History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 6

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

CHAPTER VI.

ARRIVAL OF THE IMPERIAL SOVEREIGNS.

1864.

Military Movements — Juarez Declines to Resign — He Retires to Monterey — Tampico Campaign — Imperial Gains — Proceedings in Europe — Formal Acceptation of the Mexican Crown — Imperial Visit to Rome — Arrival of the Sovereigns at Vera Cruz — Receptions at Córdoba, Orizaba, and Puebla — Entry into Mexico — Grand Demonstration — New Order Created.

Bazaine himself met with equal success in the west by occupying the important city of Guadalajara, on January 5, 1864, without a blow, General Arteaga retiring southward, joined by the Rojas and other guerrillas. General Mariano Morett was appointed prefect of the new department, and several other distributions of offices took place.^[1] Political affairs calling the French commander-in-chief back to Mexico, he left^[2] Colonel Gamier in charge, with a garrison of 2,000 men. This withdrawal was no sooner known than the Juarist generals Uraga and Ortega prepared to move against the city with respectable forces,^[3] but no resolute operations were made, Gamier taking the offensive and distracting the somewhat scattered forces, till Douay arrived on February 25th with strong reenforcements. Ortega now retired toward Fresnillo, and Uraga westward. The latter had been x ever since the defeat at Morelia. After several vague movements his supplies had been cut off, and his forces so disorganized that on retreating into Jalisco in the beginning of the year, he found himself reduced to little over 2,000 men, although this number was here quickly increased. Michoacan remained after this comparatively quiet under the administration of Marquez.^[4]

French Operations in Jalisco.

Uraga's retreat had been mainly due to Douay, who thereupon, in conjunction with Castagny, went northward, captured Aguascalientes,^[5] and continued his march against the rich mining town of Zacatecas, which was occupied without a blow on February 7th. Here Castagny was left in charge,^[6] while the former hastened to the relief of Garnier at Guadalajara, and began in this region a campaign for driving out Juarists. He was encouraged at the outset by the adhesion of General Lozada, who, at the head of the Indians in Tepic district, had affected independence of the two contending parties.^[7] Going south in pursuit of the guerrillas Gutierrez and Rojas, he inflicted a severe defeat on the former, and destroyed two factories for arms and powder near Cocula.^[8] A little later he entered Colima, pressing closely General Uraga, who had here sought to recuperate himself.^[9]

Meanwhile detachments were penetrating northward, a garrison being placed at Cuquio, on the road to Zacatecas. Colonel Potier, on May 13th, took by assault Nochistlan, one of the chief republican strongholds,^[10] which was obstinately defended. He thereupon entered the mountains in pursuit of the guerrilla chiefs Sandoval and Cadena, and after more than one victorious encounter, managed to restore tranquillity for a time in the valleys above Juchipila.^[11] The upper portions thereof had been cleared three months before by Castagny's men, who on February 16th surprised Colotlan and took four score prisoners, including General Ghilardi. The latter, being a fugitive from Puebla, after the capitulation, was shot.^[12] A similar fate befell Chavez, the late governor of Aguascalientes, who during the following month made a raid on Malpaso hacienda, and allowed his followers to kill a number of women and children.^[13] A detachment pursued him to Jerez, and captured the place with considerable slaughter.^[14]

In the Pinos district, eastward, several guerrilla bands were driven back into the Sierra Hermosa, where Ortega was holding forth with nearly 3,000 men, gathering tribute from mines, and awaiting the opportunity for effective demonstration. This he lost by failing to coöperate with Doblado, who, in the middle of May, descended from Monterey upon Matehuala, where Mejía had been stationed since January. Advised of the movement, the latter obtained French reënforcements under Colonel Aymard, commandant at San Luis Potosí, and Doblado met with a reception as unexpected as it was hot. Within a few hours he found himself completely routed, with a loss of nearly 1,200 prisoners and all his artillery.^[15] The blow overthrew all Juarist plans for a while, and Doblado felt it so severely that he left the country within a few weeks for the United States, where he died a year later.^[16] Mejía was gratified by the receipt, shortly after the victory, of the cross of the legion of honor, sent by Napoleon. San Luis Potosí remained after this comparatively quiet, save in the northern districts; but even in the more southern department of Guanajuato and Querétaro into Mexico and Puebla, guerrillas rose now and then, with little success, however.^[17]

The only important exception, so far, to the succession of republican disasters is furnished in the

State of Oajaca.

campaign of General Diaz. At the head of the eastern division of the army, consisting of about 3,000 men, with a few cannon, organized mainly by himself, he swept, early in the autumn of the preceding year, through Querétaro, Michoacan, and Mexico, into Guerrero, driving Valdés before him, and laying

siege, on October 26th, to the small though strong town of Tasco, celebrated since Aztec times for its silver mines. The militia, headed by Toledo, made a vigorous resistance, but were compelled to capitulate three days later.^[18] On the 5 til of November Diaz moved against the brigade of Vicario, who took refuge within the historic Iguala; but reinforcements coming from Mexico and Michoacan, the siege was abandoned. Diaz now proceeded southward and into Oajaca, receiving continual additions to his forces, which soon after were estimated as high as 8,000 men.^[19] He assumed, also, the political control of the states from Vera Cruz southward, and took measures for counteracting imperialist movements. Guerrero remained in charge of the valiant ex-president, Juan Alvarez, practically the sovereign in this region, whose advanced age had of late obliged him to surrender active pursuits to his son Diego. He died September 28th. Pinzon assisted in the defence of the state, which found protection in the unhealthy climate of certain coast districts.

In Chiapas the imperialists had as yet obtained no sure foothold,^[20] and their position was further imperilled by the fall, on the 27th of February, of San Juan Bautista, capital of Tabasco, after a siege of six weeks. It was defended both by garrison and French vessels;^[21] but the ready water communication, the large reinforcements sent by Diaz, and the hostility of the people made it both useless and expensive to attempt holding this state, so remote from the centre of operations. The French accordingly restricted themselves for a while to a not very effectual blockade of the river mouth. The republicans, on the other hand, were so encouraged by their success as tɔ advance into Vera Cruz, under García, and lay siege to Minatitlan, which surrendered March 28th.^[22]

These advantages were neutralized by French successes in Yucatan. A strong party, headed by General Navarrete, had pronounced for the empire, in the northern part of the state, and incited by district rivalry, they seized the pretence for invading Campeche, which upheld Juarez. Captain Gloué assisted with a naval force, and the city yielded on January 22d^[23] Navarrete could not be induced to join in a Tabasco campaign, but the imperial control over the Términos region served in a measure to sustain the faction lately rising in Chiapas.

 

President Juarez had, meanwhile, been so pressed by troubles nearer home as to find little time to deplore the disasters overwhelming him in the central and western provinces. Discontent, as we have seen, was roused in many quarters against several of his acts, invested as he had been with dictatorial power; yet the feeling could be traced chiefly to personal jealousy, which seized upon military reverses for the purpose of casting discredit upon the executive. At this time the term of the supreme judges expired, and congress not being in session, and an election difficult to make, Juarez assumed the responsibility of appointing others. This gave fresh cause for outcry against a president whose prestige was obscured by flight. His resignation was demanded, Doblado and Ortega sending a commission to Saltillo to that effect. Juarez refused to comply, on the ground that not he but the form of government was the object of attack; and, chosen by the people to defend their institutions, he felt bound to maintain his position while they were imperilled.^[24] There had been some talk in congress of another faction, to amend the constitution so as to conciliate a large element, but without leading to anything definite. The firmness of Juarez, and his desire to avoid discord, prevailed with Doblado and Ortega. Not so with Vidaurri, who had joined in the outcry. The yielding of the others caused him to shift his base a little, and demand of the minister of finance the restoration to the government of the sources of federal revenue so long abandoned to his state. He declared that Nuevo Leon and Coahuila could not at the time spare these means, and indignant at the interference now begun in departments which he had hitherto controlled like a sovereign, he peremptorily forbade custom-house collectors from paying over any funds to Juarez.^[25] The latter replied by stating that he was about to transfer his seat of government to Monterey, Vidaurri's capital, attended by the troops of Doblado, and with General Antillon in close proximity.^[26] Vidaurri made some preparations, but dared not offer decided resistance, and Juarez entered on February 12th, amidst the sullen silence of the people. Reënforcements were approaching, however, to sustain the rebellious governor, who had persuaded Doblado to retire, and two days later the president found it prudent to return to Saltillo.^[27] Deeply incensed at the humiliation, Juarez at once took steps to restore his prestige. Doblado was drawn closer by promises, and Uraga, Ortega, and Governor Patoni of Durango were ordered to send aid. Vidaurri

Nuevo Leon.

had resolved to break with the republican authorities, bidding the state officials to ignore them.

Personal ambition was the main object with him, and finding from the preparations of Juarez that this might be imperilled, he entered freely into the negotiations opened by Bazaine, who held out both threats and promises. Not venturing to give in his adhesion to the empire without the consent of the people, he ordered, on March 2d, that their votes should be taken on the matter.^[28]

Aware of the negotiations, Juarez had on the 26th of February issued a decree dissolving the union of Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, formed by the ambitious Vidaurri a few years before, and declaring them in a state of siege. A week later he issued a proclamation imposing the penalty for traitors on all who obeyed the summons to vote issued by Vidaurri, now virtually considered as removed from his government.^[29] This threat, sustained by the gathering Juarist forces, intimidated the people from voting, and signs of defection appearing among the troops,^[30] Vidaurri sent commissioners to Juarez, offering to retire into private life if the past were overlooked. The president replied that submission must be unconditional. Vidaurri had prepared for defence, and would agree to no such terms; but on learning that the troops marching against him numbered about 7,000, under Miguel Negrete, minister of war, he abandoned the city with a force of over 1,000 men. These soon abandoned him, and he fled into Texas. The Juarists occupied Monterey March 29th, and the government installed itself there a few days later, summoning the congress to meet there^[31] under protection of the army, which was imposing enough to keep in check the French forces in San Luis Potosí,^[32] by its movements in the northern part of that state, till Doblado's crushing defeat at Matehuala reduced its proportions. Meanwhile it also assisted to restrict imperialists in Tampico, although Carbajal was driven from the district on attempting to encroach too closely upon the ground held by the French guerrilla chief, Dupin, imperialist governor of Tamaulipas, a daring, but cruel and greedy soldier.^[33] This reverse by no means quieted the region, and in order to obtain submission, he caused the town of Ozuluama to be burned for a refusal to surrender arms. The effect was to hasten the evacuation of Pánuco, by the Juarist Pavon; but reënforced from Huasteca, he retook the town not long after.^[34]

 

The preceding review of military operations shows that as the time approached for Maximilian to take possession of his throne, the most important part of the country had been practically brought under his sway, embracing the vast extent of rich mining and agricultural provinces from about latitude 18° to 23°, containing two thirds of the population and the chief manufacturing and trade interests. In some of these provinces republican guerrillas still hovered, notably in Michoacan, Jalisco, and southern Puebla, but the imperialists were about to capture Acapulco and reduce Guerrero, to invade Sinaloa and advance in other directions, so that the position of the former party was precarious indeed. At the close of May, however, they still held the rather scantily inhabited provinces of Sinaloa and Sonora, Durango and Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon and part of Tamaulipas, including control of some rich mining districts, and two valuable custom-houses at Matamoros and Mazatlan. In the south they occupied Guerrero, Oajaca, Tabasco, and Chiapas, where Diaz loomed as the only formidable bulwark; for the northern armies were about shattered, and their territory protected greatly by the sparseness of its settlements, with the attendant lack of supplies, and hardships.^[35]

The reason for the rapid advance of the Franco-Mexicans was due, not to superior valor, for the republicans fought well, but to discipline and arms, and above all to a better organization of troops, and carefully studied manœuvres. The Juarist forces, on the other hand, were largely of raw recruits, attracted by patriotism or a desire for plunder, or more generally pressed into service, and little able from lack of training and disposition to withstand the regular soldiers from European and Algerian battle-fields. They were deficient in armament and outfit, in quantity as well as quality, and discord reigned, one jealous leader opposing another, or refusing to act in accord, and so causing the failure of the best plans.

The successes of the Franco-Mexican columns might have been made even more effective had the regency displayed any proportionate energy in organizing the administration and carrying out reforms.^[36] The Mexican imperialists clung, above all, to the conservative principles, and the liberal ideas, as exhibited in church questions and other respects, were generally due to French compulsion.^[37] To the same source Juarists ascribe the popular adhesion to the empire.^[38] There is no doubt that the largest proportion of the people in the occupied provinces, including the steady artisan, the settled farmer, the trader, and property holder, the substantial people of the country, gave in their allegiance, or allowed the local authorities to do so in their name, mainly for the sake of peace, admitting probably that this appeared to be best insured under a strong central government, like the empire, upheld by such powerful elements as French armies. But many had suffered so severely from unprincipled guerrillas as to abhor the term Juarist; others saw in the federal republic only a faction-torn illusion; and a still larger party was influenced wholly by the clergy, to whom the empire promised wealth and power.

Knowing as we do the national characteristics of indolence and improvidence, impetuosity and vanity, we can readily understand how the one might, in certain cases, influence submission, while the others would prompt to patriotic efforts, regardless of personal comfort or prospects. The fact that French armies piloted the new government was enough to modify every success, as instanced by the constant effort, of land-holders at least, to tender neutrality instead of submission,^[39] and the repeated springing-up of fresh opponents, even in the central provinces. Victories by foreign soldiers could hardly please even the most rabid conservative; and to others they appeared in more sombre aspect as being achieved for the sake of installing a foreign prince, perhaps a mere agent for French designs. Every severe act by such hands, as the execution of bandit chiefs or guerrilla leaders, tended to intensify dislike under the incentive of republican proclamations.^[40]

 

At the opening of the year the Franco-Mexican forces had overrun the most important part of the country, and in February there were adherents enough to represent the majority of the provinces, and presumably of the population. Regardless of the sincerity of this vote, the regency hastened to send the returns to the commissioners in Europe. This unwarrantable haste must not be censured too severely, however, for Maximilian himself appears to have been eager to grasp at almost any illusions that might excuse his acceptance of the coveted crown.^[41] He had long regarded himself as emperor, holding councils and arranging private affairs with that view. The latter called him to Brussels, and receiving there the report of the plebiscit in Mexico, he hastened to Paris to arrange for guarantees.

With the coöperation of English bankers, a loan of £8,000,000 was placed, which, after deducting the modest discount of thirty-seven per cent and the expenses, yielded less than half the amount. Of this Maximilian obtained about ten per cent, and most of the remainder was absorbed for interest on the present and previous loans. So much for the first financial operation of the empire.^[42] The guarantees were satisfactorily arranged, as will be seen, although not without some trouble, owing to Maximilian's decided refusal to let France absorb Sonora.^[43]

After a series of brilliant receptions at Paris, the archduke and his consort crossed to England to hold an interview with Palmerston, leading to no better results than before. Ex-queen Marie Amélie, grandmother of Charlotte, living at Claremont, expressed herself decidedly opposed to the enterprise. She had experienced the dangers and illusions connected with a crown, and in a country more stable in culture and politics than Mexico. But nothing could now change the resolution taken.

Returning to Miramare, where the Mexican deputation was awaiting him,^[44] Maximilian prepared to formally accept the throne. There was a serious hinderance, however. One condition expected by the Mexicans, and demanded by Emperor Francis Joseph, was that he should renounce his right of succession to the Austrian throne. But the sacrifice appeared greater as the time approached for making it. There was but one young son of the emperor between him and that mighty object, and the manner in which Francis Joseph himself had gained the sceptre held out alluring hopes for similar accidents. The archducal pair wished to retain their right at least in behalf of descendants, and a decided coldness sprang up between the brothers on this point, Charlotte displaying her agitation by casy-flowing tears. Mexican history for the last half-century presented by no means a reassuring prospect to rulers.^[45]

Finally the emperor came over to Miramare and the matter was arranged, Maximilian signing, on the 9th of April, the desired renunciation in behalf of himself and his descendants.^[46] On the following day he received the Mexican deputation in the midst of a brilliant assemblage. Their president, Gutierrez de Estrada, was spokesman, and announced that the vote of the assembly of notables had been ratified by an immense majority of the people, through the municipal authorities and other popular bodies. They accordingly came to ask him for a full and definite acceptance of the Mexican throne, from which to advance the glorious destiny of the country.^[47] The archduke replied that a careful examination of the acts of allegiance filled him with confidence in the ratification, so that he could regard himself as the rightful elect of the people. The French emperor had given the necessary guarantees for enabling the new empire to establish its independence and welfare on solid bases; and the chief of his family having consented, he now solemnly accepted from the Mexican nation the offered crown. He assumed the power conferred on him, but "would retain it only till order could be reëstablished in Mexico, with wisely liberal institutions." He would "hasten to place the monarchy under constitutional laws so soon as complete pacification had been attained." The oath was thereupon administered, followed by a triple viva to the new emperor and empress, in whose honor the imperial Mexican flag was hoisted amidst salvos from battle-ships and batteries. During the te deum services in the chapel, Maximilian wore the Guadalupe order. A banquet concluded the ceremonies.^[48]

The same day were issued decrees dissolving the regency, and appointing Almonte lieutenant of the empire, to govern for the emperor; sedate old Joaquin Velazquez de Leon minister of state; Arrangoiz, Hidalgo, and Murphy ministers plenipotentiary to Belgium, France, and Austria, respectively; Woll adjutant-general; and a number of foreign and Mexican nobles and gentlemen as officers of the imperial household,^[49]several of whom were decorated with the order of Guadalupe, now restored.^[50]The empress was declared regent in case of accident.^[51]

A more important transaction was the signing of the convention with Napoleon, whereby it was agreed to reduce the French troops as soon as possible to 25,000, including the foreign legion. This body, serving to insure the object of the intervention, should evacuate the country as soon as the forces could be organized to take their place; yet the foreign legion of 8,000 was to remain, if required, for six years after the above withdrawal, sustained from this time by the Mexican government. The transport service for French military supplies must be paid by the same government with 400,000 francs for the round trip; likewise the cost of the French expedition, fixed at 270,000,000 francs for the whole time, till July 1, 1864, with interest at three per cent per annum. After this date the expenses of the Mexican army rested with Mexico, which had also to give 1,000 francs for the maintenance of each French soldier, pay included. Against these sums the Mexican government had to pay at once 66,000,000 in bonds of the late loan, at the rate of issue,^[52] and 25,000,000 in specie annually.^[53] A mixed commission of three Frenchmen and three Mexicans was to meet at Mexico within three months, to adjust the claims of French citizens.^[54] All Mexican prisoners of war held by the French were to be released as soon as Maximilian entered his states. In additional secret articles, Maximilian approved of the French policy as outlined in Forey's proclamation of June 11, 1863, and subsequently through Bazaine and the regency, and he promised to so express himself in a manifesto to the people. Napoleon promised, on his side, that the French force of 38,000 men should be reduced only gradually, 28,000 thereof remaining in 1865, 25,000 in 1866, and 20,000 in 1867. The officers of the foreign legion included in the above force, serving as they did also French interests, were to retain the right to promotion in the French army.^[55]

The secret clauses were loudly decried afterward as a deception on the people, ministering wholly to the ambitious views of the contracting parties, and in direct opposition to what had been intimated to the deputation from Mexico. The trip to Paris had greatly modified, or rather defined, the plans of Maximilian; yet the conservatives should have learned from his administration in Lombardy that his ideas were decidedly liberal. The clause for the maintenance of a larger French force than mentioned in the first article shows how little confidence the new emperor had in the 'immense popular majority' which elected him, a doubt expressed also in the demand for frequent demonstrations on the coasts by French vessels, and in his reluctance to surrender archducal rights.^[56] The financial part of the agreement was denounced by the Juarists as an outrageous imposition, like the article referring the final adjustment of French claims to a commission at Paris, there to be influenced by Napoleon. The subordination of Mexican officers of whatever rank to the French, when associated on garrison or field duty, was a humiliation which served to rouse conservatives from the beginning.^[57] Another not very agreeable feature was the enrolment in Austria and Belgium of volunteers to serve as nuclei for the imperial army, and also as standing tokens of distrust, sources for bitter and dangerous jealousies.^[58] Thus far alone went the support given by Francis Joseph, who in other respects made it understood that felt himself in no manner responsible for or connected with the plans of his brother.

 

The preparations of Maximilian for his journey had already been made, and on the fourth day after accepting the crown he and his wife embarked at Miramare on board the frigate Novara for Civita Vecchia,^[59] en route for Rome, there to confer with the pope on points already imparted by Aguilar y Marocho, the newly accredited minister at the Vatican. It was understood that Maximilian would exert himself to remedy the evil suffered by the church, and to restore the respect due to the clergy.^[60] After a stay of two days at Rome he continued his voyage April 20th, touching at Gibraltar^[61] and Martinique,^[62] and reaching Vera Cruz on the 28th of May.

The Themis arrived a few hours in advance, to give the people notice, and bringing to them a proclamation, wherein Maximilian promised to consecrate himself to their happiness, 'by maintaining inviolable justice, equality before the law, open path for all to every career and position, personal liberty and protection of property, development of national wealth and trade, and the free unfolding of intelligence in all its relations to public interest.^[63] Almonte, having come down from Mexico, presented himself on board to tender welcome, and introduce a number of representative men. In surrendering the supreme command, he received the appointment of grand marshal of the court and minister of the imperial house.^[64]

Early the following morning the sovereigns landed amid a vast concourse of enthusiastic people, eager to behold personages so distinguished, the highest, as the European world goes, that had ever come to the country, and allied too in blood, the one to the actual Bourbon family of Spain, the other to the great Charles for whom Cortés had occupied Anáhuac three centuries and a half before. In this very month and on this very spot the famous captain had received the homage of Montezuma's subjects, and conceived the project of seizing the throne now offered by his liberated descendants. A glittering prize it was, envied by all Europe in those semi-barbaric days, and not least by Francis I., who consoled himself by capturing some of the Aztec treasures while expressing a desire for their sources. And now France held possession, as agent for restoring them to a descendant of the original and envied holder, but in another garb; a new-born race had sprung up beneath a transoceainc culture, and unfolded fresh resources and vaster industries and intercourse.

The type of progress lay presented in Vera Cruz

Vera Cruz and Harbor.

itself, risen out of the sandy plain where the conquerors first encamped in tents, and grown into a fine cosmopolitan city, with a port visited by vessels from every quarter of the world, and protected by a formidable sea-girth castle. The first impression on the sovereigns could hardly have been displeasing, as they drove through the streets decorated with flowers and bunting, and pompous with arches and festoons, while cheers and salvos appealed to every ear and heart.^[65]

Owing to the unhealthiness of the season at Vera Cruz the sovereigns were persuaded to hasten direct to the railway station.^[66] The road was open as yet only for a distance of fourteen leagues to Loma Alta, and from here the party proceeded by coaches to Córdoba. Two mishaps occurred on the way, which struck the superstitious as ominous. One was the breaking of the axle of the imperial coach, and the other a rainstorm which extinguished all the torches of the escort. Córdoba was astir and brilliantly illuminated, although the imperial suite arrived before three o'clock in the morning. The whole of May 30th was spent in festīvities, and in receiving deputations, among them one from Indians, who in their humble attire came to tender homage, bringing as tokens the nosegays that from time immemorial had served to welcome the honored guest. "Thou comest like the rainbow to dissipate the clouds of discord; sent by the Almighty, may he give thee strength to save us!"^[67]

In this allusion to a heaven-sent being crops out the ancient tradition, connected with Quetzalcoatl, of a white-bearded man who should come from the land of the rising sun and rule the country, bringing peace and prosperity. It was to this belief that Cortés owed many of his successes, and his lieutenant, Alvarado, received the epithet Tonatiuh, the sun, from his fair hue, while the conquerors, as a rule, were known as the children of the sun. Maximilian was a decided blonde, with a commanding stature, and the still lingering myth, applying strikingly both to his person and mission, found ready application. Nor did his gentle expression and suave condescension fail to impress favorably even those whose republican principles impelled them to discourtesy. It is related that Maximilian on entering Orizaba noticed four persons planting themselves conspicuously in front of the crowd, to display their opposition by remaining there fixed and solid. He saluted them pointedly, raising his hat, and with true Mexican politeness the four men acknowledged the compliment.^[68]

The reception at Puebla, entered on June 5th, was particularly brilliant, corresponding to the greater size and wealth of this city. The arches and decorations were finer, and the festivities more elaborate and gay. The emperor in this vicinity displayed his fine horsemanship in a manner that pleased a large class.^[69] All preceding demonstrations were eclipsed, however, by those at the capital. On approaching the town, centring round the shrine of Guadalupe they found an immense throng lining the road, along which came to meet them the leading people of the country, in carriages and on horseback, prominent being three hundred of the representative youth mounted in costly array on spirited chargers. At a signal, all dismounted or stepped from their vehicles, and midst a floral shower rent the air with vivas. Nearer the town appeared the archbishop and several other prelates with the canopy, both of the sovereigns kissing the ring of the primate.

The entry into Mexico took place on the 12th, amidst great enthusiasm. The principal streets were profusely draped in gala attire, and windows had been rented at fabulous prices for the occasion. At the palace waited Bazaine and other leading generals and officials, including Mejía, fresh from his victory in the north over Doblado. Appointed spokesman by the knights of Guadalupe, the rough soldier manifested some trepidation before the brilliant assembly, whereupon Maximilian took the paper from his hand and embraced him, saying: "I care not for words, but for hearts. I know that yours belongs to me.^[70]

Among the provincial people at the reception, with attendant balls, banquets, illuminations, and entertainments, were departmental deputations, to which great attention was paid.^[71] Decorations were freely dispensed;^[72]and not content with the order of Guadalupe, a new one was created not long after, called the Eagle, which was placed above the other, and given to a comparatively small number, to the great disgust of a large class.^[73] A special order was instituted for women, the San Cárlos.^[74] An amnesty for political offences appeared,^[75] and authorities were bidden to blot out injurious party terms, and leave unmolested any opponent of the imperial cause who chose to lay down arms and live in peace.^[76] Special appeals were besides made to leading republicans, resulting in the adherence of such men as Vidaurri, who became councillor of state, and General Cortina, who soon, however, ignored this allegiance, as did many another when opportunity or inducement drew them again to the Juarist side.^[77] Among these figured prisoners who had been sent to France, and who were released on giving in their allegiance.^[78]

Freedom of the press was bestowed,^[79] and arrangements were made for granting public audiences, Sunday being selected as most convenient for the people.^[80] To this direct appeal to the masses he added the habit of occasionally appearing in the national dress, notably the short jacket and the slashed trousers lined with buttons.^[81] In connection with the audiences for redressing wrongs came a revision of tribunals, and the appointment of a visiting inspector.^[82] Conciliatory proceedings were above all to be used, and no costs levied in verbal suits.^[83] The empress, on her side, ministered to charities and other benevolent institutions. As an instance of respect for popular religious customs, she and the emperor one day descended from their carriage and knelt in the street on meeting the host. On the other hand came an order for keeping public offices open during the forenoon of Sundays;^[84] and loose remarks on toleration were brought against Maximilian by conservatives, as well as the absence of the cross from the imperial crown, and of the phrase 'by grace of God' in connection with his title.^[85]

 

 

1. La Voz de Méj., Jan. 15, 1864, etc.; Periód. Ofic. t Mar. 3, 1864; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvii. 10-12.
2. He pursued some harassing guerrillas, and placed small forces at La Piedad and Zamora.
3. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 353, places their strength at 5,000 and 2,000 respectively.
4. Guerrillas hovered here as elsewhere, however, directed in part by Caamaño, Juarist governor. La Voz de Méj., June 28, 1864; Vega, Doc., ii. In May Servin was surprised.
5. Defended by about 600 men. Three chiefs, Jáureguy, Mendoza, and Ramirez, were executed for brigandage.
6. Transferred soon after to Querétaro, Gen. L'Hériller took command here. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 368.
7. He accepted subsidies for his troops, which were placed at 3,000, including 1,000 mounted men. The arrangement was effected March 19th, through Rivas, the lieut of Lozada.
8. At Tula and Tlapalpa, on March 26th and 27th.
9. He had been levying on cattle and grain. Governor Ramon de la Vega had left some time ago for Acapulco, La Estrella de Occid., Mar. 11, 1864, Julio García succeeding. La Voz de Méj., June 28, 1864. By decree of March 31st, Uraga, as commander of the central division of the army, received extraordinary powers, which served him little however. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, ii. 17; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 679-80.
10. Held by Jesus Mejía with nearly 500 men. Mejía fell, with most of his officers and about 200 men.
11. Niox claims some valiant deeds here on the part of Courcy's division. 'Le peloton de chasseurs á cheval, réduit á treize hommes, aborda sans hésiter plus de trois cents cavaliers.' Expéd. du Mex., 369. The superiority of French arms and the prestige of constant victories were powerful auxiliaries. Courcy had previously driven Sandoval from Colotlan district. Both the chiefs surrendered not long after.
12. He defended Acapulco in Jan. 1863, against Admiral Bouet, and fought at San Luis Potosí, as we have seen. 'Asesinato' is the term applied by republicans to his execution. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 334.
13. Certain republican sources will admit only that the place took fire during the attack, and charge that the Mexican rabble in the French wake did such deeds at Jerez, whither Chavez retired. La Estrella de Occid., June 10, 1864. Zamacois assumes that the deed was committed by a rebellious band of his party. Hist. Méj., xvii. 111. Of course the Periód. Ofic., April 3, 1864, paints it stronger.
14. A widely signed petition was presented in his behalf, pleading his age, family connections, and great services for his state; but in vain. Seven others were likewise executed.
15. The victors place Doblado's forces at 6,000, with 18 cannon. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 371. Iglesias reduces them to 2,000. Revistas, 366. The battle took place May 17th, Antillon leading the troops, assisted by Carbajal. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, 47-9; La Voz de Méj., May 22, June 7, 1864.
16. June 19, 1805. He remained ever true to the cause, as may be judged from his indignant return of a pass procured for him from the imperial authorities. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvii. 516-18.
17. For details concerning preceding operations in the northern and western regions, see La Voz de Méj., Jan. to June 1804, passim; Periód. Ofic., Id., Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 923 et seq., xvii. 7 et seq.; Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 251 et seq.
18. Surrendering 271 prisoners. Iglesias, Revistas, ii. 195. A previous attempt by guerrillas upon Teloloapan, near by, had failed.
19. Niox placed them, in Oct., at 6,000. Iglesias raises this, a little later, to 7,000; and Vega, Doc, i. 316, hazards 8,000; while La Estrella de Occid., July 8, 1864, swells the number, in May 18644, to 12,000. La Voz de Mej., Mar. 22, June 9, 1864; Periód. Ofic., Jan. 16, 1864.
20. Their forces under Ortega were in the beginning of the year holding forth near the Tabasco frontier. La Estrella de Occid., Aprii 21, 1864; La Voz de Mej., Dec. 22, 1863, May 10, 1864.
21. Gov. Sierra places the imperial force at 600, with 4 steamers, 1 schooner, and 2 small craft. Six cannon were captured. La Estrella de Occid., Apr. 21, July 1, 1864. Niox allows only a garrison of 200 Mexicans, and alludes merely to one French vessel. Expéd. du Mex., 374. Mendez gives an elaborate report of the siege operations directed by him. Resena Ofic., 26-44. Fortifications were erected to secure the place. Id., 47-51; Pap. Var., civ., pt 5. Mendez was soon after rewarded with the governorship, replacing Sierra.
22. Periód. Ofic., April 14, 1864, etc. Niox places García's force at 3,000. Alatorre was carrying the war farther into this state.
23. The Magellan was Gloné's vessel. Among the trophies were a score of cannon, including French pieces of the eighteenth century. On the 30th the French troops agreed to retire, only a part of Navarrete's remaining. La Estrella de Occid., July 29, 1864; La Voz de Méj., March 24, 1864; Nacional, March 21, 1864.
24. These reasons he explained in a letter to Doblado of Jan. 20th, intimating that French intrigues were at the bottom of the outcry. The latter idea was plausible, from the fact that the outcry was taken up by Vidaurri, who stood suspected of communicating with the French.
25. A lengthy correspondence ensued, culminating Feb. 1st in a pointed demand on Vidaurri to obey. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 306, etc.
26. Commanding respectively 1,500 and 2,000 men. A circular of Feb. 5th announced the change of capital. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 308.
27. Vidaurri had withdrawn into the citadel with the troops at his immediate command, and with the seeming connivance of Doblado, who made a separate agreement to retire, regardless of Juarez' wishes. La Estrella de Occid., April 15, 1864. etc.; Periód. Ofic, March 31, 1864, etc.; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1833-7, i. 225-60.
28. The vote to be registered before the local authorities in two books, 'uno con el titulo de votacion por la paz, y el otro con el do votacion por la guerra.' Dublan and Lozano, Ley. Mex., ix. 679. Additional documents bearing on the attitude of Vidaurri may be consulted in Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 263 et seq., ii. 10-16; La Eslrella de Occid., April 8, 1864, etc.; Periód. Ofic, Mar. 5, 1864, and other journals of the day.
29. The last decree is dated March 5th. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, ii. 9-10; Dublan, ix. 673-4. The separation of the state was contrary to the constitution of 1857, and Minister Lerdo sought in a circular to excuse it on the ground of Vidaurri's tyrannical and treasonable acts. Lozano, in Vega, Doc., i. 443-4, expressed a wide-spread sentiment that Juarez should have left Vidaurri to be judged by the nation, and not imperilled the cause by drawing troops from exposed provinces for the sake of fighting him.
30. Vidaurri had only 2,000 men, of whom only those under Colonel Quiroga could be relied upon.
31. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, ii. 18-21, 238. The evacuation by Vidaurri took place between March 26th and 29th. He spiked the abandoned guns. Quiroga followed him in his flight. La Estrella de Occid., April 21, May 6, 1864; La Voz de Méj., April 30, 1864; Vega, Doc., i. 338.
32. An intercepted letter from Baron Aymar, commanding there, places his force toward the end of April at 2,500 Frenchmen and 4,000 Mexicans. La Estrella de Occid., July 1, 1864.
33. Called the Tiger of the Tropics, for his wanton cruelty. Traits instanced in Edward's Shelby's Exped., 43-5. He besieged Temapache, and was there defeated April 18th, with a loss of over 150 men, says Niox, who places his force at 1,200, and Dupin's auxiliaries at about 300. Expéd. du Mex., 373-4. The Juarists embraced a proportion of North American frontiersmen. Carbajal retired to Ciudad Rodrigo, placing himself in communication with the Juarist governor, Cortina, commanding at Matamoros. Iglesias, Revistas, 412.
34. In the autumn. Dupin forced him to evacuate May 22d, and allowed several outrages on persons and property. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 342-6; La Estrella de Occid., Sept. 9, Nov. 11, 18, 1864; La Voz de Méj., May 19, June 30, Aug. 25, 1864.
35. The official organ, Periód. Ofic., Nov. 12, 1863 et seq., and other journals of the day, contain lists of adhesion and the ministerial reports. A very acceptable compilation thereof is given in Max, y Carlota, Adven., 91100, and in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvii. 470-80, showing the gains month by month till Aug.; yet many of the towns and districts enumerated turned back to the republic whenever pressure was applied. In Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 335, 384-7, is given the republican version of territory held at this time, and the forces therein.
36. Si ceux des Mexicains, qui se disaient impérialistes, eussent suivi les exemples de dévouement et d'abnégation donnés par les troupes françaises, l'Empire mexicain eût été fondé,' says Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 371, somewhat complacently. This applies to civil as well as military operations.
37. In a letter written to Almonte in Dec. 1863, Napoleon manifested displeasure at the conservative spirit of his party, and declared that he would allow no blind reaction that might compromise the future and disgrace the French banner.
38. As instanced by statements in Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 409-11; La Estrella de Occid., Sept. 16, 1864.
39. True, this was partly prompted by fear of avenging guerrillas. The submission tendered through local authorities proved no burden on the conscience.
40. As instanced in that by Gen. Uraga of March 28, 1864, frmn San Márcos. La Estrella de Occid., May 27, 1864.
41. Se pudo echar de ver los deseos que tenia S. A. de ser emperador,' says Arrangoiz, instancing his anxiety and agitation. Mej., iii. 187. Events justify this statement.
42. Although the English were bribed with a payment toward previous neglected loans, the money was subscribed mainly in France. Nearly 27 millions remained unplaced out of the total nominal sum of 201 million francs, which at 63 per cent equalled 127 millions to be received. The net result, less expenses, was 93,726,119. The English obtained from this 23 millions against old dividends. Interest on the actual loan for 2 years took 24 millions at 6 per cent on the nominal sum. Maximilian received 8 millions, and the French managed to seize a part of the small remainder. Méx., Mem. Hac., 1870, 602-3. Niox, Expéd. du Méx., 360, is somewhat loose in his figures. Arrangoiz growls at the sum taken by the emperor, and so does Iglesias. Revistas, ii. 318-19, 343-8, 377-89.
43. A point used afterward as an argument for defence. See Max., Defensa, 50. It was rumored at this time that a kingdom might be formed from the provinces south of Tehuantepec isthmus, including Yucatan, Guatemala, and Honduras, with the count of Flanders for ruler. Lêfevre, Doe. Maximiliano, 411-2. Mexicans sought to oppose Maxinmilian's visit to Paris in his then yielding mood, but Napoleon expressing a decided wish to see him, he dared not delay. He arrived at Paris March 5th.
44. Consisting of nearly the same number as before. Miranda had returned to Mexico, and there died March 7th. He was a zealous churchman, as instanced by his several writings, one of which I possess in autograph, entitled La Vida ó la Muerte, MS., 1837, 90 leaves.
45. The Mexican deputation, so far kept waiting, found 'al archiduque paseándose agitado; á la archiduquesa llorosa.' Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 192-3. Some of the newspapers, Accion and La Estrella de Occid., Sept. 2, 1864, satirize the deputation as awe-stricken in the presence of royalty. Charlotte sought vainly in a special interview with the emperor to make him yield.
46. So long as a male descendant of any of the archdukes remained alive, his own could lay no claim, not even to guardianship over a minor heir to the throne. He also resigned his claim to the property pertaining to the archducal house, except under certain remote conditions. Au essential change in his prospects would entitle him to a share, however. Full text in Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 195-9.
47. While promising 'endless love and inalterable fidelity,' they added the saving clause, 'we cannot say that the enterprise will be easy.' Nunca lo fué, ni lo será jamás, la fundacion de un imperio.' Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 8.
48. The speeches and ceremonies are recorded in Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 3-12, together with names of those attending. The ceremonies are inore fully described in Miramar á Mex., 14 et seq., with portraits. Estrada knelt to kiss the hand of the emperor, 'en señal de homenage,' says this and other Mexican authorities, whereat republicans wax wrathy; but Arrangoiz doubts it. 'Enthusiastic tears were shed' by Mexicans; 'the emperor was too moved to attend the banquet,' and so forth. See also Arrangoiz, Méj., 199, app. 28 et seq.; Parthe, Interven., 35-40; Hall's Life Max., 79-83; Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 173-6. In Max. y Carlota, Adven., 105-24, is a full account, compiled from letters and periodicals.
49. Count de Zichy, grand master to the empress; Count de Bombelles, chamberlain to the emperor; Marquis de Corio, chamberlain to the empress; Counselor Schertzenlechner, director of the civil list; Angel Iglesias, provisional secretary of the cabinet; Ontiveros, Schaffer, Günner, adjutants; and several others for the private service of the emperor, Eloin, secretary, acquiring great influence. See Max. y Carlota, Adven., 129-30; Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 13-15. Leon was very ugly, but polite and refined; Iglesias, an attractive man of mistrusting disposition.
50. Decree and names in Id., 15-18. The order was divided into five classes, Gutierrez receiving the grand cross, as did the generals Marquez and Mejía.
51. Mex., Col. Leyes Imp., i. 17.
52. Of which 54,000,000 to go against the debt of 270,000,000, and 12,000,000 against claims of French citizens.
53. To be credited, first, against transport service and maintenance of troops; next, interest and capital of debt; and lastly, claims of French citizens. The sum needed for maintenance of French troops to be paid at the close of every month.
54. A revisionary commission had afterward to meet at Paris to liquidate the claims admitted by the body at Mexico, deciding upon any left in abeyance.
55. This document was signed at Miramare, April 10, 1864, by Herbet, for France, and by Maximilian's newly appointed minister of state, Velazquez de Leon. It contained 21 articles, 3 being the secret clauses. By articles 4 and 5 the new emperor and the French general were jointly to determine on the places to be occupied by French troops. Wherever the garrison was not exclusively Mexican, French officers should hold the chief command; so, also, in case of joint expeditions; but they could not interfere in administrative matters. French naval stations in the Antilles and Pacific should send frequently vessels to display the tri-color in Mexican ports. Mexicans naturally objected to have their officers, often of superior rank, subordinated to the French. The full text of the document may be consulted in Max. y Carlota, Adven., 127-9; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 200-4, etc. A proposed cession of Sonora, as arranged with the regency, was objected to by Maximilian. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 745.
56. Engañaba á Napoleon haciéndole creer que aceptaba de buena fé el trono de Méjico, cuando sólo quería que le sirviera de teatro de estreno para darse á conocer á los ultraliberales austriacos.' Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 204. Zarco is equally severe. Convencion; La Estrella de Occid., July 8, 1864.
57. The expression of the Juarist minister, Iglesias, 'El llamado emperador mexicano ha pasado por la humillacion de consentir,' Revistas, ii. 340, is taken up by Zamacois, Arrangoiz, and others devoted to the conservative side. Leon's conduct is stamped by them as 'culpable debility.' Commandant J. M. Rodriguez was sent on April 12th by way of France to carry the news of these proceedings to Mexico.
58. The Austrians to consist of three battalions of infantry, a regiment of hussars and ulans, a battery of artillery, a company of pioneers, and 300 sailors. The force not to exceed 6,300, and the Belgian not over 2,000. For text of agreement, see Derecho, Intern. Mex., pt ii. 352-62.
59. Accompanied by his brother Luis Victor, Gen. Woll, Leon, Count de Zichy, his chamberlains and secretary, and countesses Zichy and Kollonitz, ladies of honor. Arrangoiz adds Eloin and Friar Gomez. Several vessels attended for a distance, the frigate Themis to escort to Vera Cruz on behalf of the French emperor. Deputations from Trieste and other places came to Miramare to bid them farewell. Details in Max. y Carlota, Adven., 133-8.
60. The imperial pair called, April 19th, on Pius IX., who returned the visit on the following day. Mass in the Sixtine chapel was attended by an allocution on the duties of sovereigns and by communion, and followed by breakfast in the library. The pontifical blessing was bestowed during the return visit at Marescotti palace. Visits were also exchanged with the king of Naples. Details in Miramar á México, 45-52, and Nardi, Visita dell inperatore, Roma, 1864, 1-22. In a bull issued April 28tlh was given the form of prayers to be said for the sovereign in Mexican churches. Mex., Boletin Ley., 1864, 286-8.
61. The governor, Lord Codrington, extending and receiving hospitalities during the stay from April 24th to 27th.
62. On May 16th. Here were confined a number of Mexican prisoners, to several of whom were granted pardon and aid, the rest being promised speedy consideration.
63. To the empress he left 'the enviable task of consecrating to the country all the noble sentiments of christian virtue and all the devotion of a tender mother.' Unámonos, para llegar al objeto comun; olvidemos las sombras pasadas.' Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 289-91.
64. Almonte had entered on his office of lieutenant of the empire on May 20th. For proclamations, see Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864. The first person from the shore to be received was John Laine, captain of the port. Eco del Com. (v. 6), May 31, 1864.
65. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 603, maintains that the ovation was devoid of enthusiasm and due to curiosity, but qualifies by adding: 'No podia haber ni cariño ni amor por unas personas que no eran conocidas.' 'La poblacion recibió tan friamente á SS. MM., que la Emperatriz se afectó hasta el punto de llorar,' says Arrangoiz more strongly. Méj., iii. 210. So also Lefévre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 383. Zamacois attributes these tears to the absence of a deputation from the ladies of the city, Hist. Méj., xvii. 283; due, says the Eco, May 31, 1864, to their being 'poco habituadas' to royalty. There was no doubt something lacking in certain directions, for the city had long been devoted to Juarez, who there planted his seat of government a few years before. For details concerning the reception and journey of the party, see Max. y Carlota, Adven., 150 ct seq., and Miramar á Méx., 56 et seq, with extracts from letters and journals; Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 164-8, 289-95, with speeches and addresses; Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 183-6; Tornel, Discurso, 1-123; Hall's Life Max., 107-9; Flint's Mex. under Max., 90-3; Periód. Ofic., June 2, 1864, etc. The keys of the city were delivered on a silver platter.
66. Leaving a promise to return at a later date.
67. The Aztec for the last half reads: 'In senhulitini mitztitlania, ma yehuatzin mitzmochicahuili ica titechmaquixtis.' Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 302; Max. y Carlota, Adven., 198.
68. Hidalgo, Apuntes, 219: Pruneda, Hist. Guer., 110-11. At this place a tour was made of the hospitals and public places during the stay, from May 31st to June 3d, and balls and banquets were given. A number of prisoners were released in honor of the occasion. Mex., Boletin Ley., 1864, 29-30.
69. Ex-regent Salas was here rewarded with the grand cross of Guadalupe, Prefect Pardo and several others receiving lower grades. The empress added here two to her list of ladies of honor. Descriptions of the arches, the solemn mass at the cathedral, and other features are fully given in the special brochure, Max., Breve Not. del Recib. en Puebla, 1-36; also Miramar á Méx., 137-93, and others already referred to. The festivities received an additional interest from the birthday celebration on June 7th, in honor of Charlotte. Cholula and its famous pyramid were visited on the following day.
70. The empress was given by leading ladies a magnificent toilet-table with a profusion of silver ornaments incrusted and in relief. It was also decided to erect a marble arch in her honor at the entrance to the Piedad avenue, henceforth to be called after her. An illustrated description of the different arches, decorations, and ceremonies on the occasion may be found in Max. y Carlota, Adven., 252, and passim; Le Saint, Guerre, 115-28. Among special brochures on the subject are Vega, Programa, 1-10; Méx., Espos. Sentiment., 1-6; Max., Com. Poéticas; Pap. Var., xcv. pt iv; Periód. Ofic., June 12, 1864, et seq.; also the books referred to in connection with Vera Cruz. Festivities in other cities are described in Compos Poét., 1861, 1-54; Gallardo, Discurso, Leon, 1864, 1-30; Zamora, Expos., 1-15; Guadal., Seis de Julio, 1-27; Yuc., Discurso., 1864, 1-31; Pájaro Verde, El Cronista, Estafeta, Sociedad, La Voz de Méj., and other journals of June 13th and subsequent dates. Poetry is scattered throughout these publications. Payno growls in later republican finance reports at the extravagance of the emperor with banquets and other entertainments. Cuentas, Gastos, 698-700; and Lefêvre, Doc. Ofic., i. 379-81, instances expenditures by local authorities, those of Vera Cruz amounting to $54,954. During the trip from this city to the palace at Mexico the emperor passed under 1,500 triumphal arches, according to Juarist versions.
71. For list of these and their speeches, see Max. y Carlota, Adven., 317 et seq.
72. Arrangoiz criticises this prodigality, especially in the direction of Europe, 'á individuos desconocidos, que nada habían hecho por el pais.' Méj., iii. 223. A list of decorated personages may be found in Almanaque Imp., 1866, 216, et seq.; Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 30-1.
73. For by-laws, see Méx., Col. Ley. Imp., ii. 9-14. In 1865 Almonte and Mejía alone held the grand cross in Mexico. Collars of the order were sent to different sovereigns.
74. For rules and members, see Id., Almanaque Imp., 1866, 236, etc.; also journals of the day. The list for ladies of honor was added to at intervals.
75. On July 6th, the birthday of Maximilian, when a distribution of $5,000 was also given to the poor. Měx., Boletin Ley., 1834, 42, 57-8.
76. This was on July 26th. In Dec. prefects were forbidden to exact any security from such persons. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1861, 190, 243, 283-98. Comments on policy, in Masseras, Programa Imp., 1-34; S. Luis Pot., Mem. Informe, pt 1.
77. In Periód. Ofic., Mar. 29, 1864, and later days, are given the names of those accepting amnesty.
78. A large number refused to sign the allegiance, and remained true, suffering great hardships, for the Juarist government was too sorely pressed to afford them much aid. In Payno, Cuentas, 734, etc., is given an account of occasional sums remitted. Huerta, Apuntes, Mex., 1868, 1-92, is specially devoted to their fate. Huerta, himself the leading prisoner, sought to obtain subscriptions for their relief. Iglesias refers to a number of refugees in the United States. Revistas, iii. 107-9, 131.
79. August 7th, with restrictions only against rousing party bitterness.
80. The rules governing admission are given in Méx., Col. Ley. Imp., i. 19.
81. Whereat Arrangoiz takes offence, intimating that this pertained to the Juarist guerrillas and peasants, and was discountenanced by 'respectable' people. Méj., iii. 222.
82. The revision was intrusted to a committee, leading meanwhile to a reorganization of minor courts, reaffirming the decisions of intervention judges, etc. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 111-13, 211, 154, 179, 182, 310.
83. Save 6 per cent on the amount, and not even this for the very poor.
84. Issued June 28th, for the sake of promoting the disentanglement of affairs.
85. Many would have preferred his first name, Ferdinand, as more Spanish. Countess Kollonitz, The Court of Mexico. Translated by J. E. Ollivant, M. A. Balliol College, Oxford. London, 1867, 8vo, pp. xix. 303. The authoress of this volume was lady-in-waiting to the Empress Charlotte, and she narrates in it the voyage from Miramare, and her travelling experiences in Mexico during the years 1864 and 1865. Her observations on the customs and habits of the Mexicans are enjoyable reading, though, as she remarks, the exceptional position which she occupied during her journeying hindered her from obtaining deep insight into the relations and circumstances of the country. The work contains, also, many trenchant remarks about prominent persons, and the impressions of the countess of Miramon, Mejía, and Bazaine are extremely interesting. In chap. ix. a review of Mexican history is given, in which attention is paid to the war of independence. Her book was favorably reviewed by the critics.

    Miramar á Mexico — Viaje del Emperador Maximiliano y de la Emperatriz, etc., Orizaba, 1864, 8vo, pp. 412, 11. 2, with lithographs, contains an account of Maximilian's acceptance of the throne of Mexico; his journey from Miramare to the capital; and a description of his reception and celebrations at the different cities on his route. Copies are inserted of the addresses delivered on these occasions, and of odes, hymns, and poems composed in honor of him, with copious extracts from the periodicals of the day. The book opens with a brief summary of events in Mexico from the fall of Puebla, in May 1863, and closes with biographies of the emperor and empress. The author is anonymous.

    Advenimiento de SS. MN. II. Maximiliano y Carlota al Trono de Mexico — Documentos Relativos y Narracion del Viaje de Nuestros Soberanos de Miramar á Veracruz y del Recibimiento que se les hizo, etc. Edicion de 'La Sociedad.' Mexico, 1864, 8vo, pp. 36S, with portraits and plates. This work contains important documents relating to the history of Mexico during the period 1861-64. In it the political events from the inception of the tripartite alliance to Maximilian's arrival and reception in the capital are fully described. The editors regarded Maximiliano's elevation to the throne by the wish of the nation (!) as the stepping-stone of Mexico from anarchy to order.