History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 32

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXXII.

FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

1822.

The Installation — Taking the Oath under Pressure — The First Misunderstanding — Political Parties — Measures for Relief of the Treasury — Disagreements on the Army Question — A Counter-revolution — General Dávila's Action — Iturbide and Congress at Open War — Progress of Republicanism — Iturbide Proclaimed Emperor by a Popular Emeute — A Stormy Congressional Session — Agustin I. Recognized — Joy in the Provinces — The Imperial Family and Household — Difficulties of the Treasury — The Council of State — The Coronation.

During the elections Iturbide had not remained idle. His agents had been everywhere active in their endeavors to secure the appointment of representatives who would support his views. They had only been partially successful, however; the liberals had shown equal energy in their labors, and a large number of truly patriotic and enlightened men had been elected. Though the congress would not be so favorably composed as he had intended, the generalissimo had still a resource left by which he hoped to cramp the proceedings of the opposing party — namely, intimidation. A display of military force would effect this, and under such circumstances a form of oath could be exacted that would fetter free action. He was determined that the nation's representatives should not decide for it its form of government. They should be compelled to swear to observe the plan of Iguala. It was a monstrous insult to the dignity of a nation, the liberty of which he had so lately proclaimed, to prescribe its government, and impose law upon the assembly appointed to frame its constitution. Shortly before the inauguration Iturbide, under the pretext of being able to attend to his duties with less interruption, withdrew to Chapultepec, which, as the reader will recollect, had been converted by Viceroy Galvez into a fortification.^[1] Thither and to Tacubaya he also withdrew a great portion of the troops with supplies of ammunition and funds, secretly prepared to use force if necessary.

At daybreak on the 21th of February, salvos of artillery announced to the inhabitants of the capital that the first Mexican congress was about to be installed. No effort had been spared by the junta to render the occasion as brilliant as possible, and captivate the people with an exhibition of unprecedented rejoicing. The streets were carpeted, and gay with garlands, flags, and colored drapery, and the procession, by which the members were conducted to the cathedral, was imposing and magnificent. Preceded by the regency, and junta, and accompanied by a splendid military escort, it marched to bands of music through long files of troops dressed in their brightest uniforms. To the ordinary spectator the sight was grand, and the unwonted display a befitting honor to the chosen ones of the nation. But the martial glitter was painful to the eyes and thoughts of many of the deputies, and they were not deceived as to its significance.^[2] Opposition was useless, however, and the objectionable oath was taken, the representatives trusting to time and opportunity to correct matters.^[3] When the ceremony was over and the congress had assembled in the hall appointed for its sessions, Iturbide delivered a congratulatory address, in which he took the opportunity of parading his own services while expressing his humility and unpretentiousness. He assured the congress that tranquillity prevailed throughout the land, notwithstanding the agitation which a few turbulent spirits endeavored to excite by medium of the press; that dangers, nevertheless, threatened to disturb the even current but only threatened; the congress would know how to consolidate the bonds of union. Other speeches followed, and when the junta and regency had retired the assembly commenced its duties. José Hipólito Odoardo was elected president and Tagle vice-president. Manuel Argüelles and Cárlos Bustamante were appointed secretaries, and resolution passed that the congress had been legitimately installed.^[4] It then declared that the national sovereignty resided in itself as the constituent congress, and in order that the three powers should not be united, delegated the executive to the regency and the judicial to the existing tribunals. A commission was also sent to inform the provisional junta that its functions had ceased, and to cite the regency to appear before congress for the purpose of taking the necessary oath. When the members of the latter presented themselves an incident occurred significant of future antagonism. Iturbide, to whom had been conceded the presidential seat whenever he attended the sessions of the junta, whether by inadvertency or design, seated himself in the chair in the centre, leaving that on its left to be occupied by the president of the congress.^[5] The breach of etiquette might have been passed over in silence but for the jealous interference of Pablo Obregon, a deputy for the province of Mexico, and decidedly hostile to Iturbide. With more spirit than caution, he emphatically claimed observance of conventional rules. The disagreeable mishap was adjusted by the condescension of Odoardo; Iturbide retained the seat,^[6] and the oath was duly taken; but none the less was the germ of discord sown. Thus terminated the first session of the first congress of independent Mexico. The two following days were devoted to public festivities, and to the reception of the tribunals and corporations which hastened to offer their felicitations on the auspicious event.

On the 27th, congress commenced its more serious labors. Its members were almost immediately divided into three distinct parties, namely: the Bourbonists, who rigidly sustained in all its articles the plan of Iguala, and wished to erect a constitutional monarchy with a prince of the house of Bourbon as king; the Iturbidists, who likewise adopted the plan of Iguala, with the exception that they desired to place Iturbide on the throne; and the republicans, who ignored the right of the army to impose any such plan upon the nation, and wished to establish a federal republic.^[7] At first the republican party had little power to further its own views, and many of its members lent support to the Bourbonists as the only means of defeating Iturbide, whose assumption of the crown they considered a more immediate danger than the possible acceptance of it by Fernando, or a prince of his house. They argued that during the interval that must elapse before the latter possibility could be realized, a liberal constitution would be formed, which would fetter the faculties of the monarch, and in case of no Spanish prince accepting the offer, the views of the people would meanwhile become enlightened, and a more general inclination to a republican form of government have been developed. Even if Iturbide eventually mounted the throne, his power would be more restricted than if he attained that elevation under the present circumstances. To the Bourbonists the Iturbidists also attached themselves, with the view of promoting their own private schemes. Thus the former party was at first strongly predominant. As a party, however, the Bourbonists soon ceased to exist. The Spanish córtes, by decree of February 13th, declared the treaty of Córdoba illegal, null, and void in so far as the Spanish government and its subjects were concerned. This decision broke up the Bourbonist faction. Its republican element joined the ranks of the republican party, while the monarchists, who would have a king under any circumstances, and still secretly hoped to see some prince of royal blood on the throne, cast their lot with the Iturbidists. Henceforward the struggle was confined to these two parties, and the contest soon became violent.^[8] It had been supposed that Iturbide, in conformity with remarks which he had made in the proclamation that he issued relative to the elections, would resign his position in the regency when congress met;^[9] but it was immediately evident that he had no such intention, and discord was soon established. He had shown that he had taken umbrage at the humiliation to which he had been subjected by Obregon's action on the day of the installation, and had addressed a letter couched in harsh terms to the congress. This did not tend to foster a friendly spirit, and a few days later when, accompanied by the generals and chief military officers, he visited congress for the purpose of paying his respects, his displeasure was further increased by what he considered a slight to the army. Without taking the seat assigned to him,^[10] he remarked that he had come with his companions in arms, and observed with regret that only the generals were allowed to enter the hall. This was evidently designed to create an ill feeling on the part of the military against the members. Moreover, Iturbide had shown in a significant manner his want of sympathy with the old insurgent leaders, and drawn a broad line of distinction between the insurrection inaugurated by Hidalgo and his own successful revolution. He would have excluded the first heroes of independence from any share in the nation's gratitude. The congress thought otherwise; and the 16th of September was appointed as a day to be observed among the national festivals, whereby additional offence was taken.^[11]

But the question of most urgent importance, and that which at once placed the congress and Iturbide in direct antagonism, was the condition of the treasury. The monthly deficit had hitherto been covered by extraordinary resources, but such means were exhausted, and measures for permanent relief had to be adopted. In order to alleviate the strain, the congress reduced all civil and military salaries.^[12] This afforded Iturbide an opportunity of further fault-finding: he considered that the measure was more prejudicial to the army officers than to those holding civil positions. On the 18th of March his representations to the regency relative to the pay of the troops were read before congress. They set forth that desertion had reached a serious extent owing to want of funds, and begged for $450,000 monthly in order to meet the pay-roll of the forces in the capital. It naturally occurred to the party opposed to Iturbide that so large an army, and especially its presence in the capital, was unnecessary, and Brigadier Herrera, deputy for Vera Cruz, asked the minister of war to explain why the greater portion of the troops was retained in the city when they could be supported at less cost in the provinces. This question was a direct attack upon Iturbide, whose main hopes were centred in the army. The regency was forthwith requested to inform the congress of what number of troops it would be desirable that the standard army should consist. Iturbide thereupon held a council with his generals, and the figure was placed at 35,900, besides the reëstablishment of the provincial militia and formation of civic companies. But congress disallowed an estimate thus arrived at, and passed a resolution that the regency should proceed according to rule in the matter, forming its estimate in conjunction with a council of the ministers, and not of generals. Long and angry discussions followed, involving also the question of pay,^[13] and marked by irritating recriminations. But the assembly was not going to be led by the ears, as had been the junta, and maintained its resolution. Thus within a month hostilities commenced, the regency charging the congress with neglect in attending to the urgent needs of the treasury, with the design of destroying "the most meritorious part of the community"—namely, the army—and the congress accusing the regency of wasteful expenditure, and of failure to put in execution the measures adopted for temporary relief.^[14] Indeed, the congress was hard tried, and whether it resorted for relief to the church and religious orders, to the temporalities of the Jesuits, or to the reëstablishment of abolished duties, its measures were more or less generally unpopular, and met with opposition.

 

The want of union was not without result, and General Dávila believed that the restoration of the Spanish power might still be effected by a counterrevolution. Owing to the want of transports, many of the Spanish forces which had capitulated had not yet left the country, but were stationed at different places,^[15] waiting for opportunities to depart. These troops, having been allowed to retain their arms, had already shown symptoms of the disgust which they felt at the termination of the war, and at having to retire ingloriously from a land which had been kept in subjection for three centuries by their forefathers. They could ill restrain their contempt for the race that had triumphed at last, and in January, owing to disturbances which had occurred in Toluca, Iturbide gave orders to disarm them. They were in no mood, however, to submit to such a humiliation, and assumed so threatening an attitude that at the instance of General Liñan, who had been sent to carry out the order, they were allowed to retain their arms. The first division was at once marched to Vera Cruz for embarkation, and quiet prevailed for a time. But Dávila, observing the disappointment caused to many by the yet uncertain result of the late revolution, and the strong party antagonism that had been developed, communicated to the officers of the Spanish troops his project of exciting a counter-revolution; and during March secret meetings were held in a cell of the Franciscan convent at Tezcuco. Iturbide was, perhaps, not ignorant of what was being meditated; and it was even believed by some that he encouraged and fomented the movement to further his own schemes.^[16]

Be this as it may, an outbreak directed against the independence of the country would enhance his own importance, prove the necessity of keeping on foot a large standing army, and afford him an opportunity of attacking those Spanish members of the congress who were opposed to him. When the dissension between Iturbide and the assembly became serious Dávila hoped to win back the former to his allegiance to Spain. On the 23d of March he addressed a letter to Iturbide, representing to him the impossibility of his system being successful on account of the opposition of many members of the congress, and unfolding his own plan, invited him to aid in its consummation, while promising him in the name of the king not only forgetfulness of the past, but also recompense for his services. Iturbide received this letter on the 2d of April, and on the same day Colonel Buceli, who was temporarily in command of the regiment of Órdenes, placed it under arms and marched from Tezcuco to Xuchi, expecting to unite there with the battalion of Castile stationed at Cuernavaca, thence proceed to Vera Cruz, according to instructions received from Dávila, and there initiate an uprising. The troops of Castile, however, failed to unite with him, and their commander, moreover, apprised Iturbide of the movement, who immediately gave orders to Anastasio Bustamante to march in pursuit. On the following morning Bustamante attacked Buceli's force, which, disheartened at the failure of the combination, after a slight show of resistance, surrendered at discretion; the troops were conducted as prisoners to the capital. A similar attempt was made by four companies of the Zaragoza regiment stationed at Nopalucan, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Galindo; but after some trifling skirmishes they were opposed by overwhelming numbers and disarmed. Thus terminated this feeble effort; and the most brilliant troops ever sent by Spain to the colony suffered the humiliation of defeat in an enterprise the most insignificant.^[17]

Meantime Iturbide brought matters to a climax between himself and the congress, by a course of action as offensive as it was weak. The assembly had closed its sessions during the holy week; but on April 3d the deputies were hastily summoned by the president, who informed them that Iturbide wished to communicate to them matters of vital importance to the nation. This announcement was no sooner heard than it was objected to. Congress, they said, could not assemble to meet Iturbide personally, and he must be accompanied by the regency; but before this decision could be conveyed to him he suddenly presented himself, and was informed of the regulation by word of mouth. He thereupon stated that the affair was most urgent, and that, being a purely military one, the regency had no information of it. Nevertheless, the congress adhered to its resolution, and suspended its session until the members of the regency presented themselves. When the session was continued, the regent Yañez stated that he was unaware of the reason why they had been summoned, and that having observed considerable excitement of the public, he was greatly surprised that the regency had not been informed of the cause. Whereupon Iturbide, losing himself, turned to Yañez, and holding out some papers, hotly exclaimed: "You know nothing; the fact is, there are traitors both in the regency and the congress, as these documents will prove." Yanez with equal heat replied: "As for traitors, it is you who are the traitor."^[18] Matters might have proceeded to further lengths but for the interference of the president. Iturbide's grave charge caused great agitation, and for a time confusion prevailed. Presently the regency retired, and the assembly proceeded to examine the papers produced by Iturbide. Nothing was found in them to implicate any of the members, Dávila's letter being the only one from which the vaguest inference could be drawn; in fact, the only suspicion aroused pointed to Iturbide himself as having held correspondence with an enemy.^[19]

When the contents of the papers were known, indignant murmurings of reprobation at his conduct were heard on all sides. "By what authority," it was demanded, "had Iturbide held communications with Dávila without the knowledge or consent of congress?" And when Odoardo replied with the ominous words, "Cæsar has passed the Rubicon," the excitement for a time was uncontrollable. When quiet was restored, a commission was sent to Iturbide, requesting him to supply other documents in support of his accusation, as those produced failed to inculpate any individual members. Whereupon he returned to the hall and designated by name eleven of the deputies, among whom were the president Horbegoso,^[20] Fagoaga, Odoardo, Echarte, and Lombardo. All those denounced were held in high esteem by the congress, and their accusation was heard with angry resentment, which was not mollified by Iturbide once more repeating the oft-told narration of his services, and the thread-bare profession of his disinterestedness. Truly, it was a contemptible part he was playing. When he had retired, it was only through the cooler representations of Fagoaga that the vote was not passed declaring him a traitor. Meantime the public agitation was intense, while the members were in momentary expectation that Iturbide would dissolve the congress by force.^[21] On the following day congress, in secret session, occupied itself with the accusation made by Iturbide, and unanimously passed a vote to the effect that the deputies accused by the generalissimo had not merited any want of confidence, but, on the contrary, the assembly was fully satisfied with their conduct. This declaration was publicly announced. Thus Iturbide was beaten at all points. His scheme to enhance his own importance had only placed him in a humiliating position, while the frivolousness of his charge against the deputies greatly diminished his popularity. As for the congress, its hostility toward him was now openly expressed. By decree of the 11th of April, the regency was reorganized, the bishop of Puebla, Manuel de la Bárcena, and Velazquez de Leon, who were too evidently subservient to Iturbide, being removed from their positions, and their places supplied by the conde de Casa de Heras Soto, Doctor Miguel Valentin, and Nicolás Bravo, in whom the congress placed the utmost confidence. Yañez was retained in his seat for the reason of Iturbide's known enmity to him.^[22]

While Iturbide and the congress was thus fencing at each other, the republican party was daily gaining strength. The decision of the Spanish córtes declaring the treaty of Córdoba null was already known, and adherence to the plan of Iguala was no longer objected to in smothered whispers. Members of congress raised their voice against it; a portion of the press sustained similar views, and the army was becoming infected with republican principles. On the 6th of May an address from the 11th cavalry regiment, setting forth that it had complied with the observance of taking the oath of obedience to congress, was read in open session. The regiment, however, took this opportunity of informing the assembly that Mexico held monarchs in abhorrence, and that it would follow the example of the republics of South America in constituting its government.^[23] This was startling language, and Alcocer interrupted the reading by moving that the remainder of the address should not be read. But the republicans were prepared; with the contents of the documents they were well acquainted, and the galleries were packed with supporters. Alcocer's motion was received with murmurs of disapprobation, and when the vote which was taken on the matter decided that the reading should be continued, the result was greeted with vociferous applause.

Both Iturbide and his party were well aware that his popularity was on the wane.^[24] The congress, moreover, was adopting measures which aimed directly at curtailing his power. After long and angry discussion, it had decreed that the standing army should be reduced to twenty thousand; and was now about to introduce into the regulations for the regency which were being drawn up, an article by virtue of which no member of the executive could hold military command. This decided matters.^[25] If his schemes were to be successful, immediate action must be taken. As yet the greater portion of the army could be relied upon; the clergy generally would support any plan suppressive of the liberal principles which threatened their own interests; and of the populace Iturbide was the acknowledged favorite. Open force, how ever, could not be thought of; such a course would be actual usurpation. So intrigue was employed; and measures were concerted for a combined military and popular acclamation. To effect this, recourse was had to the non-commissioned officers. On the night of the 18th of May, Pio Marcha, a sergeant of the 1st infantry regiment, which was quartered in the old convent of San Hipólito, called the troops to arms, and sallying forth raised the cry of "Viva Agustin I.!"

Similar proceedings occurred at the other barracks, while agents were busily engaged in rousing the city wards. The soldiery was soon joined by dense crowds of the populace, and immense multitudes surged from all points to the residence of the generalissimo, and with deafening shouts proclaimed him emperor. Of course Iturbide was overwhelmed with the unexpected demonstration.^[26] Several times he addressed the crowd from his balcony, affecting inexpressible surprise, and protesting his unwillingness to accept the crown held out to him. Moreover, he sent for the members of the regency, the generals of the army, certain deputies, and other persons of consideration, whose advice he knew would suit his dissembled aspirations, and besought them to give him their counsel. They urged him to yield to the general wish, and with well feigned reluctance he returned to the balcony and bowed his acquiescence to the popular will. During the remainder of the night the wildest commotion prevailed. Volleys of musketry reverberated through the streets; the artillery was dragged out and fired as fast as gunners could load the pieces; the church towers were invaded, and the peal of bells mingled with the whiz of rockets as they shot forth from all parts of the capital; while the night was made bright with bonfires and illuminations. But the joy was not universal. Those who were opposed to the pretensions of Iturbide remained shut up in their houses in fear and trembling; for they knew not what violence might not be resorted to in such a tumult. Terror and exultation alike signalized the acclamation of Iturbide as emperor.^[27] Meantime he continued to play his part: a short proclamation was issued by him, representing that it rested with the nation to confirm or disallow the step taken by the army and the people of the capital, whom he exhorted at the same time not to give way to the excitement of passion, but peaceably await the decision of the nation's representatives. Moreover, the generals and principal officers addressed a communication to the congress, informing it of the event, and begging it to deliberate on the momentous question.

On the following morning at seven o'clock congress assembled in extraordinary session. A number of the members were absent, among whom were Fagoaga, Odoardo,Tagle,^[28] Cárlos Bustamante, and many others. At first the assembly attempted to discuss the matter with closed doors; but this was impossible. The uproar of the crowds outside was deafening and menacing, and in the emergency the congress invited Iturbide to attend the session, in the hope that through his influence the tumult would be allayed, and freedom of deliberation in some degree secured. At first he properly enough demurred at being present at a discussion of which he was himself the subject; but finally yielding to the advice of the ministers, he proceeded to the house, his carriage being drawn by the excited populace. The people immediately crowded into the galleries and hall with clamorous acclamations of "Viva Agustin I.!" The proceedings which followed were incessantly and violently interrupted by the impatient multitude. All opposition to an immediate decision met with obstreperous shouts of disapprobation. In vain the boldest proposed to await the verdict of the provinces; their voices were drowned in the furious uproar raised, and they sat down with the threatening cry of "Coronation or death!" ringing in their ears. Three several times Iturbide addressed the turbulent audience, but his words failed to allay the tempest he had so dexterously aroused. Thus under coercion and menace the deputies cast their votes. Only eighty-two members voted, sixty-seven of whom pronounced Iturbide emperor, against fifteen noes. The decision was not a valid one, since the law required that 102 should be present to constitute a legitimate session;^[29] but it satisfied the frenzied crowd. As soon as the result was known the president resigned his seat to the elected emperor.

Thus Iturbide triumphed at last. But it was a triumph without dignity or the lustre of greatness. It was a triumph won by trickery, through the medium of rough soldiery and the hoarse cries of a rabble. Yet it cannot be said that his elevation was unacceptable to the nation. The dilatory proceedings, first of the provisional junta and then of the congress, had exhausted the patience of the people. Nine months had been frittered away in adjusting imposing ceremonies, in trifling discussions, and in wrangling, while the vital affairs of the empire the formation of a constitution and the organization of the different branches of government with their powers clearly defined were neglected. Discontent and indignation were the consequences, and the nation was ready for a change. Nor was it unnatural that the people should look for aid to him who had been their liberator. It may be that in the provinces the masses, represented by ayuntamientos and provincial governments presided over by military chiefs whose interests were centred in Iturbide, had little voice in the matter, and witnessed the change with indifference. But, since they were to have a king, it was well that he should be of their own country and blood. When, therefore, the news sped through Mexico, it was received with joy, and the provinces hastened to felicitate Iturbide and do homage to him as their emperor; while in many cities the effigies of the Spanish monarchs were pulled down.

The effect on the defeated political parties was different. Many of the monarchists who had lingered in the hope of still seeing the plan of Iguala carried out left the country^[30] in disgust, and the republicans, though crushed for the time and void of plan, were none the less hostile to Iturbide, silently watching for an opportunity of dethroning him. Thus the Bourbonists disappeared from the political arena, and the contest was confined to the Iturbidists and republicans.

As for congress, it resigned itself to the situation, and at first showed a conciliatory disposition. Avoiding any allusion to the pressure which had been put upon it, it decreed that the formal proclamation of Iturbide's elevation should be published, and appointed the 21st as the day on which he should take the oath which it prescribed. Accordingly Agustin, 'emperor of Mexico by divine providence and appointment by the congress of the nation's representatives' swore to observe and cause to be observed the constitution which the said congress should form, and all orders and decrees issued by it; never to alienate or convey away any portion of the territory of the empire, and to respect the political freedom of the nation and the personal liberty of the inhabitants. The oath taken, the emperor addressed a brief discourse to the congress and nation at large, concluding with these words: "If, Mexicans, I do not secure the happiness of the country; if at any time I forget my duties, let my sovereignty cease." At the moment no shadow dimmed the brightness of the prospect. Congratulations flowed in from every side. Santa Anna, Guerrero, and a host of others sent in their protestations of joy at his election to the throne,^[31] and the offer of their lives in his service. Verily, the throne seemed firm beneath him and the sceptre secure in his grasp. Nor was the congress slack in honoring him. The monarchy was decreed hereditary, and the succession secured to his eldest son, on whom was conferred the title of prince imperial. His family was made royal, his sons and daughters being styled Mexican princes and princesses, and his father entitled the prince of the union. The 19th of May was added to the list of national festivals, and his bust ordered to be stamped on the coinage.^[32] Moreover, the imperial household was formed on a basis befitting the dignity of royalty. A high steward and king's almoner were appointed; a master of the horse and equerries; a captain of the imperial guard and aids; chaplains and physicians; gentlemen of the bed-chamber and pages; and all officers attached to a monarch's court. The 21st of July was appointed for the coronation of his majesty.

Iturbide's vanity was highly gratified by this outward show of royalty, and he imitated the stately splendor of the European courts. I must admit, however, that to the Mexicans, unaccustomed to home-made princes, his display was somewhat ridiculous. The simple but sterling pageantry of the viceroys seemed to have given place to the glitter of theatrical tinsel. In the exhausted condition of the treasury, the expense, too, was not a welcome burden, and the disaffected soon murmured. Indeed, the pecuniary difficulties of the government were most serious, and threatened to culminate in disturbances.^[33] Recourse to arbitrary measures was the only possible means of present relief, and the emperor suspended the permission to ship money out of the country, immense sums having been withdrawn since the decree of March 22d, which removed the previous restriction.^[34] To meet the urgency of the moment, it was even proposed by the revenue commissioners that the money which had been conveyed to Vera Cruz by the last conducta, amounting to $1,500,000, should be appropriated by the government. This measure was not adopted, but in face of the unsuccessful efforts that had been made to raise a voluntary loan, the congress, after long debates, felt compelled to pass a decree on June 11th, authorizing the government to exact a forced contribution of 600,000 pesos from the consulados of Mexico, Puebla, Guadalajara, and Vera Cruz, to be raised from the wealthy citizens and the ecclesiastical and secular corporations.^[35] For the formation of his government, the emperor had appointed a council of state, composed of thirteen members selected from thirty-one nominees proposed by the congress. Among the counsellors were Negrete, Nicolás Bravo, Almansa, counsel of state under the Spanish government, Velazquez de Leon, and Bárcena, governor of the mitre of Valladolid.^[36] As the 21st of July approached, elaborate preparations were made for the coronation of the emperor and his consort. The commissioners appointed to draw up the regulations and formalities to be observed at the ceremony had handed in to congress the result of their labors more than a month before.^[37] In the impecunious condition of the treasury, it was impossible to manufacture crowns and the other insignia of royalty appropriately magnificent. But display must not be wanting, so jewels and gems were borrowed, and though the national pawn-shop refused to lend its diamonds and pearls,^[38] the regalia were bright and glittering with fictitious splendor. When the eventful day arrived the city was gay with many colors, as from balconies and windows fluttered banners and streamers and pennons; while the walls were decked with floral wreaths and devices in fresh evergreens, and flags waved from church-towers and turrets. The congress met at eight o'clock, and two deputations, each composed of twenty-four members, proceeded to the provisional palace to escort the emperor and empress to the cathedral. Here on two raised daises, one lower than the other, thrones had been erected, to the right and left of which were seats for the 'venerable' sire, and the princes and princesses of this mushroom monarchy. The procession which accompanied the royal presence along the carpeted streets was as imposing as inexperience, by the aid of imitatation,^[39] could make it. There were masters at arms and ushers, pages and maids of honor in gorgeous attire, and a master of the ceremonies with his suite of attendants. On velvet cushions were borne the royal apparel with which the imperial couple were about to array themselves, and the signet-ring, and the sceptre, and the patchwork crowns. At the entrance of the cathedral two obsequious bishops^[40] received the emperor and empress and administered to them the holy-water. Then they were conducted to the lower thrones and the ceremonies commenced. The regalia were placed on the altar and high-mass celebrated, during which Iturbide and his spouse were consecrated with sacred oil, and assumed the royal robes. The regalia having been blessed, Mangino, the president of the congress, now placed the diadem on Iturbide's head, who then performed with his own hands the act of coronation of the empress. Thereupon they ascended the thrones on the higher dais. At the conclusion of the service the officiating bishop in loud voice exclaimed, "Vivat Imperator in æternum!" and the people replied, "Long live the emperor and empress."

It is said that the bauble tottered when first placed upon Iturbide's brow. "Do not let it fall," said Mangino, ironically. "It shall not fall; I have it safe," replied the emperor.

 

 

1. Hist. Mex., iii. 396-7, this series.
2. 'Los diputados tuvieron que ceder á la fuerza; jurar el plan de Iguala y tratado de Córdoba el dia de su instalacion.' Még. Bosquejo Rev., 139-40. Bustamante asserts that the troops were provided with ball-cartridges, and that their officers had received instructions of a very decisive nature: 'La numerosa escolta. . .y tropa tendida en la carrera, iba municionada con treinta cartuchos embalados, y à sus gefes se les habian dado órdenes muy reservadas y terribles para obrar al menor movimiento.' Cuad. Hist., vi. 30. For a description of the procession and ceremonies, see Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 1-5.
3. The oath administered was: To defend and maintain the catholic, apostolic, Roman religion; to guard religiously the independence of the Mexican nation; and to form a political constitution based on the plan of Iguala and the treaty of Cordoba, establishing the absolute separation of the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, so that they could never be united in one person or corporation. Id., ii. 4.
4. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist, vi. 40. An interrogation composed of six questions was put to the assembly by the president. These were as follows: Was the congress legitimately installed? Did the sovereignty essentially reside in the Mexican people? Was the Roman Catholic religion to be that of the state to the exclusion of all others? Was a moderate constitutional monarchy adopted as the form of government? Would this monarchy be denominated the Mexican Empire? Were the offers of the throne to the princes of the houses of Bourbon recognized? Id., 41-2. These questions gave rise to warm discussions, but the republican party was not yet strong enough to display opposition, and they were all answered in the affirmative.
5. The other four members of the regency occupied seats on the right and left of these chairs. Bustamante, who was seated near by, states that Alcocer was the cause of Iturbide's taking the first seat. 'Iturbide á quien guiaba Alcocer osciló sobre el que deberíá tomar: pero este le dijo con voz regañona que todos oimos este, este, y le indicó con la mano el principal.' Id., vi. 44. This question of etiquette had already been discussed and decided, the righthand seat being assigned to the president of congress, and that on the left to the president of the regency. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 50-1. The reverse positions would virtually have ceded to Iturbide the right to preside whenever the two powers deliberated together.
6. Alaman incorrectly states that Iturbide vacated the seat in silence and took the other one. Hist. Méj., v. 496. The author of Még. Bosquejo Rev., 153-4, says that no change was then made, but the mistake was rectified in future; and such is the inference from Bustamante's account: 'Salióse del paso por la moderacion del presidente Odoardo.' Cuad. Hist., vi. 44.
7. The principal supporters of the Bourbonists' principles were: Fagoaga, Tagle, Odoardo, Horbegoso, Paz, and others; the republicans were represented by Lombardo, Echarte, Vaca y Ortiz, Anaya, Tarazo, and Cárlos Bustamante. The three parties were respectively supported by the press. Conspicuous among the publications which upheld Iturbide was the Pensador Mexicano, written by José Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi.
8. Martinez, Sinop. Hint. Rev. Hex., 78-88.
9. His words were: 'En cuanto á mí, yo aguardo con impaciencia el venturoso dia en que instalado el Congreso nacional, logre presentarme como simple ciudadano en aquel santuario de la patria, para entregar el sagrado depósito que se ha querido confiarme.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 45.
10. The one on the left of the president, which the congress insisted that he should occupy, though his party used every effort to obtain the higher one for him.
11. Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 59.
12. It decreed that the highest salary should not be more than 6,000 pesos, and that a discount on a descending scale from 20 per cent to 8 per cent should be imposed on all salaries from 6,000 pesos to $900. The only exceptions were the stipends paid to Iturbide, his father, and O'Donojú's widow. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 125.
13. Sesion del Congreso, 22 de Marzo.
14. By decree of March 11th the congress had left it to the regency to employ such means as its faculties allowed, until a regular system of finance could be adopted. It moreover ordered that the amounts which had been collected of the loan of $1,500,000, which Iturbide had been authorized by the junta to raise, should be applied to the support of the troops. Decreto del Congreso, 16 de Marzo, 1822. By the same decree the government was authorized to sell property of the extinguished Jesuit society, but only in case the above means failed to meet the emergency. This measure met with much opposition. The extinction of this society was one of the causes which had led to the insurrection of 1810, and it was generally hoped that its restoration would be effected by the independence. A large number of ecclesiastical and civil corporations in 1821 had petitioned the junta to reëstablish the order. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. ap. doc. 17.
15. There were 1,103 soldiers with 186 officers at Jalapa, and 1,400 more at Toluca, Cuautitlan, Tezcuco, and Cuernavaca. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 62.
16. 'Segun el dictámen de hombres políticos, él mismo lo promovió por medio de sus agentes, con obgeto de sorprender el congreso y proclamarse emperador el dia 3 del propio abril.' Még. Bosquejo Rev., 146. See also Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 72-3.
17. The remaining forces took no active part in the affair, but were embarked without further trouble. The prisoners were submitted to trial, but as the capitulation of the Spanish garrison in the capital had never been formally celebrated, proceedings were not pressed. They were eventually included in the general pardon extended to prisoners by Iturbide after being proclaimed emperor, and sent to Spain, those of them who wished to remain in the country being allowed to do so. For fuller particulars about this attempt, consult Id., vi. 61-71, the official documents in Gac. Imp. Mex., of April 1822; Unda, Extraord. de Ahora, f. 1.
18. '¿Como es eso de traidores?. . .Si U. no lo fuese, que se me corte esta cabeza.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 75.
19. This was proved on the face of the letter. Dávila says: 'Mi querido amigo y señor mio. No sorprenderá á V. el objeto de esta si recuerda el que ha tenido varias que V. me ha dirigido.' Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 146. Iturbide had been in correspondence, without any instructions from the government, with Dávila, demanding the surrender of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa. Iturbide replied on April 7th. Both letters were published at his request. Id., ii. 145-52.
20. Horbegoso had succeeded Odoardo as monthly president.
21. Bustamante, displaying no little self-esteem, states that he 'exhorted his colleagues tranquilly to await their death in their seats.' Cuad. Hist., vi. 77.
22. Gac. Imp. Max., ii. 166-7. This session lasted till after four o'clock in the morning, and was not closed until the new members of the regency had presented themselves and taken the oath.
23. 'La America del Septentrion detesta á los monarcas porque los conoce, y que fiel imitadora de las repúblicas . . . que forman hoy la América del sur, al hacerse libres del yuyo estrangero, seguirá, tambien su egemplo en constituirse.' Még. Bosquejo Rev., 289. It was generally believed that Bravo, who was colonel of the regiment, lent his consent to these expressions, though he did not sign the document. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 587.
24. The masons were bitter enemies of Iturbide and would have resorted to assassination. Zavala narrates that at a meeting of one of the lodges, at which more than one hundred members were present, he heard a colonel offer to do the deed: 'Si faltaban puñales para libertarse del tirano ofrecia su brazo vengador á la patria.' Rev. Mex., i. 108. On another occasion his assassination was actually resolved upon. Iturbide was duly informed of the danger, and warded it off by making the resolution of the lodge a subject of conversation. The intention was thus quickly known throughout the city. Colonel Antonio Valero, who had arrived with O'Donoju, had presided at the meeting, and as he was promoted at the time to the rank of brigadier, it was believed that he had divulged the secret. He was obliged to return to Spain to escape the vengeance of the order. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 589-00.
25. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 83-92; Iturbide, Carrera Mil. y Pol, 26.
26. He thus describes his sensation: 'Viva Agustin I. fue el grito universal que me asombró, siendo la primera vez de mi vida que esperimenté esta clase de sensacion.' Ib.
27. The account of Iturbide's elevation to the throne and coronation is derived mainly from Mex. Col. Leyes, Fund., 15-34; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 92-183; Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 127-37; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 591-604, 624-39; Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 305-572, passim; and Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 583-92.
28. The author of Még. Bosquejo Rev., 228, asserts that Iturbide privately advised these three members and another one to take measures for their safety, as he could not answer for their lives if they appeared in public.
29. There is much discrepancy on this point and as to the actual number of members present. The Spanish constitution required that half and one more of the total number of representatives should be present. As the number of Mexican representatives was 102 and that of the Central American ones 40, the requisite number would properly be 102. Iturbide, however, attempts to show that only 20 of the latter had legitimate seats, and states that 94 members were present, thus constituting a legal session. He moreover asserts that 92 votes were cast, making the number of ayes 77 instead of 67. Carrera, Mil. y Pol., 30, 35. Bustamante also considered that 92 was the number necessary, and correctly gives 82 as that of the voters—Cuad. Hist., vi. 95—as is proved by the book of congressional acts. Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 34. The author of Még. Bosquejo Rev., 233-4, is also so far correct, but is altogether at sea on the other point. There is no doubt that more than 90 members were present, but at least ten avoided voting. It remains to add that in the account given in the Gac. Imp. Mex., ii., 31G, it is asserted that Iturbide was proclaimed 'por unanimidad de votos.'
30. The restriction on migration from Mexico had been removed by decree of March 22d. Gac. Imp. Max., ii. 121-2. Among those who left were Odoardo and the archbishop, Pedro Fonte. The prelate was wanting both in energy of character and courage. He secretly was opposed to the independence, and avoided taking any active part in public affairs. When Iturbide was proclaimed emperor he withdrew from the capital under pretence of visiting the dioceses, and directing his course toward the coast, embarked at Tuxpan for Habana. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 600.
31. See the letters of Guerrero and Santa Anna in Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 375-6, 410-11.
32. The legend on the face read: 'Augustinus Dei Providentiâ.' On the reverse was a crowned eagle, and on the circumference the words: 'Mexici primus imperator constitutionalis.' Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 447-50.
33. On June 2d a meditated attack by a portion of the soldiery on the Parian for the purpose of sacking it was only frustrated by the military precautions taken by Iturbide. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 617.
34. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 121-2.
35. Mex. Col. Decretos sobre Con., 55-6.
36. The other members were Pedro del Paso y Troncoso, a merchant of Vera Cruz; Gonzalez de Cosio, arch-deacon of Durango; Florencio del Castillo, canon of Oajaca; Tomás Salgado; Nicolás Olaez, relator de la audiencia; Rafael Perez Maldonado, secretary of the treasury; Mariano Robles; and Demetrio Moreno, canon, of Puebla. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 433-4.
37. Proyecto del ceremonial, in Id., ii. 459-69, 533-9; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 163-74.
38. Couto, the director of the Monte Pio, refused to let the jewelry pledged in that establishment be used on the occasion. His later persecution is attributed to this denial. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 624.
39. 'Los trajes adecuados á la dignidad imperial, se imitaron de las estampas que pudieron haberse de la coronacion cle Napoleon, y una modista francesa, que se decia baronesa, se encargó de hacerlos.' Ib.
40. The coronation ceremonies were not performed by the archbishop, who had previously left Mexico, but by the bishops of Guadalajara, Puebla, Durango, and Oajaca.