.
42. In 1801 they amounted to $3,993,834, in 1802 to $4,092,629. The total since the establishment of the monopoly till 1809 exceeded $123,000,000. México, Analisis, 44. For partial statistics of the period mentioned, see Fonseca and Urrutía, Hist. Real Hac., ii. 437.
43. The produce of the districts of Vera Cruz and Orizaba amounted annually to about 20,000 quintals. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 445.
44. From $777,651 paid in 1783, it declined to $684,109 in 1792, but again rose in 1794 to $773,442. Gazeta Mex., i. 12; ii. 276-7; iii. 10-11, 223; iv. 11-12, 248; V. 265; vii. 33.
45. Details concerning this monopoly may be found in Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 281-99; Galvez, Instruc., 18-54; Fonseca and Urrutía, Hist. Real Hac., ii. 353-486.
46. In addition to laws already mentioned, one of 1533 ordered all pasture-ground to be free for common use both to Spaniards and Indians. Recop. de Ind., ii. 58. This gave rise to disputes; but the audiencia ordered the spirit of the law to be carried out. Provid. Rentes, MS., 143-4. When cattle became so abundant that they were killed only for their hides, little care was taken to exempt the cows, until a law forbade the slaughtering of all female stock without permission of the viceroy, thus insuring further increase. Mancera, Instruc., in Doc. Inéd., xxi. 404-5. This law was enacted in 1619 and repeated later. Recop. de Ind., ii. 138. Provid. Diocesanas, MS., i. The prices of horses, mules, and other domestic animals about the year 1550 are given by Mendoza in Ternaux-Compans, ser. i. tom. x. 351.
47. The mesta, established after that of Spain, was a league of stock-raisers for the promotion of their interests and held ordinary jurisdiction for the punishment of petty offences, as thefts of cattle, encroachments, and damage to property and the like. Every year the city council appointed two as alcaldes de la mesta from among the owners of cattle. These together with five other members of the league met in session twice a year, on January 16th and August 31st. On these occasions all disputes about the right of property and other questions were decided. Regulations might then also be issued for the guidance of stock-raisers, but required the viceroy's or governor's approval to become valid. Owners of three hundred head of small stock and 20 mares or cows were ipso facto hermanos de la mesta, that is members of the league. Recop. de Ind., ii. 135-8.
48. Puebla produced in the beginning of this century every year about 200,000 arrobas of soap; Guadalajara $268,400 worth, and prepared hides to the value of $418,900. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 449, 666-9.
49. Romero, Not. Mich., 245, says the attempt was made in the beginning of this century, but that the animals were killed during the war of independence. A glowing report of the immense benefit their introduction would cause is given in Alzate, Gaceta, ii. 241-7.
50. Arlegui states that in 1736 there were over 1,000,000 sheep raised, and more than 1,500,000 pasturing in Nuevo Leon. Chrón. Zac., 82, 138. Humboldt, however, says that the breeding of sheep was very much neglected in New Spain. Essai Pol., ii. 450.
51. In 1590 Viceroy Luis Velasco the younger took active interest in furthering the manufacture of woollen goods, and established a factory at Tezcuco.
52. Licenses for factories could only be granted by the king through the mediation of viceroy and audiencia. Indians were to be dissuaded from working in the factories, although without their labor they would have to be closed; all laws on the good treatment of the Indians should be most rigidly enforced in manufacturing establishments, Recop. de Ind., ii. 106 et seq.; Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 81, 84. To favor the industries of Spain raw wool from Mexico was exempted from duties. Intendentes, Real Ord., 73.
53. The second Revilla Gigedo took great interest in these matters, and attempted to form a collection of specimens of all articles manufactured in the different intendencias.
54. Querétaro alone produced woollen fabrics worth about $600,000 every year, and employed in 1793 more than 1,700 persons. In 1803 there were 320 establishments of different sizes. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 667.
55. 'Estos naturales no necesitan de todos las oficinas y utensilios, que regularmente se emplean en España. . .Siendo tanto mas admirable el que con tan malas disposiciones salgan algunas obras dignas de atencion.' Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 92.
56. For details as to the manufacture of cotton among the Aztecs, see Native Races, ii., passim, this series.
57. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 666, gives several details about the consumption of cotton in the different factories. Other statistics relating to the same subject are given in Cancelada, Ruina, 16-22.
58. Amounting only to about 6,000 quintals at the beginning of the present century.
59. Since 1545. Recop. del Ind., ii. 67.
60. From January 12, 1777, till May 9, 1795, ten decrees were issued, all for this purpose. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 189; Beleña, Recop., i. pt. iii. 219-20.
61. Zamora, Intendentes, Real Ord., 71-2.
62. More than $100,000 had been spent by the crown. See also on this subject, Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 98-100; Id., Bandos, no. 39; Cancelada, Ruina, 33-4.
63. See Native Races, ii. 352-3, this series.
64. Recop. de Ind., ii. 96-106.
65. In Hist. North. Mex. States, vol. ii., this series.
66. See Hist. Mex., ii. 172, this series.
67. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 92, attributes the small progress of the iron industry to the unwillingness of the merchants to introduce the instruments and machinery required for the production of that metal. Estalla, xxvii. 46, speaks of some excellent work in steel, manufactured at Puebla, but this is rather doubtful.
68. A law of 1563 prohibited the employment of Indians in the cultivation on the ground that it was injurious to their health. Recop. de Ind., ii. 307-8.
69. The second Revilla Gigedo estimated the yearly production in 1794, at 1500 arrobas. Instruc., 100. For details as to its cultivation see Alzate, Diario Lit., 50-2.
70. Cochineal was exempted from tithes. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 185-7; Alaman, Mej., i. 103. A decree of 1597, later repeated, directed the viceroy to stimulate its production, and if necessary to compel the Indians to labor at this industry. Recop. de Ind., ii, 60. See also for other instructions bearing on the subject, Id., ii. 67, 179, 350-1, 573; iii. 406, 513.
71. Formerly cochineal was produced also in Guadalajara, Puebla, and Yucutan.
72. Authorities differ essentially about the value. Revilla Gigedo, Instruccion, 102, gives in 1793 the annual yield at 23,600 arrobas, representing at the price computed by Humboldt, $1,770,000. The latter authority gives the figures of $3,368,557 and $2,238,673 for 1802 and 1803 respectively. Essai Pol., ii. 457. Alaman, Mej., i. 103, estimates the annual yield for that time at $1,200,000, and says that formerly its value amounted to $3,000,000.
73. According to Revilla Gigedo only nine per cent on the capital invested.
74. See Native Races, ii. 488-90, for a description of this art in Aztec times; also Denis, Arte Plumaria, 1 et seq.
75. See also Native Races, ii. 475-82.
76. Loss of all property and perpetual banishment from New Spain. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 198.
77. Compiled by Viceroy Cadereita in 1638, and enlarged in 1701 by the Count of Moctesuma. They are given in the Ordenanzas del Nobilissimo Arte de la Plateria, Mexico, 1715, 10 folios, and contain in 35 articles the regulations for the government of the guild, together with instructions for certain technicalities. In 1733 and 1748 additional rules were issued in Spain. Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 99-104.
78. The total consumption from 1798 till 1802 was 1,926 marks of gold and 134,024 of silver.
79. One of the ablest and best viceroys, the second Revilla Gigedo, was not entirely free from prejudice in this respect. 'He says in one place: 'It must not be overlooked that this (New Spain) is a colony which must depend upon its mother, Spain, and is obliged to make returns for the benefits which her protection affords.' And further: 'El único medio de destruir las fábricas del reino, es el que vengan á precios mas comodos de Europa los mismos efectos.' Instruc., 90-1, 93.
80. They were of October 15, 1754, and March 13, 1756, and granted power to settle any difficulties to the viceroy and audiencia. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 90-5; vi. 1-6; Cedulario, MS., i. 2S-33; Providencias Reales, MS., 160-6, 189-95.
81. The text of the law, dated March 23, 1773, is given in Id., 188-9.
82. The total of tithes in the bishoprics of Mexico, Puebla, Valladolid, Oajaca, Guadalajara, and Durango during the years 1769 till 1779 was $13,357,157 against $18,353,821 for the follo'wing decade. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 101-2.
83. 'Habiendo entonces-varios oficios. . . de los cuales aun apenas queda otra noticia.' Id.,
84. Such as soap, leather, ordinary textures of cotton, of wool, and others. The industrial products of Querétaro in 1793 have been estimated at $1,000,000. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 199. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 715, gives a glowing description of the industrial achievements of New Spain in 1799; according to him they were not to be surpassed by European products.
85. My observations made in a preceding part about the scarcity of authorities on the mining history of New Spain find still more application to this chapter. This want of information has obliged me to gather any material in the form of numerous items, scattered through a vast range of books; in addition, however, I have been aided by a variety of treatises, dwelling only on special subjects. Among writers of the latter class, a prominent place belongs to the scientist Alzate, who has endeavored to diffuse useful knowledge through essays in the different series of his Gacetas de Literatura, Mexico, 1788-95. A separate edition has appeared of his memoir on the cultivation of the cochineal, the Memoria. . . del Insecto Grana ó Cochinilla, Madrid, 1795, pp. 226, of which I have before me a manuscript copy in 280 folios, with the writer's autograph. Of similar color, only embracing one subject, is Payno's Memoria sobre el Maguey Mexicano, Mexico, 1864, pp. 132, and another work of the same title, Mexico, 1865, pp. 32, by Pedro and Ignacio Blasquez. Both, as their title implies, dwell exclusively on the maguey plant and its use, and the first contains much curious information, part of which, however, is of little or merely of local interest. Different in form and arrangement is a treatise on sericulture, written by order of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, under the title of Compendia. . de las Moreras y Morales, Mexico, 1793, pp. 34, taking as a Lase his instructions on the subject. More general information is furnished in his Instruccion, valuable especially because it throws some light on the spirit of the age and of the government, which then had recently adopted a more liberal policy. Fonseca and Urrutía in their Historia de la Real Hacienda chiefly view matters from a financial standpoint, and, though containing some details about maguey, tobacco, and other products, refer essentially to their relation to the royal revenue. Alaman, in his Historia de Méjico, has, strange to say, paid little attention to the period under consideration; still he furnishes some items of interest not found elsewhere. Of foreign writers Humboldt claims an important place, but his information is merely confined to a few historical data of specific character and a scientific description of the different plants which he found in the country when there. The remainder of the space allotted to the subject in his Essai Politique is principally absorbed by statistics of modern date, but the whole does not give the complete view which, one would presume, he might have been able to form. He has been followed by Ward, Mexico in 1827, Mühlenpfordt, Republik Méjico, and Mayer, Mexico, who in the respective parts of their writings have drawn largely from him, adding such information as it was in their power to obtain. The latter refer chiefly to a recent period, for which reason I shall consider them in another part of this work.