History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 5

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

CHAPTER V.

MAXIMILIAN, EMPEROR OF MEXICO.

1803.

Inherent Idea of Empire — Montezuma, Iturbide, Maximilian — Forced Adhesions — Character of the Regents — Deputation to Maximilian — His Acceptance — Maximilian and Charlotte, their Character and Personal Appearance — Imperialist Successes — Movements of the Juarists — Arrival of the Archbishop — Bazaine — French Policy — Attitude of the United States — Fall of Morelia — Death of Comonfort — Further Fighting

The prospects of a stable government could not fail to appeal widely to the people, even if introduced under the hateful though imposing auspices of French armies. Property holders had everywhere suffered greatly from ravages and forced contributions, and the effect of this extended also to a wide circle around them, which otherwise, with true Mexican volatility, was ready to welcome any change, especially for the pomp and glitter of a court. The cause of religion found naturally a large following, influenced in particular by the women, who, seeing little in w r ar but its horrors, naturally preferred a prince of peace of fair features and glittering paraphernalia to the more logical and patriotic liberalism. As for the Indians, living for themselves and clinging rather to the past, the revival of the empire struck in some of them a sympathetic chord, which set in vibration the memories of recent colonial times, with their substantial privileges and exemptions, and above all, traditions of the golden ante-Cortesian period, as recalled in the imperial coat of arms, with its eagle on the sea-girt nopal.^[1] Conservative organs kept before the people these and other benefits, and wherever French sway prevailed, the new order of things found ready acceptance, and acts of adhesion to the empire flowed in freely.^[2] Not that all this was spontaneous.

The provisional government did not fail to preserve the originals of such acts. Thus we find that J. M. Arroyo, under-secretary for foreign affairs, on the 7th of August requested his colleague of the home department to furnish him, for the use of the regency, all documents bearing on the subject, duly indexed. Those records showed that from June 12th to August 7th — that is to say, nineteen months after the landing of the allied commissioners, sixteen months after Lorencez occupied Orizaba, in open violation of the preliminaries agreed upon at Soledad, and nearly three months after Forey himself entered Puebla — there were just forty-five acts of adhesion to the empire, among which, if we except the capital, only five towns were really important ones, and that the number of inhabitants who subscribed to the proposed change were 154,592. Not even these had been spontaneous acts. The important towns alluded to were Córdoba, Vera Cruz, Orizaba, Puebla, and Toluca : the three first named had been under the control of the French arms from the first days of the military operations; the fourth, having been taken by assault, had to submit to the will of the conqueror; and the fifth, situated only sixteen leagues from Mexico, had ever shared, nolens volens, the fate of the capital. These and subsequent acts were made to appear as the will of the Mexican people. Only too frequently the oath was taken with apathetic obedience to the authority in control, and liberal journals were filled with notices of forced compliance.^[3] Among the notable adherents was Miramon, who had made his way from Matamoros to Mexico through the heart of the constitutionalist country.^[4] The Juarez government did its best to counteract imperialist influence, by offers of pensions and offices, which circumstances prevented it from fulfilling; by threats of confiscation and death, which were carried out only in the rare places where it managed to regain a temporary control;^[5] and by annulling the acts of the imperial administration, empty declarations which could not be enforced. In the circulars issued to local authorities and foreign powers, the new government was branded as a cloak to cover French designs to transform Mexico into a colony. It was a gross infringement upon national rights, at first attempted under pretence of flimsy claims like Jecker's, and of paltry debts which the republic had offered to pay. The acts of adhesion to the empire were forced and fictitious, and emanated from an insignificant portion of the country; for the republicans held possession of nearly all the territory. The people were stirred against the invaders by enumerations of outrages on sacred institutions, on feeble women and defenceless prisoners; and reminded that as the Spanish armies had been driven from the soil, so could the less numerous French forces — already humbled by their inglorious defeat at Puebla.^[6]

 

Among the first acts of the regency was to appoint a commission under the presidency of José María Gutierrez de Estrada,^[7] to convey to Maximilian the resolution of the assembly, and offer him the crown. This was formally done at Miramare, on October 3, 1863; the archduke replying that, flattered as he felt by the predilection of the Mexicans for his house, descended from Charles V., yet he recognized that "the monarchy can be reëstablished on a legitimate and solid basis only by a confirmatory vote of the entire nation freely expressed. On the result of this general vote of the country must therefore depend the acceptance of the proffered throne. . .In case the election of the noble Mexican people, as a whole, falls upon my name, I shall be ready, with consent of the august chief of my family, and with reliance on the aid of the Almighty, to accept the crown."^[8] Notwithstanding the clearly expressed condition of acceptance, Arrangoiz, among others, intimates that Maximilian ever manifested an extreme eagerness for the glittering bauble from Anáhuac. Such was not, however, the impression left on the commission, to judge from their letters, filled with the most glowing accounts of the wealth and magnificence surrounding the archduke. For a brother of one of the leading sovereigns of the world, with a certain claim upon the Austrian crown, with great palaces and estates — for such a man to abandon this lofty position, and leave behind the centres of culture and society, for an insecure throne in a remote and half-barbaric country, torn by civil war and offering comparatively fewer comforts, this seemed to them a sacrifice.^[9] But they forgot for the moment the hollowness of much of the pomp spread before them, that poverty lay behind in the shape of pressing debts, and that family discord aided ambition.

Miramare, the residence of the emperor elect, was certainly worthy of the praise lavished upon it. Upon a tiny promontory, not far from Trieste, rose the castle out of the waters of the Adriatic. Behind extended the gently sloping hills, transformed from craggy rocks into a paradise of lawns and groves, flower-beds and groups of rare plants, with fountains and brooks fed from the wooded crests above.^[10] The place had been made additionally attractive to the Mexicans by sumptuous banquets, during one of which they beheld from the sea the palace and grounds illuminated, with a predominance of Mexican national colors in various designs.^[11]

Personally, the archduke impressed them with his majestic bearing, and tall, imposing figure, six feet two inches in height, his high forehead and clear, blonde complexion, with flaxen hair and full, glossy beard, both parted in the middle; gentle blue eyes, and the frank, intelligent expression denoting both the zealous student and the active sailor-prince, the latter character marked by more than one trait, such as walking with hands behind the back. The peculiar Hapsburg underlip, thick, protruding, and semi-cleft, stamped his lineage, and kindness and refinement his every movement.

With the archduchess, Marie Charlotte Amélie, the commissioners were even more pleased. Tall and dignified like her husband, with the same gentle, open face, oval in form, curved at the temples, and readily moved, the expression had something more spiritual, impressed also by the infantile sweetness of the mouth; while the brown and flashing bright eyes and corresponding hair, heavy and deep auburn, were features that could not fail to win sympathy among Mexicans. The readily distended nostrils of the slightly aquiline nose denoted a brave as well as emotional nature, confirmed by a certain firmness about the chin. A daughter of Leopold of Belgium, the Nestor of kings, she had with the Bourbon blood of her grandmother, the holy queen, wife of Louis Philippe, derived a gravity of manner increased by a too strict companionship with persons of mature years,^[12] She seemed as one in whom joyous childhood had been stunted amidst the cold rigidity of the palace, and a strained precocity fostered under constant and severe lessons. She appeared, moreover, as one weighted with the scholarly talents of the father, who sought to perfect her attainments by admitting her even to the ministerial council-chamber. In 1856, at the age of sixteen, she met Maximilian, who, passionately fond of travelling, had from Egypt drifted through France in this direction. It was purely a love affair; yet not altogether displeasing to the king from a diplomatic standpoint, for he readily granted his consent, and in the following year they were united. As consort of the governor-general of Lombardy, she gave ample evidence of her training in state matters, and became the admired counsellor, while the practice of christian virtues endeared her to the people.^[13]

 

Meanwhile affairs in Mexico continued, with French coöperation, to unfold an ever more and more flattering aspect for the imperial cause. Juarist guerrilla forces hovering in and around the lake valley were defeated one after another,^[14] and the large command under Lejoa was routed on the road to Cuernavaca by General Vicario, with a loss of nearly three hundred men and a large quantity of stores. This was followed on July 29th by the fall of Cuernavaca, a natural stronghold captured by a well-calculated charge.^[15] The republicans with indomitable energy formed anew after every defeat, and during the following month, into September, we find Fragoso, Ugalde, and other chiefs descending now on one place, now on another, sacking and burning,^[16] or attacking some convoy and harassing larger forces. When a place was once occupied by the French, the Juarists regarded it as fair prey; and the inhabitants were consequently obliged in self-defence to arm against, even if their sympathies might under other circumstances have turned toward, the republican cause.^[17]

Pachuca and Tulancingo were entered by Franco-Mexican forces already in July, to serve as radiating points for other advances. A part of Mejía's division won a fight on the road to Guanajuato, and another was gained in Puebla.^[18] Not long afterward the garrison of Chalchicomula gained Perote, and some French vessels from Vera Cruz took Tampico on August 11th, preparing thence to enter the surrounding, district. Yet these were after all petty operations, although the last blow was severe in its effect on Juarist supplies. The French were only waiting for the end of the rainy season to advance against the main forces of the republicans. As it was, the imperialists claimed in the beginning of August to hold over sixty towns and hamlets along the line from Vera Cruz, and to control a circuit of fully twenty-five leagues round the capital. Two months later, when the French main body was only preparing to set out, the actual gain was not much greater, but minor and advance forces were keeping up the fight with alternating advantages in all the central provinces from Jalisco and San Luis Potosí into Oajaca.^[19]

Undismayed as ever by the gathering storm, Juarez strained every nerve to fortify himself against it, mainly with regard to obtaining funds to sustain armies, for men could readily be had. On July 31st a contribution of one per cent on all capital above five hundred pesos was ordained throughout the country, to cover the budget for six months;^[20] also an impost on goods entering San Luis Potosí, the actual headquarters of the republican government. Another source was the severe sequestration decree of August 16th, applied to all adherents of the empire, and directing the immediate sale of their property to the best bidder, the product to be divided between the republican treasury and those injured in body and estate by the war, as well as active adherents of the cause.^[21]

The imperialists sought to counteract this by declaring annulled any sales or gifts by the Juarists, and by affirming a former decree of confiscation, yet explaining that it would be applied only against those bearing arms against the empire, other seizures being provisional, to withdraw resources from the enemy.^[22] This was certainly a less exacting measure than that of Juarez, at least on the face; and a still more effective order was the suppression of forced levies, which was intended to conciliate the Indians and lower classes. Yet contributions, fixed and casual, had to be continued, although they were less burdensome than those enforced by the other side,^[23] owing to the flow of funds from France; and retaliations, often most terrible, were exacted by either side upon towns and districts which had, under pressure, yielded allegiance to the other.^[24] Owing to differences of opinion, due mainly to a senseless outcry against the management of affairs, a new Juarist cabinet was organized September 1st, with Governor Doblado of Guanajuato for minister of relations, Ex-president Comonfort for war, and Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada for justice, Nuñez remaining in charge of the treasury. Doblado could not agree upon certain fundamental points, however,^[25] and resigned within a week, whereupon Lerdo assumed his portfolio, José María Iglesias replacing him. Among reasons for the preference shown Doblado was his influence in Guanajuato, with its vast resources, and his diplomatic skill. Otherwise doubts were cast on his fidelity to Juarez, although nothing could be said against his loyalty to the cause in general.^[26]

 

Even greater changes were about the same time taking place among the imperialists. Archbishop Labastida arrived at Vera Cruz on September 17th, the day after the national festival, attended by the prelates of Michoacan and Oajaca. His advance to the capital was a triumphal march, evoked partly by his long absence, but due more to his character as joint regent, and above all to the victory by the church over liberalism personified in his appointment and arrival. Arches covered the approaches to prominent places, flowers were strewn along his path, gorgeous processions met him at every turn, and vivas rent the air. The prelate took his seat among the regents October 18th, hitherto filled by Ormaechea,^[27] resolved above all to protect the interests of the church, with a zeal fortified by a long residence in the holy city, and regardless of political exigencies. The more diplomatic Ormaechea had prevailed on his colleagues to suspend the circulation of bonds and notes issued by the Juarez government against confiscated and sold church property, and to stay building operations thereon by new holders. So vast, however, was the proportion of foreign interest in these estates, held actually or nominally by Frenchmen in particular, that Almonte and Salas were persuaded by the new French commander to repeal this act, and very properly recognize all sales so far made, till Maximilian himself should decide, after consulting with the pontiff and council.^[28] Labastida protested against this legalization of church plunder, as he termed it,^[29] and finding that he could not be persuaded, the other regents, under French stimulus, ignored him and his further protests against the legality of acts issued by an incomplete regency. The supreme tribunal also taking the latter view regarding this body, Almonte and his colleague soon after removed the judges, including Pavon, their president, and substitute regent.^[30] This created a strong feeling, which was fostered by the clergy, and manifested partly in flaming circulars against the French and their adherents or tools.^[31] It also caused a split among the conservatives into progressionists and retrogressionists, the latter joined by the devout, and by such men as Anievas, assistant government secretary, who now resigned, and later by Estrada,^[32] but the former readily winning over a host of republicans, owing to the liberal policy pursued with regard to church affairs, leniency in confiscation, and other matters.

The French policy toward the country had lately assumed a decided tone. The sequestration decrees of Forey, which had created wide-spread dissatisfaction, and induced the Juarists to issue even more severe retaliative decrees, and the clerical tendency of himself, as well as Saligny, which threatened also French interests, were not to the taste of Napoleon. The recall of both reached Mexico in August, tempered, especially in Forey 's case, with a semblance of preferment.^[33] The latter was replaced by General Bazaine,^[34] who assumed command on the 1st of October. The instructions given him by Drouyn de Lhuys express clearly enough the course now intended to be pursued, reiterating as they do the contradictions and fallacies that France aimed at no conquest, colonization, or special privileges, but merely to secure the payment of claims and the possession of guarantees for the future, in the regeneration of the country from its hitherto anarchic condition — a regeneration left wholly to the good-will and patriotism of the people, and purely seconded by France, in the interest of themselves and of Europe generally. Bazaine must accordingly take steps to let the true popular vote regarding the proposed government find expression, and promote the fair election of officials, for the existing institutions of the country appeared satisfactory enough. The emperor deplored the sequestrations, outlawing, and restrictions hitherto imposed, and forbade also any reactionary or exclusive policy that might prevent the conciliation of parties. The army should be reorganized, with honorable prominence to native troops, and steps taken to hasten the object of the intervention, so as to shorten the French occupation.

While this document by no means disclosed several ultimate considerations, including financial natters, Sonora colonization, and the like, it served, aside from its direct object, in allaying, for a time at least, many rising doubts, notably in the United States. Napoleon recognized that the struggle in the northern republic must soon end, and that however weakened, it would have surplus armies enough to render itself formidable. He evidently did not believe wholly in the confederacy, or he would have recognized it. Then again, by observing neutrality, he hoped to secure a similar attitude toward himself. Meanwhile, he sought to open the way for a graceful retreat by declarations like the preceding. Unfortunately, the very eagerness to save appearances carried operations in Mexico upon fictitious ground, to the discomfiture of many calculated plans for the material prestige as well as Mexican regeneration. For the present, the deferring of the church-property question gave rise to conflicting doubts; the upholding of the incomplete regency, without appeal to the assembly, was arbitrary; and promises and reports were made to create illusions, many of them bitterly shattered already at the outset, by neglecting to protect, against the vengeance of the Juarists, towns and districts that had been induced to swear allegiance to the empire. These and other acts served to rouse distrust, even to create enemies, and to neutralize more or less the liberal and conciliatory policy which promised to win adherents.^[35]

Bazaine's direct share in shaping the new policy was manifested in a proclamation of October 8th, promising to sincerely carry out the programme of June 12th, by causing the sequestration decree of Forey against republican adherents in Puebla to be annulled,^[36] and by effecting the reorganization of the Mexican army for more thoroughly coöperating in the ensuing campaigns. One of the principal reforms was to forbid the demoralizing presence of women, who accompanied almost every corps, embarrassing operations, plundering, and spreading vice and disaffection. The regular army was placed under Marquez, and the auxiliary under Mejía, Vicario, and others.^[37] These troops were not numerous, and forced levies being suppressed for reasons of policy as well as military efficiency, a militia was created, under the term Guardia Civil, for the defence of towns and districts. It embraced all able-bodied Mexicans between the age of eighteen and fifty, and was maintained by regulated contributions.^[38] An appeal was also made to the Indians in Aztec, rousing their superstition in behalf of religion outraged by liberals, and stating that the empire was spreading fast over the country.^[39] The French forces consisted at this time of 34,700 men, including 1,700 cavalry, 2,270 marines, 3,100 artillery, and 3,500 belonging to the commissary and other departments, with 8,700 horses and mules, 80 cannon, and a number of trains. The troops, mobilized at the opening of the actual campaign in November, are placed at 14,000 French and 7,000 Mexicans.^[40]

The Juarist forces embraced about this time five divisions, under the direction of Comonfort, minister of war, the castern of about 3,000 men under Porfirio Diaz, another under Governor Doblado, who had over four thousand men and large means in Guanajuato, Jesus Gonzalez Ortega, the defender of Puebla, Uraga, Arteaga, Negrete, and Berriozábal ranking among the other leading generals. In Durango, Governor Patoni was actively providing resources, with the coöperation of Chihuahua and Sinaloa; and in Puebla and Tlascala, and other directions, fresh troops were forming, although to a great extent by levies.^[41] The minister at Washington was meanwhile preparing to obtain loans and armaments in the United States;^[42] but to obtain any active sympathy from the government was hopeless, for it could not venture to increase complications while engaged in its exhaustive struggle with the rebellious southern states.^[43] Even arms bought in the United States had to be smuggled out of them, so as not to expose the authorities to complaints on the part of France.^[44]

There was need for exertion, because the fighting, although still of a desultory nature, was as a rule unfavorable to republican arms. Mejía had taken Actopan in Mexico, and several other reverses followed in this state.^[45] So also in Puebla.^[46] In Vera Cruz, Jalapa was surrendered to the imperialists by Luciano Prieto, after vain effort on the part of the Juarist governor, Miron, who had warning of the treachery, to capture the place.^[47] Higher up, in Tamaulipas, the French had gained a foothold in Tampico, as related, and were pressing the Juarists to extreme measures, such as declaring the province in a state of siege. This roused the discontent of the garrison at Mataimoros, and caused a pronunciamiento against Governor Ruiz, who thereupon took the field against his rival, Serna, regardless of the cause he was imperilling. The latter prevailed, but the condition of affairs remained doubtful.^[48]

Campaign in Michoacan,

The imperialists were making rapid strides in different directions, Bazaine himself setting out from Mexico on November 12th to Acámbaro, whence he despatched Marquez with Berthier against Morelia, ever one of the main positions of the republicans. The city had been long preparing for this, yet Berriozábal, commanding there, thought it prudent to evacuate on November 30th. The enemy entered the same day amid a subdued demonstration. The prospective loss of so rich a province as Michoacan could not be quietly endured, and reënforcements were soon sent, which raised the Juarist army here to about 9,000 men. Under the leadership of Uraga, fire was opened against the city on December 17th, several of the points commanding it being secured, although the imperialists had made efforts to strengthen their position. On the following day a general assault was undertaken, and although several advantages were gained at different points, the skill and activity of Marquez prevailed, and Uraga found himself obliged to retreat southward, with a loss of about 1,300 killed and captured, and the dispersion of a large portion of his force.^[49]

Still more severe was the effect of imperial operations in the central provinces. Mejía, in union with a French column under Douay, was allowed to enter Querétaro on November 17th without striking more than a passing blow at some guerrillas, the republicans retiring into Guanajuato, where Governor Doblado was making preparations for resistance. Flushed with success, and relying on the close vicinity of the main army under Bazaine, who, rejoined by Berthier, was advancing by way of Celaya, Mejía and Douay now proceeded through Allende against Guanajuato. Finding it unsafe to attempt holding a city so readily commanded by surrounding hills, Doblado withdrew, and the enemy took possession on December 9th.^[50] Four days later Mejía pursued his march in the direction of San Luis Potosí, halting on the 16th to celebrate in Hidalgo's own town the anniversary of the independence there cradled.

The approach of so formidable a foe pointed to the necessity for new republican headquarters; and on December 22d Juarez and his government abandoned San Luis Potosí for the more distant Saltillo, capital of Coahuila. Monterey had been proposed; but the doubtful attitude of Governor Vidaurri, and the rumors of negotiations between him and the imperialists, made this inadvisable, as will be seen. In addition came changes in the cabinet, owing to the resignation of Nuñez, who had so long and worthily held the finance portfolio, and the killing of Comonfort, minister of war, in an ambush laid by imperialists during his trip to Guanajuato, on November 14th. Thus died the ex-president, to whom belongs in a measure the constitution round which the great struggle was centring. Vacillation had marked his course as a ruler, but as minister, the subordinate of a stronger mind, his character and talents shone with a brighter lustre, and his humanity will ever stand forth as a redeeming trait, even among his opponents.^[51] General Uraga succeeded him, and Iglesias, minister of justice, assumed charge also of the treasury,^[52] which had just been swelled with the proceeds from a forced loan in each of the three states of Zacatecas, Guanajuato, and San Luis Potosí, and from the sale of sequestrated imperialist property — a timely measure, since these provinces were now doomed. The day before abandoning San Luis Potosí, congress issued one of the usual exhortative and bombastic proclamations,^[53] the more needful to sustain the people in face of the cautious attitude of the adjoining republic, the extension of the gulf-coast blockade by French vessels, and the failure which soon became manifest of the leading campaign plan. This was to avoid encounters with the imperialist armies, yet to hover near enough for taking advantage of any neglect or weakness. Doblado's retreat had for an additional or main object to draw pursuit, while other forces united for a descent into the lake valley and upon the capital, chiefly for the purpose of distracting the enemy and giving a fresh impulse to the cause in a moral as well as material point of view. The effort of Uraga and his companions against Morelia was the opening of the latter movement, and its disastrous failure nipped the whole project. Doblado, nevertheless, continued his tactics, entering into negotiations with the enemy to gain time and to dispose of mining interests, yet ever keeping at a distance safe enough to escape a disadvantageous conflict,^[54] retiring before the pursuit from Leon to Lagos, and thence into Aguascalientes, where he was joined by Chavez and by Governor Ortega of Zacatecas.^[55]

The approach of Mejía to San Luis Potosí had led to its evacuation by General Negrete, who commanded in this section for Juarez. Two days later, on December 25th, the imperialists took possession; but they were not to be left undisturbed. Negrete obtained reënforcements, and sought, on the 27th, to regain the city by assault. Mejía had sufficient warning to throw up a few intrenchments; nevertheless, the republicans penetrated to the plaza, and but for the bravery of the imperialist leaders, the advantage might have been carried further. The rally by the latter came so unexpectedly and with such force, as to wholly overwhelm the assailants; and they were completely routed, leaving 200 killed and nearly 900 prisoners, together with all the guns and war material.^[56] The disaster was no less severe than that of Morelia, depriving the Juarist government, as it did, of its chief and immediate bulwark. Fortunately Mejía was not strong enough to venture in pursuit. One result, however, was the voluntary surrender shortly after of the generals Aramberri, Parrodi, and Ampudia, besides a host of lesser chiefs.^[57]

 

 

1. Designated by Maximilian's decree of June 18, 1864. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 32. The arms issued by the regency differed in many respects with more marked allusions to the empires of Iturbide as well as Montezuma. The eagle was crowned, and the angular shield, surmounted by the Aztec crown with even feathers, had on either side a christian sceptre and the hand of justice, while below protrude the native iztli sword and quiver, holding the collar of Iturbide's order of Guadalupe, entwined by laurel and oak sprigs. This rested within an ermine-lined imperial mantle, lifted at the corners by a band of green, white, and red, the national colors, on which was inscribed, Religion, Independence, and Union. The decree for this was dated Sept. 20, 1853. Id., i. 293-6.
2. As may be seen from the lists presented almost daily in Periód. Ofic., July 1863 et seq., and other journals. In Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 78-81, 151-2, etc., may, besides, be found formal and early notices of prominent Juarist deserters.
3. Confirmed, indeed, by peremptory orders in Id., i. 222-3, such as holding owners of country estates responsible for their laborers. Periód. Ofic, Aug. 11, 1803. See also Lefévre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 327, 407-18; Voz Mej., Nov. 10, 1883. Bribes in the shape of offices and pensions were also tendered.
4. In a letter of July 30th to Gen. Forey, he expresses himself in favor of the monarchy, as the only means to save the country. Period. Ofic., Aug. 6, 1863. In Aug. several Juarist chiefs gave in adhesion, as Col Manuel Frieto, Rodriguez, Roldan, Castillo. Forey and others loudly proclaimed that the adhesions flowing in from every place as occupied by French armies were sufficient proof of popular approval of the empire. His letter to Napolean of Sept. 14th. Arrangoiz, Mej., iii. 136.
5. The decrees to this end are given in Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-9, i. 41-3, 46, 93-6; Derecho, Intern. Mex., pt iii. 817-24; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 652-4, 659-65; Diario Deb., 7th cong., i. 258, 268, 290, 376, 428, 456, 489-90, 1271; Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 269-70. No officials were permitted to remain in places occupied by the foe. Even indirect favoring of the imperial cause involved the penalties imposed on traitors.
6. See proclamations and despatches in Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 53-67, datel July 221 and 25th. Governors of states issued similar or additional appeals. Among other acts of Juarez were the withdrawal of Mexican consuls from France, and the order for French agents to leave Mexico. Several other consuls fell under temporary or perpetual ban. Governor Tapia of Michoacan issued, July 12th, a decree confiscating the property of all adherents of the empire, in case the regency did so with republican followers.
7. Who had figured as minister of state and envoy, like several of his colleagues. The others were Velazquez de Leon, ex-minister of fomento and director of the mining college; Ignacio Aguilar y Marocho, and Francisco J. Miranda, ex ministers of justice; Gen. Woll, a prominen military man; José Hidalgo, ex-chargé d'affaires; Suarez Perido, conde del Valle and José Londa, landed proprietors; Antonio Escandon, banker; and Angel Iglesias y Dominguez, secretary of the commission, a descendant of the famous corregidor of Querétaro. Estrada, Discurso, l. Zamacois adds Tomás Murphy, and Domenech omits two of the names. Estrada and three others, then in Europe, were joined there by the rest, who left Vera Cruz Aug. 18th, the party reaching Trieste on Oct. 1st.
8. He concluded by promising to follow the example of his brother by opening to the country the wide road of progress, under a constitutional régime, based on order and morality, and guided by equity. Parties must forget their quarrels, and unite to place Mexico in the eminent position among nations for which she is destined. He alluded to the glorious initiative of the French emperor that had made this regeneration possible. The full text, delivered in French on both sides, may be found in Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 541–7; Estrada, Discurso, 3-22; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 326-8, etc.; Miramar á Méx., 7-13.
9. Letters in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 759, 776, 777-8.
10. A pleasing view of the place is given in Miramar á Méx., 14.
11. Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 371, sncers at 'empléomanie,' as prevalent among the commission. Arrangoiz wrathily objects. Méj., ill. 150.
12. She was born June 7, 1840, at Laeken palace, near Brussels, and received at the font the names Marie Charlotte Amélie Auguste Victoire Clementine Léopoldine. Her mother, Queen Louise of Orleans, died in 1850, leaving two other children, Leopold II. and Philippe, Count of Flanders. As a child, Charlotte was occupied chiefly with religion and etiquette, having but little recreation. Later she rarely attended balls, and then gave her hand only to men of royal blood. Hall's Life Max., 21-3, 35 et seq.; Estrada, Méj., 40-2.
13. She accompanied her husband on several trips, one taking him to Brazil, while she stayed at Madeira, the recollections of which place she embodied in Un Voyage, in her vernacular French, displaying her cultivated mind, her reflective disposition, and her refined taste. She was quick to learn, and could speak and write German, English, Spanish, and Italian. Kollonitz, Court Mex., 56.
14. Fragoso and the priest Dominguez, with 600 cavalry, were put to flight on Apam plains by Larrauri; Tulancingo was evacuated; attacks on Zumpango and Ozumba were repulsed by the inhabitants.
15. The defenders Gelista and Vasco were not well organized; hence the main reason for the easy capture. A French column under Col Lefêvre cooperated, and a triumphal entry was held July 31st.
16. Such as Chapa de Mota and Tepejí. An attack on Ixtlahuaca was repulsed.
17. This happened at Ozumba, Zumpango, Izúcar, Cholula, Tehuacan, and other places, several towns uniting at times for defence while awaiting aid.
18. The former by Chavez over O'Horan; the latter resulted in the taking of San Juan de los Llanos by Rodriguez.
19. Details concerning the operations maybe found in Periód. Ofic; Estrella de Occid.; Sociedad; Voz de Méj.; Estafeta; and other newspapers of the period. Also in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 622 et seep; Rivera, Hid. Jalapa, v. 582 et seq.; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 285, etc.; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 241-60; Laurent, Guerre, 79, etc.
20. Payable in two instalments. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 75-7. For efforts to raise loans in the U. S., see Legac. Mex., 195 et seq.
21. The sale money from city property to be divided into three equal parts — for the treasury, for wounded and widows and orphans, and for indemnifying those who had suffered confiscation at the hands of the enemy. Of country property, one half was to be distributed among active republican adherents of the district concerned, and the other half sold and divided as above. De. tails follow as to the classes embraced in the confiscation, and other points.
22. Decree issued August 21st. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 240-2. On Oct. 8th the confiscation decree against Puebla republicans was set aside out of pity for the families.
23. The unusual quota from industrial establishments ordained in July may serve as an indication.
24. Forey inflicted, Aug. 27th, a heavy fine on Tlalpan for the murder there of a French soldier, and threatened to kill one prominent hostage for every imperial adherent who might be assassinated. Even the friendly journal Pájaro Verde raised an outcry against this.
25. On the preservation of fuero privileges for deputies and other high functionaries. Vega, Doc., i. 42. Zamacois assumes that Doblado's suspension of the subsidics granted to Zarco and Zamacona, editors of Diario Oficial and Independencia, created a breeze which resulted in his separation. Hist. Méj., xvi. 089-91. Zarco was president of the chamber of deputies. Diario Debates, 3d Cong. 2d Sess., 55-9.
26. Notwithstanding the momentary suspicions roused by his peculiar tactics against the foe, Iglesias vouches for him. Revistas, 59. He resumed his governorship Nov. 9th, Rodriguez having managed it meanwhile, Zacatecas was at the time ruled by Gen. Ortega, Michoacan being on Oct. 30th transferred to Berriozábal by Gen. Uraga, who had shortly before succeeded Comonfort here, and who now took control in Colima, Jalisco being in charge of Gen. Arteaga. Estrella Occid., Jan. 1, 1864; Romero, in Juarez, Vida, 49. Vega seems bitter against Doblado. Doc., i. 175–7. The southern states were reorganized by Gen. Diaz after Oct., Col Ballesteros receiving charge of Oajaca, Col Gregorio Mendez of Tabasco, Col Pantaleon Dominguez of Chiapas, Gen. Peraza of Yucatan, and Col Pablo Garcia of Campeche, Gen. García remaining in Vera Cruz, Gen. Fernando María Ortega in Puebla, and Antonio Rojas in Tlascala. Diaz, Biog., MS., 198; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1803-7, 111-12. Gen. Patoni had charge of Durango.
27. Among new appointments were, for prefect of the capital, Villar y Bocanegra, and for chief of police, Col Carbajal Espinosa, a historian of Mexico.
28. Las ventas hechas conforme á la ley quedarán sancionadas y únicamente sujetos á revision los contratos fraudulentos.' Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 421 etc. This was the result of a conference held Oct. 20th between the regent and Bazaine and Budin, commissioner of the treasury.
29. Arguing that the sales were all fraudulent in being made either privately or secretly, or at so low a rate that only too often a rental for three years sufficed to cover the price. The annulling of sales could affect only a small number of holders — differently estimated by conservatives at from 2,000 to 9,000 — while their legalization world alienate the devotion of millions. Se journals already quoted, for Oct. and Nov.
30. And eleven others. Méx., Boletin Ley., 186 1, 23-4, 30-2, giving also new judges. The appeal against this act is presented in San Miguel, Expos., 1-32. No substitute was called to fill Labastida's place, which gave further cause for protest; but since both substitutes Were strong churchmen, they were not desirable. Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 185-7, laughs at the illegal regency manœuvred by the French general. It is stated that the substitutes were offered Labastida's seat, but declined. Estrella Occid., Dec. 18, 1863.
31. The government found it necessary to come forth in a proclamation against the unjust insinuations made regarding its motives. Mex., Boletin Ley., 1863, 419-21. Bazaine was roundly accused of having a personal interest in church property, and it was stated that he had orders to dissolve the regency " unless it obeyed him. This was unlikely, however, for Napoleon would hardly venture to take autocratic measures that would strengthen the Juarez party and rouse the watchful U. S. while undermining the basis for the empire.
32. As an instance of deep religious feeling, Zamacois relates that a circus manager lost a fortune by using a confiscated convent for the performance. 'Ni una sola señora, ni una sola f amilia decente llegó a pisar el circo.' Hist. Mej., xvi. 841. Arrangoiz denies a split. Méj., iii. 177.
33. Forey, now marshal of France, passed with a diplomatic mission through Washington. Frank and unpretending, he possessed a kindness of heart which was strikingly manifested in his treatment of children. His farewell address of Sept. 30th, in Periód. Ofic., Oct. 3, 1863, etc., expressed a hope for the union of parties, which had been his aim. While many conservatives regretted his departure, that of Saligny drew forth numerous though vain remonstrances, as in Lefévre, Doc. Maximillano, i. 329-31. He left Mexico only at the close of Dec, with the young wife there taken. The prospect of a senatorship, held out to him by De Moray, was not fulfilled. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 136; Cronista, Aug. 28, 1863. Boletin Ofic. (Puebla), Aug. 29, 1863.
34. He was a man of fifty-two years, descended from a military family, and had won his earliest laurels in Africa, distinguishing himself later in the Crimea and in Italy, as general of a division. A knowledge of Spanish acquired in a campaign against the Carlists served greatly to favor him in Mexico.
35. The fact that the movement was led by a foreign power, hated for its superiority and success, must operate against it to some extent; and superstition, class, and race feeling, and party spirit and ambition, were still too strong for indulging the hope that a voluntary fusion might be effected, like that under the plan of Iguala. Napoleon wrote decisively against any reactionary policy, although not objecting to temporizing in order to keep the clergy in good humor. Comments in Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 95 et seq.; Iglesias, Interven., ii. 184-919; Kératry, Max., 25-8.
36. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 386-7.
37. For regulations and leading generals, see Id., 304-14. The decree was issued Sept. 25th, so that Forey contributed his aid.
38. Those on duty alone received pay. Armament, medicine, instructions, and pensions, if the fund permitted it, were covered. The decree is dated Oct. 3d. Regulations were also issued for maintaining the efficiency of strongholds. The country was placed under French military laws while the war lasted. Rules in Id., 432-8.
39. The original text is preserved in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 1051-2.
40. Capt. Niox of the staff gives exact details in his Expéd. du Mex., 328-30, 335-7. He estimates the Mexican troops at about l3,000. A small but famous band among the French was the guerrilla party, operating in Vera Cruz under Col Dupin, whose deeds are recorded by Keratry and others, and in Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 419-33.
41. The above apportionment underwent certain changes, however, Antillon being alluded to shortly after as commanding the second division. Estrella Occid., Nov. 13 and Aug. 7, 1863. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 336, estimates the forces at 8,000 under Negrete, between San Luis Potosí and Pachuca; 4,000 under Uraga, in Michoacan; 4,000 under Álvarez, in Guerrero; and 5,000 under Diaz, to unove into Puebla and southward. See other estimates in Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 384-7; Vega, Doc., i. 141, 214, 218-19, 223-4; Diario Ofic., Oct. 3, 1863, etc. Niox estimates the republican.
42. A new minister, Fuente, had left for Washington in Sept. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 164. Romero nevertheless figures throughout as Juarist representative.
43. The main fear was naturally a recognition of the confederacy by France and other powers, which might at best lead to reënforcements for the southern states. The caution of Seward is well instanced by a letter to Minister Corwin in Mexico, who had taken Prussians and other foreign residents under his protection, cautioning him not to rouse the susceptibilities of the government. Id., 98-9; Foreign Affairs, 1-23, 38th Cong. 2d Sess. The enlistment of men for the Juarez army had been forbidden, in a special note from Seward of Oct. 29th. An agent from Sonora and adjoining states, of more than doubtful influence, sought about this time to arrange with the Washington government for a cession of these states, in view of the French advance. Little attention was accorded to him. Voz Méj., Feb. 23, 1864. South American states were not illiberal with sympathy for Juarez, but that was all. See correspondence in Id., Aug. 1-Nov. 3, 1863.
44. In the autumn of this year Gov. Vega of Sinaloa went to California to buy arms, the amount drawn from the custom-house of Mazatlan for the purpose being over $260,000. For documents of instruction, vouchers, and invoices, see Vega, Doc., MS., i. 7 et seq.; Arellano, Cuenta, MS., 1-17. The trouble and detention with the 11,000 rifles, etc., are related in Vega, Deposits, MS. Subscriptions were also received in California for campaign and prisoners' fund. Voz Méj., Feb. 28, 1863, and following numbers.
45. The force holding Actopan amounted to 1,300 men under Herrera and Cairo. Cabrera was among the guerrillas elsewhere defeated. In return, one party under Martinez and others gained a temporary advantage at Tlalpan by descending from the Ajusco Range, and in the following month of Nov. they captured a convoy for Cuernavaca. A few days later Giron, Fragoso, and Romero were routed ear Otumba. Periód. Ofic., Sept. 10, Nov. 24, 26, Dec. 1, 10, 12, 19, 1863, etc.; Voz Méj., Oct. 15, Nov. 10, Dec. 10, 1863, Jan. 5, 1864, etc.
46. Where Visoso of Chautla gained advantages over republican guerrillas, and Gavito relieved Coayuca besieged by them. Periód. Ofic., Sept. 12, 19, Nov. 26, 1863; La Voz de Méj., Nov. 12, 1863.
47. Miron retired with his 800 men toward Cotastla. This occurred in the latter part of Oct. The French guerrillas under Dupin were keeping clear the vicinity of Vera Cruz city. Id., Oct. 13, 15, Dec. 22, 1863. In Tabasco were also certain movements. Id., Oct. 15.
48. Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 225. This incident led to a singular conservative fiasco. José María Cobos, a Spanish adventurer who had risen from a contraband trader to the rank of general under Zuloaga, was at this time a refugee in Texas. His rank and antipathy toward the French caused him to be summoned as a leader of the movement. He accepted, and without fully sounding the disposition of the pronunciados, prepared to form a revolution against the Juarist government. This was more than Cortina, the commandant of the garrison, had bargained for. He promptly seized the unsuspecting Cobos and had him shot, and thereupon reported to Juarez, declaring his loyalty, but demanding the confirmation of Serna as governor, and the removal of the siege proclamation. Juarez objected to the arbitrary overthrowing of Ruiz, and this gave impulse to the party war now undertaken. Diario Ofic., Nov. 15, 1863, etc.; Diaz, Biog., MS., 104-5; La Estrella de Occid., Oct. 13, Dec. 18, 1863. In Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 189-99, is given the official correspondence.
49. Marquez' report, 1-27, and lists enumerating 574 killed, and other details. Lu Voz de Méj., Jan. 7, 12, 16, 1864, etc.; Periód. Ofic., Dec. 12, 1863. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 894-920, naturally colors the story in favor of Marquez; and Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 219-21, in favor of Uraga. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 181, places the loss at 1,500 prisoners and 11 guns, besides 200 killed. Marquez was wounded. Niox says 600 kiiled and as many prisoners. Expėd. du Mex., 344; Castillo, Uruapan, 1-16, with description of town.
50. The division of Miramon and Taboada, which had advanced to Irapuato, could here have swelled their ranks with fully 3,000 volunteers; but Bazaine declined to encumber himself with such men.
51. The 'assassination,' as republican writers unjustly term it, took place at Molino de Soria, under the lead of Col Gonzalez Aguirre, who also killed several of the small escort and captured some funds and valuable documents. The body was buried at Allende, and a nine days' mourning imposed on officials and the army, Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 186-9, funeral honors being again decreed in 1868, Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 267, when Juarez was able to transfer the remains to San Fernando cemetery at Mexico. See also Rivera, Gob. Mex., ii. 531; Zamacois, list. Méj., xvi. 86l-3; La Voz de Méj., Dec. 10, 1863; 'killed by malefactors, led by the Troncosos,' says a letter in La Estrella de Occid, Dec. 18, 25, 1863; Periód. Ofic., Nov. 21, 1863.
52. Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 197, 225.
53. Declaiming against the French as marauders and assassins, who proposed the enslavement of Mexico, and pointing out that the more they spread the weaker they would become, and a sure prey to the valiant republicans. Diario D.b., 3d Cong. 2d Sess., 59-61. This is signed by 73 deputies, headed by their president, Arriaga. The former session had closed on May 31st, the present was summoned for Sept. 5th. Mex., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 103-4.
54. 'Parecía destinado Doblado á engañar á todos los diplomáticos y los generales,' exclaims Arrangoiz, tartly. Méj., iii. 182. Bazaine's object, says a French writer, was to win over Doblado and place him in the regency. De jeter eu bas Almonte et Salas, ou tout au moins le dernier.' Mex. L'Interv. Franç., 204; Periód. Ofic., Dec. 10, 17, 19, 1863, Jan. 12, 1864; La Voz de Méj., Dec. 12, 1863, etc.; Niox, Expéd, du Mex., 341-3.
55. Arteaga and Rojas were expected to join Uraga with 8,000 men. Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 224.
56. Ghilardi and Alcalde led two of the three charging columns. The fail. ure was attributed to a lack of accord. Iglesias denies that reënforcements had been received. Revistas, ii. 223. Niox places the combatants at 2,500 and 5,000 respectively. Expéd. du Mex., 316. Zamacois raises the number of prisoners to 1,300. Hist. Méj., xvi. 926. The false alarm of French reënforcements for Mejía had led Negrete to evacuate the city. Vega, Ausil. Comis., in Vega, Doc.; Periód. Ofic., Jan. 12, 1864; La Voz de Méj., Feb. 9, 1864, etc.
57. Parrodi was born in Habana, Ampudia in Spain. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 180. This author is frequently wrong in dates. Mex., Col. Leyes, 1863-67, i. 235, 286-7, alludes feelingly to the killing of Governor Villanueva.