History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 9

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IX.

FIVE MORE VICEROYS.

1660-1680.

Count de Baños, THE Twenty-third Viceroy — A New order of things — Indian Revolt at Tehuantepec — An Arbitrary Ruler — Character of the Man — He is Replaced by Archbishop Osorio — The Prelate’s Brief but Beneficent Government — A Native of Mexico Made Archbishop — Arrival of Marquis Mancera — His Efficient Rule — California Explorations — The Cathedral of Mexico — Its Dedication — Mancera’s Wise Policy — Eruption of Popocatepetl and Other Calamities — Veraguas, Descendant of Columbus, as Viceroy — His Untimely Death — Archbishop Ribera Succeeds — His Character and Good Government — He Declines New Honors — His Retirement to Spain, and Death.

Late in July 1660 the twenty-third viceroy of New Spain, Juan de Leiva y de la Cerda, marqués de Leiva y de Ladrada, conde de Baños,^[1] arrived at Vera Cruz. He entered Mexico on the 16th of September, and on the same day took charge of the government. One of his first acts was the imprisonment of the castellan of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, without any apparent reason, and such arbitrary measures were several times repeated during his administration which was in strong contrast with that of his predecessor. During the last months of Alburquerque’s reign, news was received in Mexico that the Indians of the district of Tehuantepec were in revolt and had killed the alcalde mayor.^[2] A small force sent against them was defeated, and preparations were made to assemble a larger expedition. But before this was ready it was learned that the troubles had been allayed by the intercession of the bishop of Oajaca, Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos.^[3]

Tlie count was a man utterly unfitted for the position,^[4] and soon made himself extremely unpopular among his subjects. Vain, arrogant, and selfish, he is mentioned as one of the worst rulers that was ever placed at the head of affairs. As an instance of his vanity it may be mentioned that in the second year after his arrival he used his influence to change the route of the procession of corpus christi in such a manner that it would pass by the viceregal palace. In the following year, on repeating this request, he met with energetic opposition from the new archbishop, Diego Osorio de Escobar y Llamas,^[5] who under severe ecclesiastical penalties forbade any deviation from the rule observed since the early days of Spanish dominion.

This was more than the overbearing viceroy could endure; and considering himself moreover deeply injured by the general sympathy displayed by the public, and the religious corporations, at the sudden death of the commander of San Juan de Ulúa, who had been imprisoned by his order, he resolved on revenge.^[6] Falling in his efforts to undermine the influence of the archbishop, who again in 1664 denied the right of the count to change the route of the corpus christi procession,^[7] he next thought of exiling him under some pretext, which it would not be difficult to find. Meanwhile he caused all letters from Spain addressed to Osorio to be destroyed. On the 27th of June his preparations were concluded, the audiencia had already been informed, and on the following day the plan was to be executed. But at this moment an incident occurred which overthrew his projects. A vessel from Spain ran ashore near the old town of Vera Cruz. The crew and mails were saved, and even the vigilance of the spies kept by the viceroy could not prevent the agents of Osorio from securing and delivering in safety the archbishop's correspondence. The latter with surprise observed that among the letters was one, addressed to him, as viceroy of Mexico. Immediately the news spread, carrying with it no less joy than astonishment to all save the count, for he had withheld and burned six previous despatches of the same character.^[8]

On the following day Osorio sent the official information to the viceroy and the oidores, summoning the latter to the archiepiscopal palace. Showing them two royal cédulas, which referred to him as viceroy and captain-general, he asked their opinion, whether these documents were sufficient authority for him to assume the government. The audiencia returned to the palace, there to discuss the question in presence of the count. The latter denied the right of Osorio, unless a cédula expressing the formal appointment be exhibited. The doubts were soon solved, for in the box containing the despatches another letter was found directing the audiencia to take charge in case Osorio should have died or resigned. Immediately the oidores returned and informed the archbishop that his authority was recognized, and two hours later he took the oath and was formally installed. Soon afterward, when again in his palace, the ex-viceroy paid him a visit, as prescribed by etiquette, and left him his guard. No sooner did the people see the count alone, than they began to shout, scoff, and throw stones at him and his companions, obliging them to hasten as quickly as possible to the viceregal palace.^[9]

Great were the demonstrations of joy at Osorio's appointment. The streets were crowded; there were festivities and illuminations, and the following day a te deum was sung in the cathedral. At the same time, in consequence of his resignation of the archbishopric, the bishop of Oajaca, Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, had been appointed as successor. At the request of the chapter and the new prelate Osorio continued, however, to govern the see till November, when Cuevas arrived. Although the rule of the new viceroy lasted but a few months, many changes were made for the better. The people began to breathe more freely. Persons exiled by Baños, and others, who from fear had left the town, returned; justice was administered with rigor, but with impartiality; the count of Santiago Calimaya, notwithstanding his high rank, and Pedro de Leiva, son of the ex-viceroy, were both placed under arrest for arranging a duel.^[10] Abuses introduced under the rule of Baños were reformed; all grants and appointments made by the latter were declared as null and void by order of the crown; and severe punishment was inflicted on several negligent and defaulting officials.^[11]

The activity displayed by the bishop-viceroy was astonishing, and seemed to be transmitted to all departments of the government. Assistance in money, workmen, and ammunition was sent to Cuba; the management of the royal treasury was reorganized so effectually that, after a rule of only six weeks, there were four hundred and fifty thousand pesos ready to be sent to Spain, and from July till October more than seventy law-suits were despatched in the court of the audiencia. Thus the whole aspect of affairs was changed, and hopes were entertained, that New Spain, would prosper under his administration, when news arrived that a successor, appointed by the crown, had reached Vera Cruz. On September 27th the viceroy formally gave up his office, and on November 15th his archbishopric, when his successor took possession.^[12]

Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos was the first native of Mexico who ever occupied the archiepiscopal chair of New Spain. He was born in 1590, had studied in the Jesuit college, and been rector of the university in 1632. After holding the offices of canon at Puebla, and deacon and treasurer of the cathedral of Mexico, he became in 1657 bishop of Oajaca, whence he was promoted to the see of the capital. He wore the mitre but for a short time, dying the following year.^[13]

The twenty-fifth viceroy, Antonio Sebastian de Toledo, Molina y Salazar, marqués de Mancera,^[14] arrived at Vera Cruz in July 1664, but his entrance into Mexico was delayed for several months, when, notwithstanding an order of the crown, it was made on the 15th of October with the usual ceremonies.^[15] On the same day he took possession of the government.^[16] His previous career had already given him an opportunity to exhibit his abilities, and he now showed that his election was fully justified.

Immediately after his arrival the drainage of Lake Zumpango was recommenced. The undertaking had been begun nearly a century before, but was still in a backward condition. Under Mancera a friar of the Franciscan order was put in charge of the work,^[17] and earnest efforts were made for its completion. Although this was not accomplished, greater progress was made than under any of his predecessors, and at a smaller cost.^[18] The work was confirmed by his successor, the archbishop Ribera, and concluded in the middle of 1675, inundations which occurred meanwhile having caused operations to be pushed with vigor.^[19] A te deum was sung in the cathedral, and other solemnities celebrated the event.

The viceroy's attention was now directed to financial and military affairs, both of which were in a deplorable condition, owing to the indolence and dishonesty of previous rulers. Convinced that the creation of new imposts would not check the evil, and only add new burdens to those under which the inhabitants were already laboring, he began his reforms by improving the administration of the treasury department. When he arrived he not only found the strong-box empty, but was faced by a considerable amount of debts, contracted in preceding years, when the expenses had always exceeded the income. Exercising a strict vigilance, and submitting the officials to frequent inspections,^[20] he put an end to the peculations^[21] which had been committed in all the different branches of the department, and was able to leave it to his successor free of debts, and with an increased revenue. Besides attending strictly to all the remittances which then were made to the West India Islands, the Philippines, and in support of the various presidios, he still sent more than four million pesos to Spain.

After the death of Felipe IV., whose obsequies were celebrated in Mexico with becoming solemnity,^[22] the queen-regent gave to her loyal subjects of New Spain a proof of confidence, not uncommon at that time, by appealing to them for voluntary donations to meet the increased expenses caused by the change in the government. Viceroy and archbishop immediately set the example^[23] by subscribing a considerable amount, which in a short time was swelled to more than a hundred thousand pesos. It was only natural that such patriotism should be recognized, and the crown expressed its approval in several cédulas, the last of which, dated June 11, 1672, directed that the viceroy should instruct his successor as to his policy in financial matters.

Mancera's reforms in military affairs were less successful, chiefly in consequence of the lukewarm coöperation of the government in the mother country. The latter indeed issued on one occasion orders reducing the pensions and gratuitous subventions, and appropriated the amount thus saved to the support of a fleet,^[24] but contradictory instructions, now directing the vessels to protect the coasts of New Spain and the islands, now recalling them to Spain, left the Commerce of the colonies at the mercy of the corsairs. Disregard was also shown to the pressing demands of the marqués for the improvement of the defenses of the coast ports on the North and South seas. His request that the fortifications of San Juan de Ulúa should be repaired were not even answered.^[25]

It was hoped that the treaty concluded between England and Spain, October 8, 1670, whereby either power was granted the sovereignty over the lands then in their possession in the Indies, and all trade forbidden between the two nations in those regions, would be of benefit to the provinces; but such was not the case. The governor of Jamaica, Thomas Lynch, continued to grant the pirates a tacit protection, and it was only under his successor, Lord Vaughan, that the licenses given to the corsairs were revoked, and a number of the sea-robbers hanged, when, in disregard of warnings, they returned to that island to dispose of their booty.

In the beginning of 1672 some English buccaneers landed near the mouth of Goazacoalco River, and thence made raids on the neighboring villages. The viceroy, afraid of provoking hostilities, or for some other reason, did not proceed against them, but asked for instructions from Spain. In reply he was rebuked for his hesitation, and ordered to dislodge the invaders, and try the captured pirates in Mexico, instead of sending them to Spain, as had been usual. An expedition was despatched, and succeeded in driving the English vessel ashore, where it was burned. The crew, however, fled to the woods. Subsequently detachments were also sent against British corsairs near Campeche, and in the Laguna de Términos, but their operations were confined to the destruction of some settlements on the coast, as the deep draught and unwieldy shape of the Spanish ships prevented them from pursuing the enemy in the shallow water.

In matters of local interest, as well as in the affairs of state, Mancera proved himself a zealous ruler. Aroused by the comments made in Europe on the slow progress of the cathedral building of Mexico, he set to work energetically to hasten its completion. In 1573, as already mentioned, the construction of a temple worthy the high rank which the capital of New Spain occupied among all the colonies of the crown, had been commenced. The grandeur of its plan was, however, equalled only by the dilatoriness with which it was executed. In 1615 only part of the outer walls had been finished, but in 1623 the vaults of the main sacristy were ready, and three years later the old cathedral was pulled down; the host was transferred to the new building, and divine service performed there. From that time progress was slow, and the great inundation of 1629 caused it to be entirely interrupted till toward the end of 1635, when work was resumed with zeal by Viceroy Cadereita, and continued with good results by his successors.^[26]

The activity of Alva de Liste, who brought the completion within the reach of probability as was generally said, and in whose time the construction of a tower over the ciborium was begun, was, however, eclipsed by that of the duke of Alburquerque. Owing to the latter's personal interest, his frequent pecuniary donations, and the premiums he gave to the workmen, great progress was made. The number of bells^[27] was increased, the tower and several of the vaults finished, and the remainder of the church covered with a roof of wood. On the 30th of January, 1656, the dean and chapter assembled in the cathedral, and were joined by the viceroy, his consort, daughter, and attendants; the doors were closed, and an appropriate speech was made by the duke, referring to the condition of the work and his satisfaction at the progress attained. Then in the name of the king he formally delivered the temple with the keys to the chapter. In succession the viceroy, accompanied only by his wife and daughter, proceeded to the presbytery, and kneeling kissed its first step 'with all veneration and respect.' This done the three august personages began to sweep that part of the church in a thorough way, as the pious chronicler remarks.^[28]

The formal dedication was ordered to be held on the 2d of February. The different religious orders, and the alcaldes de corte, were assigned sites in the neighborhood of the cathedral whereon to erect altars and make other preparations. All was in readiness by the end of January, and neither money nor pains was spared to produce a spectacle which for its magnificence surpassed all others of similar character. One order had vied with another in the decoration of the altars, covering them with costly trimmings of brocade and embroidery in gold and silver. On them were placed the images of the patron saints, often of superior workmanship, and always of costly material. The streets along which the procession was to march had been gaudily decorated, and all passing of carriages in them was forbidden for several days under pain of forfeiture.

On the 1st of February all the religious orders, brotherhoods, and other clergy, together with the deacons, assembled in the atrium of the cathedral, with crosses and candles, and the procession was formed. Members of the brotherhood of San Pedro, with burning lights, and red stoles over their surplices, carried the images of San Pedro and of Our Lady of Assumption, the patron of the church. They were followed by the chapter of the cathedral, amongst whom rode thirty knights of the military orders, the dean Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos with the holy sacrament, the members of the university, the city authorities, the tribunals, the officials of the contadurias, treasury, and audiencia; the viceroy Alburquerque with his attendants, all richly attired, coming last. When the priest carrying the host reached the cathedral, the seven doors were opened, the holy sacrament was placed in the ciborium, and after prayers had been said the procession dispersed. Fireworks around the church and on the tower, together with a general illumination of the city, concluded the preliminary festival.

The following day the cathedral was opened to the public, but no mass was said during the early hours. At ten o'clock the viceroy arrived, accompanied by the university, audiencia, tribunals, and city council. He was received at the main entrance by the chapter, and conducted amid the ringing of bells into the church,^[29] while the te deum was being chanted. Refusing the offered cushion he kneeled down, repeated his prayers, kissed the first steps of the presbytery, and was then led to his seat, close to which, though separate, were those of his consort and his daughter. After a procession in the cathedral with lighted tapers, divine services began simultaneously in the four different chapels into which the church had been divided. It was a novel spectacle to the people of Mexico, upon whom it made a deep impression. The dean, officiating at the main altar, pronounced the dedication, to which the canónigo magistral responded in a sermon, which lasted several hours. At night the cathedral and city were again illuminated, and so every night during the ten days which the celebration lasted,^[30] the sermons being preached in turn by members of the different religious orders. Every day viceroy, audiencia, and other principal magistrates were present, and the same undiminished enthusiasm was shown by the people.

Alburquerque continued the work on the cathedral, and in October, 1659, a number of houses surrounding the building were demolished in order to allow more space for the majestic pile. His successors Baños and Osorio inherited his sympathy but not his zeal for the work, and it advanced but slowly under their administration. Under Mancera, however, a notable change took place, and such progress was made, that in the beginning of 1667 he was able to inform the king approximately when the whole interior of the church would be finished. In reply the sovereign expressed his thanks for the energy displayed and requested him to continue his efforts. The viceroy had not promised too much; for on the 22d of December the second, solemn dedication of the temple took place. It was a festival similar to the one held eleven years before, though the solemnities did not last so long.^[31] The total cost up to that date exceeded a million and three quarters of pesos, but was considerably increased in later years, as the completion was not finally effected till the beginning of the present century.^[32]

The dimensions of the cathedral are 393 feet in length from north to south, by 192 feet in width from east to west.^[33] The architecture is of the Doric order,^[34] all the columns, bases, capitals, cornices, and friezes being of hewn stone, and the other work of tetzontli.^[35]

The whole edifice, containing fourteen chapels, is divided into five parts, the principal one, the main nave, being 53 feet wide from column to column. Five portals give entrance, three of them facing the great square or plaza toward the south, while light is admitted by 174 windows. The cupola, 184 feet above the pavement, and of octagonal form, is surmounted by a fanal 44 feet high. In this magnificent temple were placed many and valuable images and ornaments. Among the former the most remarkable was that of Our Lady of the Assumption, wrought of gold, as was also the pedestal and the four angels supporting the image.^[36] Another was that of Our Lady of the Conception of pure silver,^[37] and less valuable ones were distributed in the different chapels. Of considerable value were also the church vessels, among which a silver baptismal font, and a monstrance of the same metal, especially excited admiration.^[38]

Although the viceroy proved himself beyond doubt a man of Christian character, he would not allow the least encroachment of the church upon his prerogatives as the representative of the king. In 1666 a litigation arose between him and the inquisition about a small sum of money which the holy office had forcibly extracted from the royal treasury at Guadalajara under some trivial pretext. Mancera objected, and with the consent of the audiencia, notwithstanding loud protests of the inquisition, obliged the latter to refund the money. Both parties appealed to the king, who after some investigations had been made approved the marqués' conduct.^[39] At other times disputes sprang up between him and the clergy about that fruitful source of discord, the royal patronage, but he usually contrived to check their aspirations when too grasping, while on other occasions he would give way if it could be done without prejudice to the crown. He was prompted to the latter course by the king, who while approving his efforts to maintain the royal authority, intimated that he disliked such quarrels, from which, moreover, little benefit was derived.^[40]

The viceroy always pursued a conciliatory policy, and thus dissensions which threatened to end in a serious rupture between him and the archbishop were avoided. They had been caused by the complaints of the latter about several of the religious orders, and were decided against the primate when brought before the audiencia. The government even threatened him, though in vain, with a suspension of the temporalities. Ribera refused to obey, but was finally persuaded to do so under protest through the intercession of the inquisition.^[41]

When the end of his second term of office drew near, Mancera had requested to be relieved; but the sovereign was not willing to part with such an able governor, and prolonged his term for three years more, the news reaching Mexico in the beginning of October 1670.^[42] At about the same time a cédula arrived by which the viceroys of New Spain were again authorized to appoint governors ad interim for the Philippine Islands, a right which had been revoked in 1664, but was now restored^[43] upon the representations of the viceroy to the India Council., Although the condition of affairs in New Spain was at this time fairly prosperous, several calamities occurred during Mancera's administration. Soon after his succession to the viceroyalty an eruption of Popocatepetl took place, lasting four days, and the showers of ashes and stones threw into consternation the entire population of the surrounding districts.^[44] At about the same time a tornado struck Vera Cruz, causing an inundation, which flooded the city and did considerable damage. The fleet, then at anchor, suffered also to a great extent; one of the larger vessels broke her chains and was driven on a reef, where she was lost with all her cargo,^[45] while two smaller ones foundered. Two years later, in the middle of 1667, earthquakes began to alarm the population, but although the first on July 30th is said to have somewhat injured the tower of the church of Santa Clara at Mexico, and the cathedral of Puebla, subsequent shocks, which occurred at smaller or greater intervals till May 1668, seem to have caused little damage.

A more serious affliction, however, was threatened by a failure of the crops of maize and cacao in the year 1673, producing a famine which caused great hardship to the natives.^[46] The viceroy in unison with the city council strove to alleviate the evil, introducing into Mexico grain from other parts. While thus engaged he learned that his successor, the duke of Veraguas, had arrived; and in consequence laid down the government on the 9th of November 1673. A few days later he left the city for Otumba, where he had an interview with the new ruler. He also gave him, by order of the king, a full report upon the condition of the country, together with suggestions for its government.^[47]

About the beginning of April 1674 the marquis set out from Mexico,^[48] but on reaching Tepeaca his wife fell sick and died. Her funeral was held on the 28th of April in the cathedral of Mexico by the archbishop, and Mancera sailed from Vera Cruz the 3d of July. His rule had lasted more than nine years and had materially changed for the better the aspect of affairs in New Spain.

Almost two hundred years had now elapsed since the discovery of the New World, when the services of the great navigator were again acknowledged by exalting one of his descendants to the viceroyalty of New Spain. Pedro Nuño Colon de Portugal, duque de Veraguas y de la Vega, marqués, de Jamaica, a grandee of Spain of the first class, and knight of the golden fleece, was appointed as the twenty-sixth representative of the sovereign of Castile and Leon.^[49] On the 26th of September 1673 he arrived at Vera Cruz, and on the 8th of December made his official entry into Mexico, taking possession of the government. He was well advanced in years, and in a few days died, that is to say on the 13th, and so suddenly that not even the last sacraments could be administered. His death brought much grief, for he was said to be kind and benevolent, and the steps taken by him to alleviate the condition of the natives seemed to justify the opinion. The obsequies were held with the pomp becoming his illustrious rank, and three years later the remains were taken to the family vault.^[50] The appointment of the duke of Veraguas as viceroy of New Spain had been made more with a view of distinguishing that personage than from political reasons. Foreseeing that in all probability his rule would be only of short duration, the queen regent sent by the same fleet which carried him a sealed letter to the inquisition with instructions for its delivery to the audiencia as soon as his decease should occur. In compliance with this order the document was presented on the 13th of December 1673, and it was learned that Fray Payo Enriquez de Pivera was appointed successor.^[51]

The new ruler was a native of Seville, and the son of the duke of Alcalá, viceroy of Naples.^[52] In 1628 he professed in the Augustinian order, and having studied in Salamanca, and obtained the degrees of master of philosophy and theology, held subsequently several important offices in Spain till 1657, when he was presented to the see of Guatemala,^[53] and thence in 1667 promoted to that of Michoacan. But before reaching his new diocese he learned of his appointment to the archbishopric of Mexico,^[54] where he arrived toward the end of June 1668,^[55] the see having been vacant since the death of his predecessor, Marcos Ramirez de Prado.^[56] The latter having been previously bishop of Michoacan for nearly twenty-six years, had been appointed archbishop in November 1666, but died in May of the following year.

A general feeling of satisfaction prevailed when the appointment of Rivera as viceroy became known, for the fame he had acquired in Guatemala, and during his pastoral labors in the capital, had justly won for him the good opinion of the people. It had been through his influence that the Bethlehemites, established in Guatemala since 1653,^[57] and the first religious order created in America, were induced to extend their labors to Mexico. The congregation of San Francisco Javier, which had not been recognized by the king, were persuaded by the archbishop to cede their house to the new-comers. The latter to the number of four, Francisco de la Misericordia, Gabriel de Santa Cruz, Juan Gilbó, and Francisco del Rosario, the superior,^[58] took possession of the building, and being aided by the viceroy, and the count of Santiago, were enabled ere long to open a hospital for convalescents, and subsequently also a church, the former on the 31st of May 1675, and the latter on March 25, 1677,^[59] and gradually their labors extended more and more, the example given by the viceroy Rivera, in defraying the expenses, of the hospital for every first day of the month, having been followed by other donations from prominent citizens. Later, however,

hospitals for sick persons in general, and primary schools for children, were founded, together with houses where food and shelter were provided for travellers and strangers. The members lived according to monastic rules after the Augustinian rites, but were subject to secular jurisdiction.^[60] Their four vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and hospitality were binding only while they remained in the brotherhood, but after a membership of three years they were allowed to bind themselves for life by an additional vow.

On his departure from New Spain in 1680 the viceroy further showed his regard for the order by making a donation of a thousand pesos and presenting them with all his carriages.^[61] Rivera proved himself no less capable as a military leader than as a prelate, and indeed it was necessary that at this epoch, when the coasts of New Spain were continually infested with corsairs, the one at the head of affairs should possess the qualities of a soldier. Meetings were convoked, and measures adopted to prepare against threatened depredations. A council was held in February 1675 to discuss the means of raising a force of nine hundred men, asked for by the governor of Campeche. Soon afterward news reached the capital from Habana that a hostile force of about fifteen hundred men was preparing to land between old and new Vera Cruz, and immediately steps were taken to place that port in a state of defence. Ammunition was sent there, companies of cavalry were raised, and guns placed at the openings of the streets. The inhabitants, however, began to leave the town, taking with them their valuables.^[62] Fortunately the alarm proved to be false, for on the 19th of June 1675 letters from Habana were received stating that no enemy had appeared as yet, and the panic subsided. At about the same time rumors spread of other projected invasions on the South Sea coast, and preparations had also to be made in that direction. At greater or less intervals similar news was received during the following years.^[63]

In 1678 the pirates operated successfully against Campeche, and during the same year exaggerated reports announced the presence of eleven sail in sight of Vera Cruz. A meeting was hastily summoned, the treasure ready for remittance to Spain was sent to Jalapa, and the despatch of the fleet delayed. It was soon learnt that the hostile force consisted of but one vessel, which, defying the Spaniards, had been so daring as to enter the port of Vera Cruz and reconnoitre. This feat was afterward repeated by another ship, but as the garrison had been reënforced by the viceroy no attack was made.

Much difficulty was found in raising the required force for the Philippine Islands. Many of the soldiers dreading the climate would desert before reaching Acapulco, and new schemes had to be devised to obtain recruits. Thus in 1677 all criminals willing to enlist were pardoned, and one hundred and twenty-five pesos a year given them as pay. Still, only a small number could be induced to accept this offer.

While Rivera was actively engaged in discharging the more urgent duties of his position, he by no means neglected internal affairs. The pavements of the city were repaired, improvements were made in the viceregal palace, and the drainage labors were concluded in 1675. In 1676 it had also been decreed that gold be coined in Mexico, but it was not till 1679 that the first pieces were stamped. On that occasion the viceroy and the audiencia repaired to the mint, to witness the first coinage. Rivera's pastoral labors, however, did not suffer from the multitude of worldly affairs which claimed his attention, as was proved by the numerous consecrations of bishops, churches, altars, and temples, held by him. There was no great religious festival at which he failed to attend, and occasionally he would ascend the pulpit and preach. During the thirteen years that he wore the mitre, he visited twice all the different parts of his diocese.^[64]

On several occasions the archbishop-viceroy had requested of the crown and the holy see that he might be removed from office, but both were unwilling to dispense with the services of so faithful a servant.^[65] At last the king granted his petition, on account of his impaired health, but desirous of retaining him in his service, offered him the bishopric of Cuenca, and the presidency of the India Council. In September 1680 the new viceroy arrived at Vera Cruz, and in the following month Rivera formally delivered over the government. He remained, however, in Mexico, where his residencia was being taken by the oidor Frutos Delgado. On the 27 th of February 1681,^[66] the latter published the sentence, acquitting the ex-viceroy of all the charges preferred against him.^[67]

Four months later, on the 29th of June, he took leave of his flock in the cathedral, and the following day left Mexico. The viceroy, at whose right side he was seated, the audiencia, and the tribunals accompanied him to Guadalupe; the ringing of the bells gave notice to the entire population of the departure of their beloved prelate, and fervent prayers were offered in all the churches for his safe return to Spain.^[68]

On reaching Puerto Real in Spain, he resigned the two high positions to which the king had recently promoted him, and retired to the convent of Santa María del Risco. Still leading a pious, humble life, he received while there further marks of favor from a grateful sovereign. The king granted him a yearly rental of four thousand ducats, to be defrayed by the royal treasury of Mexico, and the pope gave him the privilege of entering any church of Spain dressed in the archiepiscopal garb. On the 8th of April 1684 he breathed his last,^[69] and when the news of his decease reached Mexico, imposing funeral services were held in several of the churches to honor the memory of one whose name was deeply graven on the hearts of the people.^[70]

 

 

1. Guijo calls him Juan de la Cueva Leiva y Labrada. Diario, 444, 447.
2. The cause of the outbreak was the usual extortions practised upon the natives, many of them being driven to suicide. Robles, Vida, 151-3.
3. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v., erroneously gives the date as 1661; Mayer says 1661 and 1662, Mex. Aztec, i. 208; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 95, 1664. Domenech, reversing the order, says the troubles arose in consequence of decrees issued by Dávalos, Hist. Mex., i. 275-6. A letter of the king dated October 2, 1662, thanks the bishop for his services in flattering terms and promises him the royal favor. Robles, Vida, 164-5.
4. Among other instances of his incapacity it may be mentioned that when news was received of the occupation of Cuba by the English the viceroy attempted to organize an expedition, but except enlisting a number of recruits and appointing two of his sons as officers, it is not recorded that he accomplished anything.
5. Born in Coruña in Galicia, and in 1656 made bishop of Puebla after holding several important offices in Spain. Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 220-1, 269. In 1663 he was promoted to the see of Mexico. Lorenzana, in Id., 269-70, gives 1666 as the year, but mentions the correct date on p. 221. His mistake has been copied by Ribera, Gobernantes, i. 213.
6. The election of Osorio had frustrated the hopes of the bishop of Nicaragua, Juan de la Torre, then in Mexico, who was one of the viceroy's favorites. Torre even later wrote to Spain, calumniating the character of the archbishop and of the oidores, on the other hand extolling that of his patron. By accident the affair became known, and the audiencia peremptorily ordered Torre to depart for his bishopric. Guijo, Diario, 506-7.
7. For having attempted this, the viceroy was afterward fined 12,000 ducats.
8. When the bishop learned this, he demanded their delivery under severe penalties. An official of the government, who had witnessed the destruction of the documents, among which there had been one from the inquisition in Spain, was imprisoned by the holy office of Mexico for having concealed this fact. Guijo, Diario, 529-30.
9. This according to Guijo. Nevertheless many later writers represent Baños as a popular ruler. Alegre says the viceroy visited and supported the hospitals of the society, and calls him 'un virey de los mas ejemplares y justos.' Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 425-6. Similar though less enthusiastic praise is bestowed on him by Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 15, Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 25, Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 47, and others. Similar manifestations, as whistling and hissing, were repeated months afterward, when the count was present at some bull-fights arranged in honor of viceroy Mancera. In October 1664 his residencia was begun, but not concluded till 1666. Guijo, Diario, 557; Robles, Diario, i. 15. The entire property of the ex-viceroy was attached, notwithstanding royal orders to permit his return to Spain, and he was placed under bonds for 40,000 pesos. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 38; Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 148-9. In 1666 Baños returned to Spain, where after the death of his wife he entered the order of the barefooted Carmelites. Robles, Diario, i. 17-18, 223, 239.
10. The imbroglio arose in 1660 on the arrival of Baños, in consequence of remarks made by Pedro de Leiva, about the creoles, in presence of the count. Altercations and brawls followed, but the final settlement of the question had been delayed till Baños was removed. Guijo, Diario, 546-7.
11. Diego Valles, an olficial of the treasury and quicksilver department, was suspended and heavily fined in virtue of a royal cédula, 'the severest ever despatched against an official,' says Guijo. He was charged with being bribed by Baños. Two regidores were removed for having revealed the secrets of the cabildo sessions to the former viceroy. See Guijo, Diario, 537-48, where also several similar cases are mentioned.
12. A month later, December 15, 1664, Osorio returned to his diocese of Puebla, which he retained till his death in 1673. His residencia was taken in 1666, and several charges were preferred against him by representatives of the count of Baños, relative to his conduct at the time of his succession to the government, but no sentence seems ever to have been pronounced against him, save one, imposing a small fine, which afterward was revoked by the council of the Indies, Robles, Diario, i. 29-34, 151.
13. His appointment was chiefly caused by the valuable services rendered in suppressing the revolt of the Indians of Tehuantepec. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 232, says erroneously that from his see of Oajaca he was promoted to that of Puebla. In August 1665 he fell sick, and on September 2d he died. Five days afterward his bulls arrived from Spain. His biography was written by Antonio Robles, the author of the Diario de sucesos notables, under the title Resguardo contra el olvido. . .de la vida. . .del Illmo Sr Dr D. Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, Mexico, 1757, pp. xliv. 208, 38. It contains minute details of the bishop's life, and the miracles he wrought, but little historical material. The work is less bigoted than others of that character and epoch—the beginning of the eighteenth century. See also Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 25; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 221, 308-9; Robles, Diario, i. 4-5, 12; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 240.
14. Señor del Marmol y de las cinco Villas, tesorero general de la Orden de Alcántara, were his other titles according to Miravel y Casaderante, El gran Dicc., vii. 132. He was also comendador de Puerto-llano in the order of Calatrava and belonged to the council of war. Palafox, Estatutos Dedicaloria. Later Mancera was made a grandee of Spain. When he came to Mexico he had already a splendid record as an able official, having been embassador of the crown at Venice and in Germany.
15. A cédula of July 1663 forbade public demonstrations or receptions to all new viceroys, for the reason that they entailed too much expense on the respective towns and villages. Ordenes de. la Corona, MS., i. 11. Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 214, asserts that no public reception took place, and that Mancera presented to the king the money appropriated by the city to cover the expenses. A contemporary, Guijo, gives, however, a minute description of the festivities held in honor of his arrival, and one which differs little, if at all, from those celebrated on similar occasions. Diario, 553-5.
16. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 25, followed by Panes, Vireyes, MS., 103, erroneously places his succession to the government in the year 1665.
17. His name was Manuel de Cabrera, and a monthly salary of 200 pesos was assigned him. Guijo, Diario, 562-3. Mancera, in the instructions to his successor, calls him Juan de Cabrera in one place, in another Manuel.
18. The excavations made during the time of Mancera extended over 1,693 varas, the expense amounting to 138,550 pesos. See Mancera's report to his successor, in Instrucc. Vireyes, 263-4. This statement is doubtless more reliable than that given by Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 236, who speaks of 1,319 varas with a cost of 105,950 pesos.
19. Still the work seems to have been insufficient, for in 1678 another inundation, which damaged the drain somewhat, has been recorded. Robles, Diario, i. 268. Another peril, though of a different nature, threatened Mexico from the close proximity of the powder-mill and magazine. Mancera averted the danger by removing the establishment to a greater distance, and distributing the powder in several depots, each of which contained only a small quantity. A short time after this was done a flash of lightning struck the factory without causing any damage.
20. 'El primer móvil que da impulso á la corriente y pura recaudacion de los Reales haberes, conteniendo el desórden. . .es el temor de las cuentas.' Mancera, in Instrucc. Virreyes, 290.
21. In the custom-house alone they amounted in less than two years to more than 160,000 pesos. Id., 296.
22. The king had died on September 17, 1665; his demise was published in Mexico the 26th of May 1666, and all persons were ordered under fine to put on mourning. Early in June the viceroy received the formal visits of condolence from the audiencia, inquisition, chapter of the cathedral, and the religious orders; funeral services were also held, but the exequies proper were not celebrated till July, when they lasted for about a month. After the beginning of November mourning was laid aside. Robles, Dairio, i. 18-27.
23. The former by making a gift of 12,000, the latter one of 8,000 pesos.
24. A royal cédula of July 3, 1669,. reduced all the pensions of 300 ducats or less to 200, and beyond that to one half of their original amount. None were to exceed 4,000 ducats, 'pues en esta forma es bastante la recompensa que. . .pueda recargar sobre el Real Patrimonio, quando se halla tan exausto.' Montemayor, Svmarios, 265-6.
25. Mancera himself had inspected them in the beginning of 1670. Mancera, in Instrucc. Vireyes, 277; Robles, Diario, i. 86. It was not alone from pirate that danger threatened Vera Cruz; a garrison of tolerable force was also required to prevent an outbreak of the negro slaves, who at intervals had been sent there, sometimes several hundred at a time. In 1669 about 500 of them, when near Vera Cruz, on the road to Mexico, had risen, overpowered and killed the escort, and fled to the woods. It became necessary to send forces against them to remove such dangerous neighbors from the principal port of New Spain.
26. Under Cadereita the first vaults of the principal nave and five others of the aisles were concluded. During Escalona's rule part of the main nave was covered, and in 1641 the holy sacrament placed there, as the sacristy proved too small. Sariñana, Not. breve, 8. At the time of Viceroy Salvatierra, other vaults as also some chapels being sufficiently advanced, the consecration of Archbishop Mañosca took place in 1645, and this circumstance probably misled Gonzalez Dávila who asserts that during Mañosca's rule the cathedral was completed. Teatro Ecles., i. 66.
27. According to Sariñana, Not. Breve, 14, Alburquerqne increased the number from 8 to 20. Guijo, in his Diario, 279-326, passim, gives minute accounts of 19, assigning to the largest, named Doña María, a weight of 44,000 pounds, a figure which, if correct, would place it among the largest ever made.
28. It may be added that, according to the same author, 200 Indians had already done the preliminary cleaning of the temple some days before at the expense of the viceroy. Guijo, Diario, 338-9.
29. 'Como si fuera recien venido.' Guijo, Diario, 346.
30. The daily consumption of wax alone amounted to 150 pounds, and its cost was defrayed by the Cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento. Guijo, Diario, 349.
31. The 22d of December was selected, it being the birthday of the queen of Spain. The festivities were essentially in the same style and on the same scale as under Alburquerque. One of the sermons was delivered on that occasion by the Doctor Isidro Sariñana, a parish priest of Mexico, and in 1668 he published it together with a description of the celebration and an historical account of the cathedral since its beginning. The title is Noticia breve De La Solemne. . .Dedicacion del Templo Metropolitano de Mexico, pp. 50, 28. The work is dedicated to the consort of the viceroy, Leonor María del Carreto, and contains, besides its historical records, a panegyric of the Christian religion, the sovereigns of Spain, and their representatives in New Spain.
32. Hernandez, Estad. Méj., 257-8, says that expenses till 1677 amounted to 2,543,264 pesos. The annual appropriation from the royal treasury was 18,500 pesos; and one year 13,000 pesos more were granted by the crown. Sariñana, Not. breve, 20. Bustamante in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 410, makes a blunder when he gives the cost up to 1667 as 1,050,000 pesos. Worse still is Saavedra in Dicc. Univ., ii. 280, who asserts that the cathedral was finished in 1657 by Márcos Ramirez de Prado and dedicated by him on the 22d of December, the amount expended so far being 1,759,000 pesos. Ramirez did not become archbishop of Mexico till November 1666, and died the following year in May, seven months before the inauguration of 1667 took place.
33. Orozco y Berra, in Dicc. Univ., v. 674, copies the above statement of Sariñana, but is evidently mistaken in his Mem. Ciud. Mex., 96, where he mentions 1301/2 and 61 metres. Saavedra, in loc. cit., differs again, saying 1552/3 and 73 varas.
34. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 17, says it is of the Ionic order.
35. A red, light, hard, porous stone, which was found in the neighborhood of Mexico and extensively used for buildings. See also Native Races, ii. 160, 557, 568, this series.
36. Its weight is that of 139 marks of gold, then representing 6,984 pesos de oro.
37. Weighing 138 marks and more than one vara high; it was a present of the silversmiths of Mexico. Since 1618 it had had its own chapel. Ribera, Gobernantes, i. 221, says erroneously it was of gold.
38. The value of the candlesticks and chandeliers for ordinary use alone represented a considerable sum. 'Solamente en vn facistor, seis blandones Imperiales del altar, quatro mayores de cirios. . .y los Ciriales, sirven al culto casi de ordinario mil y cinquéta y siete marcos de plata.' Sariñano, Not. breve, 28.
39. The inquisition qualified the order of the viceroy for the repayment of the amount seized as 'injusta inusitada y de malas consecuencias,' and told him so in plain language. Mancera, in Instrucc. Vireyes, 270-1.
40. In the instructions given by Mancera to his successor he quaintly remarks, that notwithstanding his long experience, obtained both in Peru and New Spain, he still has remained so ignorant of the patronage question 'que lo que he aprendido es solo saber, que la ignore, y que su acierto consiste en puntos y ápices indivisibles.' He expresses the hope that the new appointee may be more successful 'amidst gulfs and reefs so very unsafe.' Id., 285-6.
41. According to Robles, Diario, i. 83-4, a rather powerful influence was exercised by the marqués' consort, who threatened to enter the convent of Santa Teresa if no reconciliation were effected.
42. A few days before, a large torch-light procession had been held in honor of the king's birthday.
43. By Cédulas of October 22, 1669, and May 6, 1670. Mancera, Instruccion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 462-3, and in Instrucc. Vireyes, 266.
44. Authorities differ about the date. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 25, says it was in the same year when Mancera arrived, but gives the latter erroneously as 1665. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 47, also adopts 1665, in which he is followed by Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 95, but this writer makes the blunder of placing it under the rule of Baños.
45. It was on a reef called 'Bajo de la Lavandera,' according to Bustamante in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 439. Robles, Diario, i. 12, gives the name of the vessel as 'El Buen Suceso,' differing from Alegre, loc. cit., who names it San Javier and relates in a long story, how a few planks of the ship, with the image of that saint, floated against tide and wind to the city, and remained at the doors of the Jesuit college till they were recovered by two pious fathers. Since that time the image has been highly venerated, and is said to have miraculously maintained the original freshness of its colors.
46. The Indian population increased under the rule of Mancera, as was ascertained by a census taken by his order, to vindicate the charge alleged against the Spanish government of fostering the systematic extermination of the natives. Mancera, in Instruct. Vireyes, 266.
47. The full text of these instructions, dated October 22, 1673, may be found in Instrucc. Vireyes, 257-301. In this document Mancera gives a minute description of the condition of the country, of important events which occurred under his rule, and of all noteworthy affairs. It is of very interesting character, free from all ostentation; it reveals the superior administrative talent of the retiring viceroy, and contains much valuable information, and many suggestions to guide his successor.
48. His residencia had been begun November 20, 1673, by the oidor Juan de Gárate y Francia, but nothing about its result is known.
49. Alaman, Disert., i. 1st app. 12, iii. app. 36, makes some contradictory statements upon the question whether he was at that time a duke of Veraguas and grandee of the first class. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 274, this series. Guijo, Diario, 519, speaks of the appointment in 1663, of a duke of Veraguas as successor of Viceroy Baños.
50. By the fleet which sailed from Vera Cruz June 29, 1676. Robles, Diario, i. 218. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 52, supposes the remains were taken to Santo Domingo. Robles intimates that they were sent to Spain, which version has been adapted by Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 240, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 422.
51. Doubts having arisen whether he was also vested with the presidency of the audiencia, a cédula from Spain, which arrived in February 1675, settled the question by appointing him president. Robles, Diario, i. 177.
52. His name is differently given by the various authorities. Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 291, calls him Fray Payo de Rivera. In Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 241, the name has been reversed to Payo de Rivera Enriquez. The same author, following apparently a version of the Dicc. Univ., iii. 207, says he was a natural son.
53. See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 667-8, this series, for his career as bishop of that diocese.
54. Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 142, makes him bishop of Chiapas and bishop elect of Michoacan at the time of his promotion to the see of Mexico. Zamacois. Hist. Méj., V. 422, says Rivera was then in Michoacan.
55. The appointments being always made optional, his pall did not arrive till October, 1670. Two months later, on the 8th of December, he was formally installed as archbishop.
56. He was a Franciscan and a native of Spain, but being of an advanced age, succumbed to the change of climate, when he proceeded from Michoacan to Mexico. His piety seems to have been equalled by his charity, and great eulogy is bestowed on him for his untiring zeal during an epidemic, which in 1643 swept away a great part of the population of Michoacan. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro, i. 130-4; Romero, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, la ép. viii. 543-4. Before and after the succession of Ramirez to the archbishopric, noisy disturbances had occurred between the members of the chapters, two parties having sprung up, both of which claimed a right to the most important offices. The dissensions lasted from 1665 to 1667 and excited considerable scandal in the city. Robles, Diario, i. 7-10, 39-47.
57. See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 666-7, this series, for the establishment of the order in Guatemala.
58. García, Hist. Beth., ii. 110, gives the first name, probably by misprint, as Francisco de la Miseria; Vetancurt speaks only of three brothers, mentioning one as Francisco de San Miguel, in which he is followed by Cabrera. Escudo de Armas, 429; Trat. Mex., 37. Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 133, says two brothers began the foundation at Mexico.
59. Robles, Diario, i. 189, 232; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 37; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 55; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 12. Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 133, differs, assigning the dates as May 29, 1675, and February 12, 1677, respectively.
60. The bull of Pope Clement X., issued in 1674, placed the order under the jurisdiction of the bishop, Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 12, but the royal cédula of February 29, 1676, permitting its establishment in Mexico, forbids the establishment of a convent, 'que no ha de ser ereccion Eclesiastica, sino sugeta é incorporada al Real Patronato. . .apartando todo aquello, que puede tener color de Convento, ó Casa Religiosa, ó Eclesiastica,' expressly placing it under secular jurisdiction. Montemnyor, Svmarios, 11. For the rules of the order see García, Hist. Beth., ii. 174-97.
61. A detailed account of the Bethlehemite order will be found in García, Hist. Beth., ii. 100 et seq. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 37-9, gives also many particulars, as the founder, Pedro de San José Vetancur, was a near relative to him.
62. So says the contemporary author, Robles, Diario, i. 191. Still Zamacois speaks of the extreme valor of the inhabitants, who 'grasping their swords anxiously awaited the moment to cross them with those of their enemies.' Hist. Méj; v. 424.
63. In April 1670 it was said that preparations were made at Jamaica to capture the treasure fleet. Some months later rumors spread that Pánuco had been taken by the enemy. Robles, Diario, i. 216-19. The following year several vessels cruised in the neighborhood of Alvarado but escaped the pursuit of an armament sent against them. Id., 237-8, 242-3. Panes, Vireyes, MS., 104, speaks of serious losses caused to the English by the gallant resistance of the inhabitants of Alvarado.
64. For details see Vetancvrt, Tral. Mex., 25-6; Robles, Diario, i. 116-324, passim; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 144-5. The latter authority asserts that Rivera forbade, in 1670, all public processions on account of the disorders and excesses to which they gave rise.
65. Repeatedly since 1675 rumors had reached Mexico of the appointment, and sometimes even of the arrival at Vera Cruz, of a new viceroy, but they had always proved unfounded, and in every instance the people rejoiced that this was the case. Robles, Diario, i. 197-201, 216-17 222-3, 236-7, 260, 270-1.
66. Robles, Diario, i. 318. Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 149, without assigning an authority, says the 3d of May 1681.
67. This decision was formally ratified by the India Council on the 23d of December of the same year. The same body recommended Rivera as worthy of the king's further protection. 'Declaró assimismo ser digno, y merecedor de que su Magestad empleasse su persona. . . en aqucllos y otros mayores puestos, condignos á su ajustado obrar.' The tenor of the sentence is given in Ribera, Sentencia, 1-4.
68. ’Limes 30, dia triste para Méjico, se fué el Illmo y Exmo señor maestro D. Fr. Payo Enriquez de Rivera,' says Robles, Diario, i. 324. C. M. Bustamante in the Diario Curioso of Rivera, 18, makes the blunder of stating that Rivera ruled 17 years as viceroy, from 1663 till 1680.
69. Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 222, 291-2, says in one place 1684, in another 1685; the latter date has erroneously been adopted by Juarros, Guat., 284.
70. For fuller and additional references to authorities bearing on the preceding chapters see Torquemada, iii. 596-7; Alegre, Hist. Comp, de Jesus., i. 43-05, 201-3; ii. 64, passim; iii. 6-108, 165-72, 224-6, 251-2, 299; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 22-6; Pinelo, Relacion, 4; Calle, Mem. y Not., 46, 54-8, 66, 73, 81-7, 122; Seriano, Prólogo, MS., 7-9; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro Mex., i. 17-18; Robles, Vida del Arzbpo. Cuevas, 148, passim; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 65 et seq.; ii. 34, 91-2; Ribas, Hist. Trivmphos, 735-44, Arricivita, Crón. Seráfica, 158-206, 517-18; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 115; Concilios Prov., 1555 y 1565 (ed. Mex. 1769), 218, passim; Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp, de Jesus, 174-6, 232; Medina, Crón. S. Diego, 12, 27, 162-6, 240-1, 251-5; Vireyes de Mex., MS., 1-3; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 14-16, 25-6, 35-8, 52-3; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 215, passim; Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 165-7, 190-2, 437-46; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 7-11, 38, 182; ii. 198-221; iv. 2-8; vii. 7, 62-3; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 440, 466, 471; Espinosa, Chron. Apost., 260-86; Palafox y Mendoza, Carta al Papa, 1647, 1-38; Id., Carta del Venerab., 4701; Id., Obras, xi.-xiii., passim; Id., Venerab. Señor, passim; Id., Vie du Venerab., passim; Reales Cédulas, MS., 148-9; Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i., passim; Id., série i. tom. ii., passim; Id., série ii. tom. vi. 5-29; Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 1-17; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., 1-14, 29, 45-62; Disturbios de Frailes, MS., 129-43; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 355, 440-1, 457-8, 479; Recop. de Ind., i. 212, 339; ii. 178; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 56, 70; Montemayor, Svmarios, 10-11, 91; Doc. Ecles. Mex., iiS., i. 2; ii. 13-14; v. 1-34; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 239-326; Castillo, Dicc. Hist., 18, passim; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol, viii. 543-4; Id., 2da ép., iv. 166-7; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 15, passim; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii., passim; Robles, Diario, ii., passim; Correal, Voyage (ed. Paris), i. 46-64; Id. (ed. Amsterdam), i. 52-73; Juarros, Compendio, 282-3; Id., Guat., i. 284; Liceo Mex., ii. 171-3, 186-7, 201-7, 222-3, 254-7, 283-357; Guijo, Diario, ii., passim; Laet, Am. Descript., 271-6; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 71-141; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 169, 553; v. 328-432; Alaman, Disert., iii. 28-38, 184-5; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 198-213; Touron, Hist. Gen., vii. 309-86; viii. 1-188; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. xxxiv. 492; xxxv. 501-3; Bustamante, Efemérides, i., passim; Id., Defensa, 27; Granados, Tardes Am., 341-2, 386-95; Sammlung, Aller Reisebech, xiii. 500-7; Museo, Mex., i. 49-133; iii. 230-3; Wilson's Mex. and its Religion, 296; Vidal, Vida de Amaña, passim; Registro Yucateco, i. 265-305, 354-6, 389-91, 449-56; ii. 73-6, 116-17, 121-31, 143-5, 329-43; Gallo, Hombres Ilust., ii. 353-72; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 223-7; Prior's All the Voys., 57; Muller, Reisen en Mex., iii. 192; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 908-9; Velasquez, Carta, 1-31; Oviedo, Vida, passim; Dicc. Univ., i. 293, 304, passim; ii. 97, 252, 304, 352, 559-60; iii. 206 et seq.; iv. 171-2, 776, 790; v. 143, 183, 225; viii. 99, 129-34, 138-9, 149, 2370, 333-4, 511-12, 571-2, 607; ix. 143, passim; x. 368 et seq.; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 10-12; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 221-63; Dampier's Voy., ii. pt. ii. 9-39, 41-129; Stephens' Yuc., ii. 194-5; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 136-8, 195-7; Id., Hist, y Cron., 88, 110; Darien, Defence, 11-13; Id., Vindication, 149-60; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 528; Navarrete, Relac. Peregrino, ii. 30-1; iii. 27-33; Id., Tratad. Hist., 295-6; La Cruz, vii. 637; Pap. Var., clxix., passim; clxxi. 27 et seq.; Domenech, Hist. Mex., i. 276; Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 127-251; Diario Mex., vii. 7; Nuevo Mex., Doc. Hist., MS., 1199-1200; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 82-97; Ribera, Sentencia, passim; Lazcano, Vida del P. Oviedo, 17 et seq.