Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 15/Number 1
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1914, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND THE OKANOGAN TRAIL[1]
By JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
The first attempt by citizens of the United States to locate on the northwest coast as permanent residents, occurred in 1811. That was the year in which the first actual American occupancy was effected within the boundaries of "Old Oregon." To be sure Lewis and Clark had wintered at the mouth of the Columbia six years before, but the object and purpose of that remarkable expedition was to explore, not to occupy, and nothing was attempted in the way of permanent occupancy. It cannot be said that any of the sea-faring traders from the eastern seaboard of the United States, that were constantly visiting the coast for so many years prior to 1811, ever established a settler or maintained a permanent trader in the land until that year. They were purely maritime merchants and they trafficked with the Indians along the coast only, and did it entirely from their ships. They sailed away over seas when each venture was completed, with no fixed or definite idea when they would return again, if at all. Perhaps some exception might be taken to this last statement, in view of the very creditable and well-nigh successful attempt of the Winships of Boston to erect in 1810, a trading station inside the mouth of the Columbia for use in connection with their ships, but that effort was abandoned before it was carried to an accom
2 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
plished fact. In short all the Americans that had been in the region before 1811, were only temporarily in the country, either as explorers, adventurers or transient Indian traders, or all three combined.
The organization of the Pacific Fur Company through the efforts and influence of John Jacob Astor of New York and the sending out of the expeditions which gave the Pacific Northwest its first American occupancy is a theme that looms large in the annals of Oregon. At two points in Old Oregon establishments were founded the first year, the one being "Astoria," the head post of the company at the mouth of the Columbia, the other its first inland post, which was located at the mouth of the Okanogan river and called Fort Okanogan. The former place is where the city of the same name now stands, but the latter has been deserted and abandoned for fifty years and is today, a lonely, unfrequented spot on an Indian reservation.
Except a few depressions that indicate the old cellars, and some remnants of masonry scattered here and there, every vestige of the structures of old Fort Okanogan have disap- peared. Except a small Indian ranch house and a cluster of log stables and corrals that stand near by, no buildings of any description exist in that vicinity. The ground has reverted to a virgin waste and the immediate locality is as tenantless, if not more so, than it was when the whites first set eyes upon it.
It is the purpose of this address to piece together into a connected narrative, a condensed history of Fort Okanogan from the beginning to the end, and make the same as complete as the necessary brevity of this paper will permit.
The name of John Jacob Astor of New York must iieces- sarily be written large when recounting any of the earlier beginnings of American occupancy in old Oregon. He was the creator and prime mover in the great enterprise of the Pacific Fur Company. The plan was his and the backing of his great wealth and the prestige of his name alone made it possible. The articles of agreement organizing the concern were signed in New York, June 23rd, 1810. The avowed
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 3
objects of the company were two; one was commercial con- quest and profit for itself, the other was territorial expansion for the United States. Opinions appear to differ somewhat as to how much veneration and esteem we Americans of today should accord Mr. Astor for his efforts, but it seems to us that the evidence and proofs before the bar of history clearly entitle him to an unqualified verdict that the Pacific Fur Com- pany substantially fulfilled all its pretentions, and that it is no more than just to say, that it was an organization created and maintained by American capital, enterprise and patriotism for the purpose of securing to the United States, the trade and the possession of the vast region we now call the Pacific North- west, the title to all which was then, and for many years after- wards in dispute between this country and Great Britain.
As is well known the initial move in the great undertaking was to send out two expeditions. One came overland from St. Louis and attempted to follow the trail traveled by Lewis and Clark a few years before ; the other started from New York in one of Astor 's ships, the "Tonquin," and came around Cape Horn. The expedition by sea had a prosperous voyage and reached its destination at the mouth of the Columbia in March, 1811, and the proprietors forthwith proceeded to establish their head post which was called "Astoria." The overland expedition came near being a complete failure and did not arrive at the mouth of the Columbia till nearly a year after the "Tonquin" and then came straggling in by fragments.
As soon as the Astor project was actually launched it became an open secret in Montreal, and it is commonly accepted history that the Northwest Company immediately determined to put forth strenuous efforts to forestall, if possible, the American enterprise on the Columbia. But a careful examination into the subject reveals the fact that the Northwesters had already for several years been putting forth about all the energies they could spare from other quarters, in striving to extend their operations westward to the Pacific ocean. Before Astor ever started to organize his big scheme of Oregon occupation by a great American commercial company, men of the North
4 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
west Company had already penetrated the passes of the Rockies and were trading and exploring both on the Fraser and the upper Columbia, and a line of trading connections down to tide-water was their coveted goal. The Astorians at the mouth of the Columbia knew when they came out that the North- westers were operating on the west side of the continental divide, and had been for a number of years, but apparently they knew this only in a general and indefinite way. They had no exact information as to the extent of the Northwest trading operations west of the Rockies, nor how far to the westward of those mountains that company's men had pene- trated, but they were soon to learn. The first direct intimation that the Northwesters were close at hand came to the Astorians about two months after they had landed, and while they were just getting well started with the construction of the buildings at "Astoria," when two strange Indians from the interior appeared. They bore a letter addressed to "Mr. John Stuart, Fort Estekatadene, New Caledonia." They explained that they had been sent by Mr. Finnan M'Donald, a clerk in the service of the Northwest Company, who was in charge of a post recently built on the Spokane, and were commissioned to deliver the letter to Mr. Stuart on the Fraser. That while en route they had heard from the Indians up the Columbia, that there were white men at the mouth, and thinking that Mr. Stuart would probably be found among them, they had come to deliver the letter. The Astorians derived much information from these Indians in regard to the interior and also in regard to the operations of the Northwesters, and it was decided to send an expedition into the interior under the command of the partner, David Stuart, to establish a competing post, and July 15th was fixed upon as the date when it was to start. The above is Franchere's version as to when and how it was first determined to send a trading party into the interior. Alex- ander Ross, however, makes it appear that it was not decided to send out such expedition till after July 15th. Anyhow about noon on July 15th, 1811, the Astorians were considerably sur- prised by the unexpected arrival of a canoe flying the British
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 5
flag, manned by five French-Canadians and two Iroquois In- dians, and bearing Mr. David Thompson, a partner in the Northwest Company.
This famous termination of Thompson's "dash" or "race" down the Columbia from its headwaters in the interests of his company, has been the theme of much historical mention, and we have quite generally been led to believe, that ever since the previous autumn, when he left the Saskatchewan for the Columbia, he had been striving and straining every nerve within him for the sole object and purpose of getting through to the mouth of the great river in advance of the Astorians. History appears to have accepted it as a fact, that Thompson came racing down the Columbia bent on the sole and exclusive purpose of forestalling the Astorians in the mouth, and arrived there only to find himself beaten in the attempt and the purpose of his efforts thwarted by the American company's previous arrival. But a careful reading and consideration of his journals now available, together with other contemporaneous writings, has lately caused students of Thompsonian history to doubt if there is anything to substantiate or justify any such positive statements. The frequent stops to confer with Indians, examine the country along the way, take observations, repair boats, recruit the men, catch fish, etc., make it appear to the reader of his original journal that the most of the time he was not hurrying along at all, but had more in mind, the gathering of all possible information about the country and the tribes occupy- ing it.
The record that Thompson wrote on the ground from day to day in 1811, makes it very clearly appear that he was seeking to open out a trade route to the sea at the mouth of the Colum- bia, and the amount of time he spent in stopping to visit and get acquainted with the Indians along the way, and also to inquire about the fur and food producing possibilities of the various sections, shows that the establishment of trade rela- tions with the tribes occupied an important position in his mind, and that he certainly was not sacrificing it in order to rush down the Columbia to seize a strategic point in advance
6 JUDGE WII^IAM C. BROWN
of the Astorians. To be sure he was traveling with great vigor, when he did travel, but that was the way of the North- westers. Taking his original journal for our guidance, it begins to look as if it would be more proper to say that his arrival at Astoria was merely the culmination of a plan that he had been for several years endeavoring to carry forward, as fast as his opportunities and the means supplied him would permit, viz. : To open out as soon as possible for the North- west Company, a trade route and chain of posts on Columbian waters to the sea. The work of exploring, and at the same time occupying with self sustaining trading stations, that vast and rugged country filled with unknown tribes of Indians whose confidence and friendship had to be won, was a task that took a great deal of time, hence the four years and over that elapsed from the time when he first reached Columbian waters, till he was finally able to push through to the mouth.
It is not necessary to discuss here what happened during the seven days that Thompson remained at Astoria more than to say that considerable sparring in the way of fur trade diplomacy was indulged in by both sides, each endeavoring to represent its strength to the best advantage, and likewise to find out as much as possible from the other, without disclosing too much to the other, but on the whole it appears that both parties were fairly frank in most respects, and very courteous. The Astorians being determined to send an expedition up the Columbia to establish an inland post, it was agreed between them and Thompson that the brigade made up for that purpose should start out with the Thompson party on its return up the Columbia for mutual assistance and protection, as the Indians along the river in the vicinity of the Cascades were a plundering, predatory lot of miscreants. Accordingly on the 22nd day of July, 1811, the two parties started up the Columbia from Astoria. Old David Stuart was in charge of the Astor party, with him were the clerks, Ovide de Montigney, Francis Pillette, Donald McLennan and Alexander Ross, two or three Canadian voyageurs whose names are not specified in any of the accounts and two Sandwich Islanders. It should be under
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 7
stood that when the "Tonquin" stopped at the Hawaiian Islands on the way out, quite a number of the natives from those islands were employed and brought along- on the ship. These proved very efficient boatmen and packers, especially during hot weather. Alexander Ross in his "Adventures" gives us a very full and complete account of the trip up the river, of the establishment of the post at the mouth of the Okanogan, and the course of events there during the first two years of its existence; and in, a subsequent book entitled "Fur Hunters of the Far West," he gives us a history quite complete of Fort Okanogan and surrounding country up till about 1816, for Ross was in charge of the post off and on pretty much all the time between 1811 and 1816, when he was transferred, first down to Fort George as staff clerk, afterwards to Kamloops and still later to the establishment on the Walla Walla. For our narrative of the first trip of the Astorians up the Columbia in July and August, 1811, we will very briefly follow the chron- icle left by Ross in his "Adventures."
The joint parties of Stuart and Thompson did not continue far together. The Thompson party was traveling light. Their canoe was not loaded with any merchandise for trade. On the other hand Stuart and his men were not only laden, but they did not have canoes suitable for up-river work. They had merely obtained from the Indians at the mouth of the Columbia, two ordinary big dug-outs, such as were commonly used by the natives of that quarter. Ross says that the Stuart party traveled in "two clumsy chinook canoes, each laden with fif- teen or twenty packages of goods of ninety pounds weight." By July 24th the combined parties had reached the mouth of the Willamette. On the 28th they reached and passed the cascades of the Columbia. On the 31st, Mr. Thompson's party finding themselves able to travel faster than the canoes of Mr. Stuart, proceeded on by themselves. On August 6, Thompson reached the mouth of the Snake river (he called it Chapaton river). From this point he dispatched a letter to the Spokane establishment, directing that horses be sent to meet him, as he proposed to return across country instead of going around up the Columbia on his way back.
8 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
He then proceeded up the Snake to the mouth of the Palouse river, where he obtained horses from some Indians, and went overland to Spokane House, arriving there August 13th, missing the horses sent to meet him. A few days later he went on to Kettle Falls and shortly afterwards, another dash took him up through the Arrow Lakes, and thus during the spring and summer of 1811, Thompson traveled every mile of the Columbia river from its sources to the sea. As he and his party on the way down the Columbia were the first white men to reach the mouth of the Okanogan, and were several weeks in advance of the Astorians amongst those scenes along the Columbia in the vicinity of the place where it was shortly to transpire that old Fort Okanogan was to be established, we will drop for the time being, the narrative of the progress of the Stuart party, toiling up the river and briefly mention a few of the interesting details recorded by Thompson as he was passing through this section on his way down. He left Kettle Falls July 3rd, 1811, at 6:30 A. M., in a canoe built there especially for the purpose. It was manned by seven men besides himself, five of whom were French-Canadians and two Iroquois Indians. They also had two San Foil Indians with them as interpreters and guides. These are the opening entries for the trip as the same appear in his journals :
"July 3rd, 1811. Voyage to the mouth of the Columbia, By the Grace of God, By D. Thompson and 7 men on the part of the N. W. Company.
Wednesday. After arranging several small affairs, we in number 8 men with 2 Simpoil Indians, set off on a voyage down the Columbia River to explore this river in order to open out a passage for the interior trade with the Pacific Ocean. My men are Michel Beaudreau, Pierre Panet (or Pariel), Joseph Cote, Michel Boullard, Francois Gregorie, with Charles and Ignace."
With a small assortment of goods to buy in provisions, etc., our course down the river from the Ilthokayape Falls at 6^ A. M. course S. 15 degrees W. 2-3 mile. S. 8 degrees E. y 2 a mile. 1 / of a mile. The brook of our late portage on the left about 30 yards wide. Course plus 1 mile &c &c."
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 9
The latter part of the above quotation will give an idea of what a great part of Thompson's journals are like, filled as they are with courses and distances, together with observations as to latitude and longitude and other such like data to be used in map making.
The canoe reached the mouth of the San Foil river late in the afternoon where they found a considerable fishing camp of San Foil Indians and camped with them that night. They got away about noon the next day and had considerable trouble in the various rapids that afternoon and put up at seven o'clock at some place probably a little below the mouth of the Nespelem. On Friday, the 5th of July, they got away at 6 :30 A. M. and immediately began encountering more bad water, and shortly met on the bank a Nespelem chief and sixty men with their women and children. They spent the day with these Indians. Where these Indians were met and visited with, is hard to say from the journal entries, but it seems probable that it was some distance below where the Wild Goose Bill ferry, or Condon's Ferry as it is also called, is now located, but the entries would indicate that the start next morning was made from just below the Box Canyon or "Whirlpool Rapids" as it appears on the map. They got started at 6:30 the next morning (Saturday, July 6th). The record of this day is interesting to us. After reading a considerable number of notations as to courses and distances covered in the first hour or two of travel, we find this entry:
"Last course fine view and see the high woody mountains of the Oachenawawgan River. S. 70 W. ^ mile N. 65 W. 1 M., S. 55 W. 1 M. This course is over flat when the water is low.
Fine current. Inepaclis is the name of
the tribe we left this morning, and the home of those we now arrive at is Smeethowe to whence we came at 10 A. M. We put ashore. On our approaching they gave several long thank- ful OYs. I sent my Sempoil to invite them to smoke. The Chief received the message thankfully and they began to col- lect a small present, having done which I again invited them and they came forward and sat down in a ring and began smoking without any ceremony. The women then advanced all ornamented with fillets and small feathers, dancing in a body
10 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
to a tune of a mild song which they sang. When close to the men an old man directed them to sit down all around the men on the outside, with the children etc. Then in place they smoked with the men. Having smoked awhile I ex- plained to the chief by means of the Sempoil my intention on going to the sea to open a road to bring merchandise to trade with them, which they thankfully received and wished a good voyage. They said the river was tolerably free hence to another (branch of) this tribe and that they would inform me of some distance beyond again, as their knowledge reached no further. Having accepted of the presents they brought, 3 roasted salmon and about half a bushel of arrowroot berries, I made them a present of two feet of tobacco, 6 rings, 6 hawks bells and two awls and 4 in. (tobacco) to the chief. At noon we left these friendly people and went down S. 46 E. 2 M. ^2 M. Put ashore on the right. The Indians brought us horses and the chief with four young men came with them and brought part of our goods to the foot of the rapids, the rest was run down in the canoe on the right for 1 M. The rapid is very -strong but good in the middle to near the end, then on the right. Gave chief 2 feet of tobacco, and each of the young men 1 & ^ feet for their trouble and they thankfully left us. At 1 :10 P. M. embarked canoe. (Here follows several lines of courses and distances as they proceed down stream, then journal continues.) At 2:30 P. M. saw the first sheep, Michel went after it, but the wind had started it. At 2:52 P. M. a cliff. Killed two rattle snakes. Co. 1 M. S. 20 W. 1 M. S. 56 W. 1 M. End of course S. R. (strong rapids) and islands, good between the isle on the left. Course S. 65 W. 1 M. S. 55 W. 2 M. The country is now very rude and mountainous but bare of wood, except on some of the heights. N. 75 W. 1 & Y-2. M. A very strong head wind most of the day. (More courses and distances, then journal continues.) We saw moun- tains before us whose tops have much snow in places, S. 33 W. 1 & y> M. S. 5 W. 1 & y, M. y 2 M. of Co. gone. Put up at 6 P. M. on the left among high rude lands. Steep to the right. The early part of the day was strong rapids, walked part of the way up a high bank etc. Part fine current, latter part again very strong R. current and strong whirlpools. Ob- served for latitude, longitude, etc."
This is the record of Saturday, July 6th, 1811, left us by Thompson as he noted it down that day. It shows that they were making excellent time, almost steamboat time of today.
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 11
They started at 6 :40 A. M. considerable distance above where Bridgeport now is and camped that evening at a point that appears to have been almost down to the present site of Wenatchee, for the record of the next day shows that they passed early what appears to be Rock Island Rapids. As near as we can calculate from the journal entries, it is likely that he passed the mouth of the Okanogan about 9 in the forenoon, for he came to the Smeethowe Indians, as he says, at 10 o'clock. It seems strange that he does not mention observing the mouth of the Okanogan as he passed, and this is especially so after having mentioned the fact that they were approaching it and caught the fine view of "the high woody mountains of the Oachenawawgan river," as he writes it. Furthermore, his journal of the day before also shows a mention of the river. The record indicates that he passed through across Columbia bar by the way of the channels that exist there in high water, but which are dry in low water. His guides must have told him of this, for he mentions it in his journal as will be observed. As the Columbia was very high at the time, possibly he failed to distinguish the mouth of the Okanogan from the many sloughs and water courses that exist there in high water. It is also apparent that the Indians were gathered at the mouth of the Methow (Thompson's Smeethowe) as it was the salmon fishing season and the mouth of that stream was of old a great Indian fishery, so for that place Thompson headed and did not stop at the mouth of the Okanogan. He leaves the Indian camp at the mouth of the Methow at noon and after traveling two and a half miles encounters the difficulties of the Methow rapids. Although Thompson and his party were undoubtedly the first to reach this part of the Columbia, nevertheless it is apparent from the journal entries of this day and the days immediately preceding and following, that these Indians along here had already be- come quite well acquainted with white men and also knew the value of having traders establish regular relations with them. Possibly some of them had visited the Flathead posts of the Northwest Company, for the Flatheads are of a kindred
12 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
stock and speak very much the same language as the Okano- gans, Chelans, San Foils, etc., and these tribes were all mutual- ly friendly with each other. We also know that the Okano- gans and their neighboring tribes used to frequently visit the coast in the vicinity of the mouth of the Eraser, going thence sometimes by the Methow route and sometimes by the Simil- kameen route. On the coast they would come in contact with the trading ships, or at least with Indians familiar with the white traders from the ships. Thompson does not, however, mention that they had any guns or other articles of civilized manufacture amongst them, and his silence in that regard indicates that they had none.
Now to return to the Stuart party, which we left on July 31st, a short distance below the Dalles or the long narrows as they called the place at that time. On August 5th, they finally got safely over them, but in making the portage, had some trouble with the Indians gathered there. Day by day Ross chronicles the progress of the canoes of the Stuart party up the Columbia. We will not attempt to follow the itinerary of the party day by day. At "Priest Rapids" they picked up an Indian who was a medicine man and he continued with them to the mouth of the Okanogan in charge of their horses, of which they purchased a goodly number at the various Indian camps they encountered along the river. This Indian, Ross constantly refers to as the priest, and says they named the rapids where they got him "Priest Rapids." On the 24th of August, they reached the mouth of the Pisquowsh river, the Wah-na-a-cha of the Lewis & Clark map, the Weriatshapam of the Yakima language or the Wenatchee of today. The name is Piskowish on Thompson's map and appears as Pis- scows on the map of Ross. Here they met Indians in great numbers and the chief, Sopa, made them a present of two horses and they purchased four more, giving for each one yard of print and two yards of red gartering which was so highly prized by the Indians, that horses from all quarters were brought to them, but they declined to buy more. On August 25th, they passed the mouth of the Intyclook, the Entiat of
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 13
today. They camped that night on the wooded point above the mouth of the Entiat. On the 26th, they reached Whitehill rapids, a place that is hard to identify satisfactorily, but it is either the Indian Rapids or the Chelan Rapids of the present time. Here they saw big horn, white goats and deer on the bluffs. On the 29th, they reached the foot of the Methow rapids, and making a portage past them, camped that night at the mouth of the Methow river. Here the Indians assem- bled in great numbers and offered them many horses for sale, and in all respects were exceedingly kind. These were the same Indians that Thompson had smoked and conferred with as we have seen a few weeks before. They invited Stuart to stay and trade through the winter asserting that their country abounded in beaver and that there was plenty of game for food. The Astorians remained at the mouth of the Methow over the 30th. We will now copy verbatim what Mr. Ross has to say in his book.
"On the 31st we parted from our friendly visitors, and shap- ing our course in an easterly direction along the bend of the river, we pushed on for about nine miles till we reached the mouth of a smooth stream called Oakinacken, which we ascended for about two miles, leaving the main Columbia for the first time, and then pitched our tents for the night. A great concourse of Indians followed us all day, and encamped with us. After acquainting them with the object of our visit to their country, they strongly urged us to settle among them. For some time, however, Mr. Stuart resisted their pressing solicitations, chiefly with the view of trying their sincerity; but, at last consenting, the chiefs immediately held a council, and then pledged themselves to be always our friends, to kill us plenty of beavers, to furnish us at all times with provisions and to insure our protection and safety."
"On the 1st of September, 1811, we embarked and descended the Oakinacken again, landed on a level spot within half a mile of its mouth. There we unloaded, took our canoes out of the water, and pitched our tents which operation concluded our long and irksome voyage of forty-two days."
"The source of the Oakinacken is 280 miles due north, and in its course south the stream runs through three lakes to its junction with the Columbia; it is hemmed in on the east by a
14 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
sloping range of high rocky hills at the foot of which the two rivers meet. On the south bank of the Oakinacken, half a mile from its mouth, was the site pitched upon for the new establishment."
It is clear from this that the Stuart party camped in the evening of August 31st, 1811, on the banks of the Okanogan river just about where Mary Garden's ranch is now located, and that the site of the post which they located next day was almost exactly where Long Jim's stables and corrals are now situated. To be absolutely definite, it was in the extreme north- west corner of lot 2, section 17, Township 30 north Range 25 East. The Stuart party built but one building when they founded the establishment, but others were added from time to time during the five years that the post was maintained on that site by the Pacific Fur Company and their successors, the Northwesters. In the summer of 1816 a new fort was built by the latter something over a mile away this latter post is the one that lasted for so many years and is the one usually referred to when "Ft. Okanogan" is mentioned. Several large and distinct depressions still exist on the site of the original Astor post, plainly showing where the old cellars were, and many fragments of masonry are scattered about, but none of it in place. This was the first actual permanent settlement and occupancy under the American flag in what is now the State of Washington. At the centennial celebration held in com- memoration of that event in 1911 a flag pole was erected on the site of the old ruins.
But to return to the doings of the Stuart party. As soon as they got their building well started, Pillette and M'Lennon with two of the men were dispatched back to Astoria in one of the canoes, and as soon as they had the building complete, Mr. Stuart, with Montigny and the two remaining men (one of which was Michel Boullard) came up the Okanogan river, traveling with pack and saddle horses. These were the first white men that ever traveled through the Okanogan valley. They continued on far to the north, passed along by Okanogan Lake and proceeded over the height of land on to the Thomp
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 15
son river into the country of the Shu-swap Indians, near where the city of Kamloops now stands, and they did not return for a period of one hundred and eighty-eight days. While Mr. Stuart was on the Thompson river he made arrangements to establish a trading post there the ensuing winter. He ar- rived back at Okanogan March 22nd, 1812. During the six months and over that he was absent, during the winter of 1811 and 1812 Ross was in charge at Fort Okanogan, and he has this to say in his book in regard to what he did there in the way of trade that winter :
"During Mr. Stuart's absence of 188 days I had procured 1550 beavers, besides other peltries, worth in the Canton (China) market 2,250 pounds sterling, and which on an average stood the concern in but 5^ pence apiece, valuing the merchandise at sterling cost, or in round numbers 35 pounds sterling ; a specimen of our trade among the Indians."
Ross devotes considerable space in his "Adventures" to his experiences during that first winter at Fort Okanogan.
On March 22nd, 1812, another party consisting of seventeen men was made up at Astoria and placed under command of Robert Stuart, a nephew of David. A portion of this brigade was to proceed overland to St. Louis, with dispatches for Mr. Astor at New York, and another portion carried supplies to Ft. Okanogan and was to bring back the results of the winter trade. After many vicissitudes and Indian fights on the lower river, this party arrived at Okanogan April 24, 1812, and after remaining five days left for Astoria again, carrying approxi- mately 2,500 beaver skins. Mr. David Stuart accompanied this party and left Ross at Okanogan for the summer. Mr. Ross left Donald M'Gillis in charge and started with Boullard and an Indian with sixteen pack and saddle horses on a trading excursion up the Okanogan river to the country of the Shu- swaps, following very closely Mr. Stuart's route of the winter before. They had a very successful trading trip and arrived back at Okanogan July 12, 1812. David Stuart got back from Astoria with a stock of goods, August 12, 1812, and on August 25th he and his men left Fort Okanogan to winter among the Shu-swaps at Kamloops. Ross was again left in charge at
16 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
Fort Okanogan for the winter of 1812 and 1813. He escorted Mr. Stuart as far as Osoyoos Lake and then returned to pre- pare his post for the winter operations. After spending the fall of 1812 in various trading excursions to nearby points, he left Fort Okanogan, December 2nd, to pay a visit to Mr. John Qarke, at Fort Spokane, which was a post that had just been established by the Astor Company along side of "Spokane House," which was the name of the post as we have heretofore seen, that was established and maintained by the Northwest Company.
Ross got back to his post from Spokane, December 14th, 1812, but nearly lost his own life and the lives of all his men and horses in a big snow storm that they encountered in the Big Bend country. On December 20th, he set out to visit Mr. Stuart at the Kamloops post. Ross calls it "Cumcloups." He arrived there on the last day of the year 1812. Here we find the enterprise and energy of the Northwesters again in evidence. They had established a post alongside Mr. Stuart's establishment. Mr. Ross has this to say of the conditions pre- vailing at Kamloops :
"There was opposition there as well as at Mr. Clarke's place, but without the trickery and maneuvering, M. LaRocque, the Northwest clerk in charge, and Mr. Stuart, were open and candid, and on friendly terms. The field before them was wide enough for both parties, and, what is more, they thought so; consequently they followed a fair and straightforward course of trade ; with Mr. Stuart I remained five days, and in coming home I took a near and unknown route, in order to explore a part of the country I had not seen before."
Mr. Ross evidently returned from Kamloops through by Nicola Lake and struck the Similkameen some place near where Princeton now stands. He came down that river and struck the Okanogan river at the "forks," as he says, and got to Fort Okanogan, January 24th, 1813. On May 13th, 1813, Mr. Stuart arrived at Fort Okanogan from the Kamloops country with a rich catch of fur. They remained at Okanogan ten days, packing, pressing and loading the furs, and then Ross and Stuart with a crew of men set out with the canoes
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 17
for the rendezvous at the mouth of the Walla Walla. Ross goes into a world of details in regard to all of these happen- ings, he traveled up and down the Okanogan country from the mouth of the river to the head of Okanogan Lake time and again. He made one exploring trip into the Methow country and evidently crossed the main range of the Cascades, and got well down on the Skagit, but did not reach tide water. He took unto himself, at Fort Okanogan, an Indian girl of the Okanogan tribe, and when he returned to Winnipeg, about 1825, he took her and his half-breed children with him, and the Pacific Northwest knew them no more. Ross became promi- nent in Manitoba and Assiniboia. His third book which ap- peared in 1856, the year of his death, referred entirely to the Winnipeg country, and is entitled "The Red River Settle- ment."
Stuart and Ross reached the rendezvous at the mouth of the Walla Walla May 30th, 1813, and a few days afterward the brigades began arriving from up the Snake river and over- land from Spokane. By this time the tidings of the breaking out of the war between United States and Great Britain had reached the Columbia. Upon arrival of the consolidated brig- ades at Astoria, June 14th, 1813, a council of the partners was held. There was found to be dissension amongst the part- ners and a feeling of discouragement and dismay pervaded the meeting on account of the news of the war and their wholly un- protected situation from an attack by a British war ship or pri- vateer. There was also great dissatisfaction among some in re- gard to Mr. Astor's management of the company, and to crown it all, the opposition of the Northwest Company was getting stronger. It was decided, however, after much discussion, to attempt to continue the enterprise for another year in spite of the hazards and difficulties, and preparations were at once made to send out the wintering parties again. The outward bound brigades left Astoria in a body on July 5th, 1813, Stuart and Ross for the Okanogan and Kamloops country, Clarke for the Spokane country and McKenzie for the Willamette country. Resolutions were also passed authorizing McDougal, the head factor at Astoria to sell out everything to the Northwest Company at any time if the situation became desperate and that company could be induced to buy.
On August 15, 1913, the brigades reached Fort Okanogan. Here Ross was left in charge again for the winter. Clarke and his men proceeded with their goods to Spokane and David Stuart took the now well known pack train route up this river to winter again at Kamloops, among the Shu-swaps.
We have now reached the beginning of the end of the Astor Company. Events were fast culminating that operated to change the course of things for many years to come, for the Northwesters were quick to see the opportunity offered them by the war and the defenseless condition of the Astor establishments on the Columbia, and they took advantage of the situation with great vigor. Without going into details, Duncan McDougal, the partner in charge at Astoria, sold out the whole Astorian enterprise on the Pacific to the Northwest Company in November, of the same year (1813). The American flag was hauled down and the British Jack was run up in its stead. The name of the place was changed from Astoria to Fort George.
All of the inland posts including Fort Okanogan, of course, now passed to the Northwest Company. Fort Okanogan was turned over December 15th, 1813. Ross entered the service of the Northwest Company and was placed in charge for the new management. His second book starts with his service under the new regime, and as before stated, it is entitled "Fur Hunters of the Far West." It opens with an account of a trip from Fort Okanogan overland to the Yakima country for the purpose of acquiring horses. Many horses were maintained at Fort Okanogan as long as the fur from the north continued to come down the trail along this river. They grazed these extensive horse bands on what is now the southwestern portion of the South Half. There were many wolves in this country in the early days and both Ross and Cox in their books made frequent mention of the depredations of these fierce animals upon the horse bands grazing in the vicinity of the fort. They also mention the existence of elk and antelope in the country in those days. Ross continued in charge at Fort Okanogan until the spring of 1816. He was succeeded by Ross Cox, who was a very bright and highly educated young Irishman. To him was entrusted the rebuilding and remodeling of the fort. He goes into the matter in detail and has left us a very fair map of the immediate vicinity around the mouth of the Okanogan. We will copy only the following excerpts from his work in regard to the fort which he rebuilt as above stated in the summer of 1816:
"By the month of September we had erected a new dwelling house for the person in charge, containing four excellent rooms and a large dining hall, two good houses for the men and a spacious store for the furs and merchandise to which was attached a shop for trading with the natives. The whole was surrounded by strong palisades fifteen feet high and flanked by two bastions. Each bastion had in its lower story a light brass four-pounder, and the upper loop-holes were left for the use of musketry."
The new establishment was built about a mile and a quarter southeast of the original post, and was situated on the bank of the Columbia so as to command the same. A few depressions where the old cellars were, constitute the only traces visible on the surface today. But some excavating would probably reveal much that would be interesting in the way of relics. Some of the buildings of the establishment were standing as late as the early sixties and a few old timers, both Indians and whites still living, are able to remember it. The ground where it stood is now included in Lot 7, Section 21, Township 30, N. Range 25, E. W. M.
By the time the new post had been built (1816) the place had become important as the gate-way to the New Caledonia country. It was here that the goods for the posts of that region were taken from the boats and transferred to the pack trains that were to carry the same over the Okanogan trail to Kamloops thence on to Fort Alexandria, where the transfer was made to boats or canoes again, the ultimate destination being Fort George, Fort St. James and the other trading stations of
20 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
the vast New Caledonia region. And again it was at Fort Okanogan that the fur from New Caledonia was transferred from the horse brigades in the spring en route for the mouth of the Columbia. It was also a regular stopping place for all the overland and upper Columbia brigades and likewise a meet- ing place where the Colville, the New Caledonia and other brigades waited to join each other on the down river trip. As a primary trading post, it was not a place of much importance after the first few years of its existence, at no time after the amalgamation of the companies was any considerable amount of fur obtained there. But as a stopping place, storage sta- tion, meeting point and particularly as the New Caledonia gateway, it was an important place for a long period of years, and this statement is substantially true of the place from the time of its very beginning under the Astor Company in 1811, till about 1847, and in some respects for ten years after that. Fort Okanogan was likewise a great horse rendezvous for both the Northwesters and the H. B. Company, and at times con- siderable herds of cattle were kept there also. Owing to its peculiar line of usefulness no officer of the company was regularly stationed there after the amalgamation in 1821, but some trusted employe of long service was left in control. It is impossible to make out who these men were at all times. The two most often mentioned in the reports, journals and his- torical writings of those times, are La Pratt and Joachin LeFleur. The former is often mentioned in the journals of Todd, Work and Douglas. Lieut. Johnson of the Wilkes expe- dition also says he was there in charge when he visited the place in 1841. This La Pratt, or La Prade, or La Prate, as name is variously spelled, is often mentioned as being in charge of Fort Okanogan, but I can find no place where he is specifically designated by his first name also as being in charge there. But on the whole it seems conclusive that he was Alexis La Prate or La Prade whose name is often men- tioned and appears in several lists. He was put in charge some time in the thirties and remained in charge a number of years he certainly was there in 1841 and 1842. His successor
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 21
or predecessor, I cannot make out for certain which, was Jean Gingras (or Grango) who afterwards went to the Willamette Valley and settled. This Gingras is said to have voted at Champoeg in May, 1843, with the other French settlers against the organization of the provisional government. Then came Joachin La Fleur, a very competent and reliable employee who was in charge off and on from about 1843 till about 1853. By this time the necessity for longer maintaining the fort had ceased as far as the business of the Hudson Bay Company was concerned, and they would have been willing to abandon it but feared to do so until their claims for indemnity from the United States under the treaty of 1846 had been settled. About this time, a step-son of Joachim La Fleur was placed in charge and he was the last. This man was a French half-breed named Francois Duchouquette, very likely a son of that person of the same name mentioned and listed by Alexander Henry in his journals. His mother was an Okanogan woman whose bap- tismal name was "Margaret" but whom the French called "La Petit" on account of her small size. According to her descendants living in this vicinity, her father's name was Siah- ko-ken, and she was a sister of La-pa-cheen, a prominent Okan- ogan chief of those days. This Francois Duchouquette has been mentioned a number of times in writings appertaining to the gold rush of 1858-9 and 60 over the Okanogan trail to the Fraser and elsewhere in that direction, but always by his first name only, and that invariably misspelled in every instance that I have encountered. Sometimes it is spelled "Franswa" and sometimes it appears as "Frenchway." In one place he is termed "old Frenchway." But why he should be termed "old" is strange and conveys a mistaken idea, for the local in- formation available in regard to him clearly proves that he was not over forty years of age in 1860 and some who surely ought to know say he was not over thirty at that time. Francois was in charge at the old fort from about 1853 or 1854 till June, 1860. Under orders from the company he moved all the goods and property from the fort by pack train on or about June 18th or 19th, 1860, and took the same to a point on the Simil
22 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
kameen river about two miles below the present town of Kere- meos and established a new trading station there. Francois died at Keremeos a few years afterwards. He is said to have been a very intelligent person and a good business man, but much addicted to Hudson's Bay rum. I quote the following from a recent article by Mr. Robert Stevenson, of Princeton, B. C., entitled "The Story of a Trip Through the Okanogan Valley in the Summer of 1860." Mr. Stevenson, then a young man, was with a party of gold seekers headed for the placer mines of Rock Creek in British Columbia.
" we pushed on crossing the Wenatchee, Chelan, Antiatka, so called by the Indians at that time the Methow, and reached the. Okanogan river on the evening of the 16th (June, 1860).
On the morning of the 17th Capt. Collins called for volun- teers to go to Fort Okanogan to get a boat in which to cross the Okanogan river. An Indian guide had informed us that we were then four miles from the fort. Five other men and myself volunteered for the duty, and crossing the river on a sort of a raft went to the fort. Fort Okanogan was a sta- tion owned by the Hudson Bay company, and was in charge of a chief factor by the name of Franswa, a half breed French and Indian. At the time of our visit all the Indians in that part of the country were congregated at the fort assisting the factor in packing up the goods preparatory to moving the post to Keremeos in British Columbia. The goods were packed in Hudson Bay "parflushes" made of raw hide, and loads were arranged for 150 horses. The post was to be abandoned the following day, and no goods were on sale that day.
To clear up a seeming misunderstanding as to the exact location of Fort Okanogan I will at this point state that when I visited the fort on June 17 1860, it was located on the west or north bank of the Columbia river, about two miles above the mouth of the Okanogan. The location is so clearly fixed in my mind because of the necessity of descending the Colum- bia in a boat from the fort before we could enter the Okanogan, up which our camp was located. The fort consisted of a stockade built of fir trees, 14 to 20 inches in diameter and twenty feet long, standing on end with the lower end firmly planted in the ground. Entrance to this stockade was by means of a strong gate. A space of 60 to 80 feet square was enclosed and all buildings opened to the center, and the walls of the stockade were firmly braced on the inside.
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 23
Franswa informed me that he would not hire me a boat, but would lend one. The boat was a two ton affair and was the same one that had been used by the McLaughlin party in crossing the Okanogan higher up in 1858 at the time of the big Indian fight. The factor pointed out nine bullet holes in the stern of the boat, relics of the Indian attack. We six manned the boat and started for camp. The current was very strong in the Columbia, but the Okanogan was placid as a lake. On arrival at camp we found five Indians there trying to buy whiskey "
We get a cross check on the above reference to the boat for James McLaughlin in an interview published in the Spokes- man Review, a number of years ago, is quoted as saying : "We had reached a point four miles above the mouth of the Okano- gan, where we found the Indians reinforced . . . and tried to prevent our crossing. Old Frenchway, as he was called, allowed us to take his canoes, and I crossed in the evening with twenty-one men '
The following extracts are quoted from letters recently writ- ten by Mr. Stevenson to me in reference to the last days of Fort Okanogan:
"Franswa was not old at all. He was a short, stout French half breed, and not any more than thirty years of age in 1860 when I first saw him at old Fort Okanogan. He came to Keremeos in June 1860 and died there in 1863 and is buried on "Shuttelworth" creek about one mile north of the present town of Keremeos. Yes, he was educated some. Could read and write and was a pretty good bookkeeper.
"The first building put up by Franswa is still standing on the old Cawston ranch 2 & ^ miles below Keremeos and I saw it last only two years ago. I know it well for I was in the store many times in 1861 when I was Custom House Officer at Osoyoos Lake under Sir James Douglas when British Columbia was a Crown Colony, and Franswa was in charge there. (Keremeos)"
In May, 1912, old Joseph La Fleur, through the joint ef- forts of the Indian Department and the Washington State Historical Society, was brought to the site of old Fort Okano- gan to identify places there, for the information of the gov- ernment in creating an historical park. I quote the following items from his statement taken down at that time, viz :
24 JUDGE WIILIAM C. BROWN
"My father was succeeded at Fort Okanogan by my half- brother, who was much older than me. His name was Fran- cois. He was not called La Fleur. He was called Francois Deswauchette. Francois remained in charge till the last. I think that was about six years after my father left. The Hudson Bay company then moved away everything.
Question. They moved it to Kamloops, didn't they?
Answer. No, to the Similkameen.
Question. Can you tell us where on the Similkameen?
Answer. No, I did not go with them there and I don't know.
Question. Do you know the name of the place?
Answer. No, I don't know the name, except that the In- dions called it Keremeos. The Hudson Bay company kept a store there for quite a long time and Francois stayed there till he died I am told. That place was on the Similkameen trail which the Hudson Bay people used in going over to Fort Hope on the Fraser.
Question. Did you know a Frenchman at Ft. Okanogan named La Pratt? Answer. Yes I knew La Pratt. He was there in charge when I was about ten years old I think. Sometimes one man was in charge, sometimes another. They were always travelling up and down. Sometimes they went, to Vancouver, sometimes to Colville, sometimes to Kamloops and sometimes to other places, but La Pratt was there in charge for awhile.
Question. Did you know Mr. Anderson? Answer. Yes he was there at Okanogan many times.
Question. Did you ever know of Samuel Black? Answer. Oh, yes I knew of Black. He was killed at Kamloops by an Indian. My father was there at the time and I was there too. I was a very young boy then but I was old enough to know that Black was killed. It was a man by the name of William Peon that went out and got the Indian, afterwards the Indian was killed.
I came down from Kamloops with a big pack train once when my father was in charge. I made several trips with pack trains between Okanogan and Kamloops. My father most always took all the family when he went to Kamloops, and sometimes we stayed at Kamloops several years at a time. Those big pack trains that carried the furs down in the summer and carried the goods up in the fall travelled about fifteen miles a day. When we left Okanogan the train usually got a late start and we did not go far the first day, probably about six or seven miles above the mouth of the
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 25
river. The next night we usually got about to where Salmon Creek comes into the Okanogan. The Indians called that creek Con-con-ulps, the second night after that we would get probably to Bonaparte creek and the next night to Osoyoos Lake. From there we kept on up the Okanogan valley past the lakes to Penticton and around the east side of Okanogan Lake, and on through to Kamloops. When the Hudson Bay people used to come into Okanogan from the other places there was often many people there."
Joe's father, Old Joachim La Fleur, left Okanogan about 1853, and went to the Colville valley, and is said to have started a little store of his own near where Marcus now is. He was murdered some time along in the sixties near Walla Walla, where he had gone to buy a supply of goods. Descendants of the Gingras, La Fleur and Duchouquette families are liv- ing now on the Colville and Spokane reservations. Many of the old folks amongst them were born at or near old Fort Okanogan, and are capable of relating reminiscences of the olden times. Peter Skene Ogden is well remembered. But not by that name. He is referred to as "Pete Og-den," with accent strong on the last syllable. They also frequently men- tion a personage whom they designate as "Old Pete." This, I take to be none other than the great Peter Skene Ogden 'himself. One of Gingras clan recently recited to me in French, a fragment of a ditty about the famous old trader that must date back three-quarters of a century. It is not quite suitable for print, however. One of the most interesting relics of the fur trading days that is still with us is old Joe La Fleur, above mentioned. He is about 80 years of age, but still retains all his faculties substantially unimpaired and speaks English fairly well. He is a son of the well known Joachim La Fleur, hereinbefore mentioned, and a half brother of Francois Duchouquette. He was born at Fort Okanogan in 1834, and was baptised by Father Demears there in 1838, on the first trip of that missionary down the Columbia. Joe's boyhood and early manhood was spent with his family between Okano- gan and Kamloops and he remembers Todd, Work, Douglas, Anderson and all the others of that time ; he even recalls the
26 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
murder of Chief Factor Black at Kamloops in 1841, he being a boy of some 6 or 7, and was there at the time. John Todd's journal also shows that the La Fleur family was at Kamloops then.
The history of Fort Okanogan could be written almost year by year if all available sources of information were drawn upon. The works of Ross covers the years from 1811 to 1816 and to some extent later. Cox covers 1813 to 1816. Fran- chere's "Narrative" indirectly relates to Okanogan more or less from 1811 to 1814. The journals of John Work commence in the early twenties and cover many years. He was much at Okanogan and he is the most valuable original source as to the place in the twenties and thirties, as he gives us a wealth of the every day occurrences there, mostly the comings and goings incident to the trade. For the period about 1841 the journal of John Todd, written while in charge at Kamloops, tells us a very great deal about what was going on at Okanogan during that time. For Okanogan and Kamloops were next door neighbors in those days and there was much intercourse between the two places. Another very valuable source of original information in regard to Fort Okanogan and the other Hudson Bay Company posts in old Oregon, is the testimony given in the matter of the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson Bay Company against the United States for the pay- ment of indemnity on account of the giving up of their posts and lands. The record of these proceedings, including a transcript of the testimony, was printed by government author- ity, and the same fills a set of books comprising many volumes. It is said that there is only one library in the United States possessing a complete set, and that is in the Congressional Library at Washington, but there is a partial set in the library of the State University at Seattle. The testimony was taken mostly by deposition at various places along in the middle sixties. Many officers and ex-officers of the Hudson Bay Company testified as to the use the company had made of the old fort, and also how they had for a great many years utilized for grazing purposes a wide extent of range adjacent thereto.
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 27
The most interesting witness for the company is Mr. Alex- ander Caufield Anderson, who had been in charge of the post for a number of years in the late forties and early fifties as a dependency of Colville. He described the buildings in detail and testified to the value of the whole establishment. Among other things he said the stretch of country used for a horse range was in the shape of a triangle, each side of which was about 25 or 30 miles long. That it was bounded as follows, commencing at the mouth of the Okanogan river, thence up the Columbia to The Dalles (Box canyon of the pres- ent time), thence along the range of hills to the "montee" on the Okanogan river, thence down the Okanogan to the mouth. Now where was the "montee" ? No one now living knows as far as can be learned. The testimony of the wit- nesses for the United States tends to show that Fort Okanogan had become a very dilapidated, run down and worthless estab- lishment years before its final abandonment, and had for all practical purposes been abandoned in the middle fifties. On the other hand, the witnesses for the Hudson Bay Company say it was, up till about 1847, a very important post of the company, and that it was still valuable. The company's wit- nesses attempted to carry the idea that the post was not even abandoned as late as 1864, but admitted that all the goods and people had been removed some years before that, and that a local Indian living there was all that had been left in charge, but none of their witnesses pretended to know if the said Indian was still there or not when they were giving their testimony, in 1865, or thereabouts. It is very apparent, in- deed, that the witnesses for the claimant did not care to dis- close just when the company ceased to maintain Fort Okanogan as a trading post, and attempted by indirection, to stretch the time a few years so as to make their claim for damages as strong as possible. A careful consideration of all the sources of information that I have been able to find as to the probable date of the abandonment of Fort Okanogan by the Hudson Bay Company, has confirmed me in the opinion that my in- formation is correct upon which I base the statement that
28 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
Fort Okanogan was virtually and for all practical purposes abandoned when Francois and his men moved the property and furnishings away on or about June 18 or 19, 1860, and took the same to Keremeos, where a new post was erected.
We will not attempt a detailed narrative of the occur- rences at Fort Okanogan in the twenties, thirties and forties. Perhaps a few entries from such journals as those of Work, Anderson or Todd, might be profitably copied, for the same would give, to a certain degree, a very good idea of the gen- eral run of the happenings, and reflect a faithful picture as to what manner of place Fort Okanogan really was in those times, but those matters can be so much better obtained from the journals themselves that we will offer no second-hand recital of any fragments here. The reader of such journals as those above mentioned will find the names of about all the prominent figures in the fur trade, identified with the history of the place. One year Connolly comes down with the new Caledonia fur, always a big brigade of several hun- dred horses. He is accompanied by young Douglas, after- wards the great Sir James. At Okanogan they find that the Spokane brigade has been waiting for them nearly a week. A day or so is spent in repacking furs and trans- ferring them to the boats, and the consolidated outfits pro- ceed down the Columbia to Fort Vancouver, leaving the horses to recruit themselves during the summer on the broad bunch grass ranges abounding along the Okanogan. Oft- times the waiting brigades would be indulged by the officers in a regale, and the place in consequence be the scene of great festivity. Traditions in regard to these regales, some of which appear to have been famous affairs, in which drinking, feasting, gambling, dancing and horse racing were the lead- ing features, are about the principal thing remembered by the half breed descendants of the old voyagers. In November, 1824, Governor Simpson (afterwards Sir George) stopped over for a day or two at Okanogan on his famous trip across the continent. With him was Doctor McLoughlin coming to take charge of the entire business of the company on this
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 29
Coast, and destined to win undying fame. Another year Dease has charge of the brigades gathering at Okanogan. Again and again it is Ogden who comes down with the big brigade from the north and goes back with the goods in the fall. Once or twice it was Francis Ermatinger, and so on. Throughout the year Okanogan was the scene of constant comings and goings.
The last New Caledonia brigade came over the old trail from Kamloops to Okanogan in 1847. On account of the treaty of 1846, fixing the boundary on the 49th parallel, and further, on account of the breaking out of the war between the Americans and the Cayuse Indians, rendering the Colum- bia route unsafe for brigades carrying furs and property aggre- gating great value, orders were sent out early in 1848 by express from Vancouver to the officers in charge of the in- terior posts to break their way through with the brigades of that year, over the Cascades to the mouth of the Fraser. After many a reconnoisance and much expense, a trail was opened by which pack trains could manage to travel, and the course of the same was pretty much the same as that along which the Victoria, Vancouver & Eastern Railway is now building, that is, up the Similkameen and over the divide to the head of the Coquihalla and down that stream to Fort Hope on the Fraser, thence to the mouth of that river. This continued to be the route used by the Hudson Bay Company between the coast and the inland posts of Colville, Okanogan, Thompson river, etc., for the next ensuing ten years or more. This is what was known in fur trading parlance as the "Fort Hope Trail." The year 1848 saw no brigade come to Fort Okanogan, bound either up or down. The old Okanogan trail was to see them no more they were gone forever. Fort Okanogan from that time forward was of small importance, but the company continued it as we have seen for something like twelve years more before finally discontinuing it. Gen. McClellan passed through by it in 1853, and in his report calls it a "ruinous establishment." The place came into some pass- ing prominence in 1858, when the Fraser river gold rush was
30 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
on, for quite a few parties went in over the old Okanogan and Fort Hope trails. One of these parties encountered in September of that year the well known fight with the Indians in McLoughlin canyon and another sharp scrimmage occurred a day or two later near where Oroville now stands. Joel Palmer was the first to bring wagons up through the Okano- gan valley. His pioneer trip is said to have been made in July, 1858. The train consisted of nine wagons with three or four yoke of oxen to each. They came from Wallula to Okanogan, where the wagons were unloaded and they crossed them and the merchandise over the Columbia in boats ob- tained at the old fort. The cattle were made to swim. The outfit then worked its way up the Okanogan valley to Okano- gan Lake, where it was found necessary to build rafts to pass the wagons and the merchandise. The stock was driven around through the hills on the old pack trail. The train ultimately reached Kamloops. Palmer made a second trip in 1859, in about the same way. From 1859 on, there was considerable travel in one way and another from Walla Walla, The Dalles and other Columbia river points, to the British Columbia mines, which went up over the Okanogan trail. Some of these old-time gold hunters and freighters stopped off and settled in the Okanogan country, and they became what has come to be commonly accepted as the "first settlers" of the Okanogan. Such was "Okanogan Smith" and his con- temporaries.
We know but little of the Okanogan Indians back of the time the whites first reached this section. They have almost no traditional history of their past, their migrations or their wars, that is of any historical value that I have been able to learn. We can, however, in a measure, pierce the past for a few decades back of 1800, and discern what manner of people they were, it being substantially the same as it was after the traders located amongst them, except insofar as articles of civilized manufacture altered their mode of life, which was not to any very great degree. The Okanogans are of the Salish stock, and belong to the same family o<f
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 31
tribes as the Chelans, Wenatchees (properly Wenatshapam or Pisquowsh), Nespelems, San Foils, Similkameens, Thompson River Okanogans, and likewise the Flatheads of Northwestern Montana belong to the same linguistic group, as do also cer- tain Indians living on the lower Fraser, even down to its mouth. The Okanogans and their immediate and closely re- lated neighbors of the same stock occupied a country from about Priest Rapids, on the south, to some distance above and beyond Thompson river on the north. The Yakimas, Walla Wallas, Umatillas, etc., joined them on the south, and the Denes on the north. Alexander Ross is the greatest authority in regard to them at the time when the whites first arrived. The original meaning of the name "Okanogan," or "Oak-kay- nock-kin," or "O-kin-nah-kein," as the Indians pronounce it (as near as I can reproduce it in English spelling), is un- known now. The derivation appears to be irretrievably lost. The same is true of nearly all Indian geographical names in this section. Some of their ideas and stories of the remote past are valuable in that they throw side lights on known historical facts and assist us in drawing conclusions. For instance, the old Indians think the Okanogans always had horses. This indicates that they have been in possession of these animals for many generations. My investigations have led me to believe that horses had reached the Indians of the Columbian plains at least 150 years before the time of Lewis and Clark, and this is not strange, for the horse and mule population in Mexico was immense by the year 1600, and the animals could have been moved northward from tribe to tribe with comparative facility. Another interesting story that is persistently told by the old folks among the Okanogans is that a few buffaloes at one time existed in their country. I have heard this so much and from such varied sources that I have come to think there must be something in it. They generally fix the vicinity of Moses Lake as the locality where they ranged and where they were killed by their fore- fathers. When Lewis and Clark came through, the buffalo herds were to be found on the west side of the Rockies, in
32 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
the region of the upper Snake river. Fremont also discusses the western limit of the buffalo range, and puts it well west into Idaho. From that section there are no natural barriers which would have prevented the species from spreading to any and all parts of old Oregon east of the Cascade range, and my theory is that the buffaloes were in the process of so doing and had found their way, at least in small numbers, as far as the Big Bend country of Eastern Washington, when the Indians began acquiring horses which enabled them to efficiently hunt the few and meager herds, with the result that the buffaloes were exterminated along the Columbia before they had reached sufficient numbers to maintain them- selves against the numerous mounted Indians that began to set upon them. Had fate denied the Columbian Indian horses for another century, it is possible that the great buffalo range would have extended over the bunch grass plains of this latitude between the Cascades and the Rockies, quite the same as it did east of those mountains. This, of course, goes far into the realm of speculation, but there is much in Indian fable and tradition to support it, and it is not inconsistent with known historical facts.
The Indians must have been telling the same story in the days of Ross Cox, for he says this in his book : "The Indians allege that buffaloes were formerly numerous about the plains, and assert that remains of these animals are still found" (page 228). The "plains" referred to being the Palouse, Big Bend and Spokane countries.
The geographical nomenclature of the old days is inter- esting. "Okanogan Point" was the big flat at the junction of the Okanogan with the Columbia. A fine view of this flat is now to be had close at hand from the Great Northern trains, and the place where the original Astor post was built, and also the place where the later Ft. Okanogan stood so long can be plainly seen. "Okanogan Forks" was the junction of the Similkameen with the Okanogan. It is where Oroville now stands. Aeneas valley, Aeneas creek, Aeneas moun- tains, etc., of the present day government maps and quad
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 33
rangles, is the old-time Ignace creek, Ignace valley, etc. The French pronunciation of the same being "En-yass." The government map makers in the field heard the name and took it to be an attempt to say "Aeneas," hence the original French "Ignace" has evolved into the Greek "Aeneas" on the official maps of the government. The local pronunciation, however, remains the same as of yore, that is "En-yass." As to the "montee" mentioned by Anderson in his testimony, I am at a loss to figure out where that place could have been. The term in fur trade lingo is explained by the able editor of the Henry journals and there was a "montee" up on Fraser lake spoken of by Father Morice. Whatever it was on the Okanogan it must have been some place in the vicinity of the present towns of Okanogan and Omak. Okanogan has been spelled a dozen or more different ways since Thomp- son's time. The official spelling has now settled down to "Okanogan" and "Okanagan," the former American, the latter Canadian.
The course of the "Old Okanogan Trail" was up the east side of the river. It started at the old fort and kept down along the river all the way till the point of rocks at McLough- lin's canyon was reached, then the trail climbed up into the gorge known as McLoughlin's canyon, passed through the same and came out on the benches beyond and reached the river bottom again just below the mouth of Bonaparte creek, near where the town of Tonasket is now. Up till about six or eight years ago the old trail was as plain as ever in many places; now there are but few spots where it may be found. I am informed that the trail went along through the hills on the west side of Okanogan Lake to the head thereof, and then struck off through by Grand Prairie to Kamloops, pretty much the same way as the wagon road now goes from Vernon to Kamloops. The popular auto- mobile route of today up through the Okanogan Valley and on north to Kamloops and elsewhere up that way follows very closely the general course of the old trail from the mouth of the Okanogan to Kamloops. "The Okanogan Trail"
34 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
is, however, a somewhat indefinite term, for the fur com- pany men did not by any means travel the same path in going over the old route. They traveled up and down on both sides of the river and the lake, and by the Similkameen road as well, according to how fancy or convenience moved them. But the big heavy laden brigades followed the lines first above stated almost invariably. A four-columned article appeared in the Oregon Statesman of February 14, 1860, written by Joel Palmer, wherein he describes his trips over the Okanogan trail in 1858 and 1859. After recounting the arrival of the wagon train at Fort Okanogan he has this to say :
"Passing Okinakane some five miles the trail forks ; with our wagons we followed the Okinakane river trail, which is a very good one, with the exception of about one mile over drifting sand hills. The other trail cuts a bend in the river and though several miles shorter, would be difficult to travel with wagons. It is probably about fifteen miles to where they unite on the bank of the river. It then follows up, pass- ing several difficult points to near McLaughlin battle canyon, where we crossed the river. With the exception of one stony point, it is a good road onward to the mouth of the Similka- meen, distant from Okinakane about sixty-five miles. Pack trains need not cross the river, but may continue on to the forks. Good camping grounds are found all along the river. I am not advised as to the particular location of the newly discovered mines, but suppose them to be within twelve or fifteen miles of the forks of the Similkameen and Okinakane. From this point there are several trails which have been used in reaching the mines on Frazer and Quenelle river. The one which we took in July 1858 with our wagons, leads northward up the valley of Okinakane to the Great Lake and along the western shore to its head; sometimes passing through gaps in the mountain ranges both in the river and lake sections; it then turns eastward (?) (westward) and strikes a stream called Salmon river, the southern fork of Thompson river, where it again diverges to the north and intersects Thompson river about twenty miles above Ft. Thompson, bearing nearly due west. Another trail and the one I travelled going out last spring with a pack train, follows up the Okinakane valley eleven or twelve miles, where it crosses a ridge and falls upon the Similkameen, follows up
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 35
this valley some eighty miles, where it again forks, one, and the nearest turns to the right and leads through a gap in the mountains striking the Hudson's Bay Brigade trail from Fort Hope to Ft. Thompson and New Caledonia, probably eighty or ninety miles south of Ft. Thompson and following this trail to Alexander. The other fork, which is the Colville and Fort Hope trail, keeps up the Similkameen a short dist- ance and then leads over the mountains uniting with the brig- ade trail about 30 miles to the southward of the other fork." The question is often asked how it happened that the build- ings of old Ft. Okanogan have so completely disappeared. There are much plainer signs and remaining traces of the former buildings at the site of the old Astor post, than on the site of the later post that was still in existence, and com- prised a considerable number of buildings as late as the early sixties. Of course the great length of time since the original Ft. Okanogan of the Pacific Fur Company was abandoned (about 97 years) easily accounts for the complete disappear- ance of everything there except the cellars and the chimney stones, but the substantial buildings of log and adobe that were in the old Ft. Okanogan of the Hudson Bay Company in 1860, ought, under ordinary circumstances, to be to some extent still in existence. On the contrary the signs of former habitation are much dimmer there than on the site of the older post. This condition may be accounted for through the action of various agencies. The Indians say that placer diggers (both white and Chinese), working on the bars of the Columbia, used up much of the timber in their opera- tions, and very likely the structures were raided by both whites and reds for any and all passing needs. At any rate it seems that all the buildings had disappeared before 1880. The final stroke of obliteration was given the place by the big flood of 1894, which was probably the highest water in the Okanogan and Columbia for at least a century, and per- haps several centuries. At that time the waters of the Colum- bia swept entirely over the place and carried away much of the bank of earth and gravel that the old-timers say existed along the shore of the river there, leaving the wide stony beach which has ever since existed between high and low water mark at that point. The site of the old Astor post was much less affected by that flood. It was probably inundated, but there was little or no current there.
A bill is now pending before congress to grant to the Washington State Historical Society the right to acquire ground covering the sites of both old posts as and for an historical park, and the government has also just recently platted a townsite of several hundred acres on the upper end of "Okanogan Point," which townsite we are told is to be called "Astor." So, perhaps, the predictions of Ross Cox, written a hundred years ago, that a great city would some day arise in the immediate vicinity of the site of Ft. Okanogan, may yet be vindicated.
Believing that the foregoing narrative contains some facts and details that have been learned from original sources on the ground, and now appear for the first time on the printed page, and trusting that this effort may help to preserve to the future a little better chance to know the history of the past in this section, this address is respectfully submitted.
GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF OKANOGAN
Books
"Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River," "Fur Hunters of the Far West," "The Red River Settlement," all by Alexander Ross.
"Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America," by Gabriel Franchere.
"Adventures on the Columbia," by Ross Cox.
"The Henry and Thompson Journals," by Dr. Elliott Coues.
"Harmon's Journal," by Daniel Williams Harmon.
"History of the Northwest Coast" and "History of British Columbia" and "Native Races," by Hubert Howe Bancroft. These works probably contain more general historical infor
OLD FORT OKANOGAN AND OKANOGAN TRAIL 37
mation about the Okanogan country, both American and Canad- ian, than any other publications, and they cite a great list of authorities.
"History of North Central British Columbia," by Rev. A. G. Modce.
"Upper Columbia River," by Lieut. Symons. This is a very accurate and scholarly work, but he undertakes to give names to places that had names attached to them long before, and his geographical names are not accepted locally in many instances.
"Parker's Journal," by Rev. Samuel Parker.
Lieut. Johnson's Report in the Narrative of the Wilkes' Exploring Expedition,
Report of Capt. McClellan's explorations east of the Cas- cades, as given by Stevens in Vol. XII. , part 1, "Explora- tions for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean."
Writings of Father de Smet.
"Letters" and "Narrative of a Journey 'Round the World," by Sir George Simpson.
The Record of the Proceedings in the Matter of the Adjust- ment of the Claims of the H. B. Co. vs. the United States. This contains a great deal of valuable matter as to all the old H. B. Co. posts in Oregon and Washington.
"Astoria," by Washington Irving.
"Life on Puget Sound, with Sketches of Travel," etc., by Caroline C. Leighton.
Manuscripts
Journals of David Thompson covering his travels west of the Rocky Mountains.
"History of the Northwest Coast," by A. C. Anderson.
Journals of John Todd.
Journals of John Work. There are also several other jour- nals kept by officers of the N. W. Co. and H. B. Co. that refer more or less to Okanogan.
38 JUDGE WILLIAM C. BROWN
"Palmer's Wagon Trains" and article in Oregon Statesman, February 14, 1860, by Joel Palmer. The course of the old trail as followed in 1858 is quite minutely described in the above mentioned article.
"The Story of a Trip Through the Okanogan Valley in the Summer of 1860," by Robert Stevenson. Same appearing in the Christmas number of the Oroville Gazette (1910), tells of final abandonment of Ft. Okanogan.
Interview of James McLoughlin, appearing in Spokesman- Review, 1891. Refers to McLoughlin Canyon fight and men- tions Francois at Okanogan, but name appears in article as "Frenchway."
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON
Editorial Introduction by T.C.ELLIOTT
The writer of these notes, in common with other readers of books and manuscripts that pertain to the discovery and exploration of the Columbia river, has waited for many years for access to the exact record left by the remarkable man who discovered the source of the river and first traversed its waters from source to mouth, the latter achievement being in the year 1811. The existence of that record and its depositary has been very generally known since the publica- tion by Mr. J. B. Tyrrell, of Toronto, in 1888, of his paper read before the Canadian Institute on March 3 of that year, and later from the "Henry-Thompson Journals," published by Francis P. Harper in 1897 and edited by the late Dr. Elliott Coues. But the publication of the original manuscript being commercially impossible, and no bibliophile society having yet undertaken to preserve it in printed form, only from brief typewritten transcripts have disconnected por- tions of it been published. It is largely for this reason that only after one hundred years have the life and deeds of this remarkable man begun to be even known to the people resid- ing in the Columbia River basin; also that by the writer and others some erroneous conclusions have been drawn. The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, the field of which includes all of the old Oregon country, now has the honor of publishing the exact record left by David Thompson of his advent upon the waters of the main Columbia river below the international boundary at the 49th parallel of north lati- tude.
On June 23, 1911, the Pioneer Association of Stevens County, Washington, held its annual meeting on the romantic rocky ledge overlooking the Kettle Falls of the Columbia river, one of the most scenic and entrancing spots along the entire river, and the writer of these notes was invited to con- tribute a few remarks commemorative of the presence there one hundred years before of David Thompson, designated as
40 T. G ELLIOTT
The Pathfinder; and those remarks afterward took printed form in the Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1911 (Vol. 12, No. 3). In that address, for the sake of local color, quotations were made from what purported to be a copy of a portion of the original journal of Mr. Thompson. Soon afterward Professor O. B. Sperlin, of the Stadium High School of Tacoma, a most enthusiastic and conscientious reader of the history of the Pacific Northwest, at his own expense obtained one of these same transcripts and in the Quarterly of the Washington University State Historical Society (Seat- tle) for January, 1913 (Vol. 4, No. 1), contributed an article containing excerpts from the same. On account of apparent contradictions in the text of these transcripts the writer of these notes then undertook, with the hearty consent of Mr. Sperlin, to have those fragmentary copies completed to cover the entire journey of David Thompson in 1811 from Kettle Falls to Astoria and return. This has been done and compari- son of the completed copy with the original manuscript in the archives department of the Province of Ontario, at Toronto, has been very kindly made by Mr. Tyrrell per- sonally, from which it appears that the former transcripts were evidently typewritten from dictation and contained both omissions and errors of the text. In the study of this journal use has been made of the "Report of An Examination of the Upper Columbia River in September and October, 1881," by Lieut. Thos. W. Symons, published as a government docu- ment (Washington, 1882). This report contains maps and tables of distances which render the journey of Mr. Thompson as far as the mouth of Snake river very intelligible. Below the Snake river charts and surveys in the office of the Chief Engineer of the Department of the Columbia have been con- sulted. Valuable assistance has been obtained from Mr. Jacob A. Meyers, a very careful reader of Columbiana, who has resided bear Kettle Falls for many years, and from W. C. Brown, Esq., of Okanogan.
In explanation of the distances recorded by Mr. Thompson it may be said that he used the marine and not the statute
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 41
mile, that his instruments were limited in number and in size, and were not in accurate adjustment at times, and that it was very difficult to estimate distances during the extreme high water stage of the river in July, 1811. Taking the first day's travel as an example, he records sixty-four miles between the foot of Kettle Falls and the mouth of the Sans Foil river, while Lieut. Symons found it to be eighty-eight miles, but at a much lower stage of the water. On shorter distances, such as from Tongue Point to Astoria, Mr. Thompson's distances are nearly correct. His observations of latitude are also generally correct.
As to the text of the journal, Mr. Tyrrell states that "David Thompson's manuscript is written almost without stops and without capitals except at the beginning of important nouns, so that it is often difficult to say where his sentences end." For example, the journal may read thus: Co S 30 W }/2 m S 40 W 1 m S 5 E 1-1/3 m -|- 1 m. It may be understood, therefore, that all punctuations, capitalization and signs have been added by the writer of these notes for the purpose of interpretation. It has also seemed wise to omit many of the tables giving astronomical calculations, only a part of which are inserted in the copy and the other part being unintelligible if possible to produce in print ; also to note doubtful words and expressions with brackets.
Mr. Thompson's use of the word "gone" is peculiar; for in- stance: "S. R. 1/3 gone the Spokane river falls in on the left about 60 yards wide," means that he passed the mouth of the Spokane river at one-third of the course. S. R. means "strong rapids"; V. S. C. would mean "very strong current." Fm. means "fathom" and Gartg. means "gartering," which was an article of trade. This manuscript must be the complete journal written from an original notebook, and not the note- book itself ; the text indicates this in several places.
A sketch of David Thompson's career appears in the earlier number of the Quarterly already cited, but for the sake of continuity as to his movements during the year 1811, it may be stated here that after three months' enforced encampment
42 T. C. ELLIOTT
at the extreme northerly bend of the Columbia river, where the trail from the Athabaska Pass across the Rocky Moun- tains reaches the river (consult the Henry-Thompson Journals, page 669, for this), on the 17th of April, 1811 (which would be five days after the Pacific Fur Company actually began the construction of Fort Astoria), Mr. Thompson embarked with one canoe and ascended the Columbia to its source ; then carried his canoe across to the Kootenay river and descended that river as far as the mouth of Fisher creek, near the town of Jennings, in Northwestern Montana. There he laid up the canoe and, procuring horses, crossed the mountains south to the Flathead river, at some point above Thompson Falls, where another canoe was built, in which he descended his Flathead, our Clark Fork, river, and on down the Pend d'Oreille river to where he again laid up his canoe and proceeded on horseback to his trading post, known as Spokane House, about ten miles northwest of the City of Spokane. After a few days there (his first personal visit at this post, by the way), he proceeded north across the hills and prairies ahd down the Colville river valley in Stevens county, Washington, to Kettle Falls, arriving about the 19th of June. Two weeks' time were required to find suitable cedar timber and build the large canoe in which he starts down the river on July 3.
The first half of the journal is given in this issue of the Quarterly ; the record of the days spent at Astoria and of the return journey in company with David Stuart's party of As- torians will follow later; and in that connection mention will be made of Mr. Thompson's further journey up the Columbia from Kettle Falls to Canoe river.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON.
(As COPIED FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE ARCHIVES OF ONTARIO, CANADA.)
July 3rd, 1811.
Voyage to the mouth of the Columbia, By the Grace of God, By D. Thompson and seven men on the part of the N. W. Company.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 43
Wednesday 1 . After arranging several small affairs we, in number eight men, with two Simpoil Indians, set off on a voyage down the Columbia River to explore this river in order to open out a passage for the interior trade with the Pacific Ocean. My men are Michael Beaurdeau, Pierre Pareil, Joe Cote, Michel Boulard, Francois Gregoire, with Charles and Ignace, 2 Iroquois, with a small assortment of goods to buy in provisions, etc. Our course down the river from the Ilthkoyape 2 Falls at 6^ A. M. Co. S. 15 W. 2/3 m, S. 8 E. l l / 2 m, S. 10 W. y* mile, gone the brook 3 of our late portage on the left about 30 yards wide. Course + 1 m -f- T / 2 m do., last y> m very strong dangerous Rapid 4 , run it close on the right. Co. S. 30 W. y 2 m, S. 40 W. 1 m, S. 5 E. 13/4 m, S. 25 W. iy 2 m, S. 5 E. y 2 m, S. 30 E. 2/3 m, S. 5 E. iy 4 m, S. 30 E. 1/4 m, S. 22 E. \y 2 m, S. 12 E. 1 m, + y 2 m, S. 35 E. y 2 m, S. 40 E. y 2 m, R., S. 10 E. 1 m, H- T A . R-, ( ?) S. 25 E. 3/ 4 m, S. 7 E. y 2 m, S. 5 W. 2/3 m, S. 25 W. 1/3 m, S. W. iy 2 m, + y 2 m, S. 1 m. End of Co. S. R. good on the left. Co. S. 1 m, S. 10 E. 1% m, S. 25 W. y 2 m, S. 40 W. l / 4 m, S. 68 W. 2 m, S. 30 W. y 2 m, S. 1/3 m, S. 15 E. 1 m, S. 8 E. iy 4 m, S. 20 W. 1 m, S. 30 W. 1 m, S. W. iy 2 m, S. 68 W. 2/3 m, S. 80 W. 1 m, N. 70 W. iy 2 m, S. 56 W. l*/ 2 m, S. y 2 m, S. 35 E. y 2 m, S. 65 E. 1 m, S. 35 E. 2/3 m, S. 70 E. 1 m, S. 10 W. iy 4 m, + y 2 m, S. 25 E. 1/3 m, S. 30 E. 1 m, S. 25 E. y 2 m, S. R. S iy 2 m, S. R. 1/3 of gone the Spokane
1 Mr. Thompson's canoe was probably launched from what is now known as Bushnell Flat T /2 mile below Kettle Falls; he descends the Columbia today as far as the Sans Foil river, a distance of about 90 miles. But at this extreme high water he would cut across the flats and low points. Lieut. Symons followed the channel in making measurements in September, 1881.
2 Mr. Thompson applied this name to these falls even before he arrived there and evidently had it from some one, but he is the only person whose journal, letter or narrative makes mention of it. However, the Indians occupying the Colville Reservation (Washington) now (1914) make use of the name in speaking of the Kettle River and Falls. It is of Salish derivation, from the word Ilth-Kape, meaning kettle, and the word Hoy-Ape, meaning net (see Salish vocabulary in Henry-Thompson Journals, pp. 715-16), these being the rapids or falls where many tribes of the Salishan family gathered to fish with their net-kettles, i. e., baskets made of closely woven osiers or grasses; and the number of fish reported as taken in this manner is almost fabulous.
3 Mouth of the Colville River.
4 These rapids, designated as Thompson Rapids on the Arrowsmith (London) maps as late as 1846, but known to the fur traders usually as Grand Rapids; now locally known and mapped as Rickey Rapids, after Mr. John Rickey, who settled there.
44 T. C. ELLIOTT
River (which) falls in on the left, about 60 yards wide. S. 15 W. iy 2 m, S. 60 W. */ 2 m, S. 75 W. y 2 m, N. 70 W. 1 m, + y 4 m, N. 35 W. 2/3 m, N. 5 W. 1 m, N. 65 W. % m, S. W. y 2 m, S. 75 W. y 2 m, W. y 2 m, N. 85 W. 1 m, N. W. y 2 m, N. 1 m, N. 25 W. 1 m, N. 68 W. # m, N. 75 W. ?4 m, high rocks on the right and for several courses passed high rocks on the left as by lofty steps in per- pendicular descents. S. 70 W. % m, N. 85 W. 1# m, all Strong Rapid 5 . Carried full y 2 of this the major part of the cargo, run the canoe with the rest close on the left, from 3:5 P. M. to 4:5 P. M. S. 85 W. 1 m, N. 80 W. iy 2 m, turned and went up a brook from the right to the camp of the Simpoil 6 Indians North J/ m and put ashore at 4^4 P- M., but finding the place dirty we went about % m further to a good campment. The courses are not so correct as I could wish. The strength of the current caused many eddys and small whirlpools which continually loose the canoe from side to side so that the compass was always vibrating. I hope by the mercy of Heaven to take them much better on my return. The country always wears a pleasing romantic view, the early part of the day hills and valleys, etc., with partly wooded thinly, and partly meadow, the latter most predominant. From about 11 A. M. to the Simpoil Camp the river presented much steep rocks often in steps like stairs of 20 to 30 feet perpend of black grayish rock, reddened in places. The current of the river is everywhere strong, with a few rapids, but the water is exceedingly high. When it lowers I make no doubt but canoes can very well make their way up it.
On our arrival at the Simpoil camp we pitched our tents. No one approached us till we sent for them to come and smoke. The Chief then made a speech and then the men all followed him in file and sat down around the tent bringing a present of 2 half dried salmon with about J^ bushel of various roots and berries for food. The Chief again made a speech in a more singing, loud, smart tone. Smoking with
5 Hell Gate, four miles above the Sans Poll River.
6 Mr. Thompson describes this tribe as "poor and needy Indians," hence iht name.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 45
4 pipes (?) till the tobacco I had given for this purpose was done, during* the last pipes being smoked one of the Simpoil Indians who had come with me related in a low voice all the news he had heard and seen, which the Chief in his speech told again to his people. At the end of every 3 or 4 sentences he made a stop, which was answered by all the people calling in a loud, drawling voice, Oy. The smoking being done and the news being all told I then told the Chief what I had to say of my voyage to the sea, etc., etc. Each 6 or 7 sentences I also made a stop which the chief in his relation to his people punctually followed and they also regu- larly answered as before. I took notice that good and bad news, life and death, were always pronounced in the same manner, and that the answer was also the same. A few pipes more were now lighted and they were told this was enough for the present. They gave a long thankful oy and went away. A few minutes after a man came asking permis- sion for the women to come and see us, and make us a small present. To this we consented, provided they brought us no Ectooway, as we found those roots bring on the colic. They came accompanied by all the men and altogether formed a circle around us, the women placing themselves directly opposite us one-half of them being on the right and left of a man painted as if for war with black and red, and his head highly ornamented with feathers. The rest of the men extended from us to the women on either hand. The men brought their presents and placed them before me which consisted wholly of the bitter, the white and Ectooway roots, with a few arrow wood berries. The women had all painted themselves, and though there were a few tolerable faces among them, yet from the paint etc., not one could be pronounced bearable. The men are all of a mid size, well made, moderately muscular, well limbed and of a tolerable good mien. The women we thought were all of a rather small stature, clean made, and none of them seemed to labor under any bodily defect. Having smoked a few pipes, we said the visit is long enough. This was received as usual with a thankful oy,
46 T-. C. ELLIOTT
and they all withdrew except a few old men, who stayed a few minutes longer and also went away. As the Chief was going my men wished to see them dance, I told the Chief, who was highly pleased with the request. He instantly made a short speech to them, and all of them, young and old men, women and children, began a dance to the sound of their own voices only, having no instruments of any kind whatever. The song was a mild simple music, the cadence measured, but the figure of the dance quite wild and irregular. On one side stood all the old people of both sexes. These formed groups of 4 to 10 who danced in time, hardly stirring out of the same spot. All the young and active formed a large group on the other side, men, women and children mixed dancing, first up as far as the line of old people extended, then turning around and dancing down to the same extent, each of this large group touching each other with closeness. This continued for about eight minutes, when, the song being finished, each person sat directly down on the ground in the spot he happened to be when the song was done. The Chief made a speech of about 1 or 2 minutes long. As soon as this was ended the song directly began and each person start- ing up fell to dancing the same figure as before. They ob- served no order in their places, but mingled as chance brought them together. We remarked a young active woman who always danced out of the crowd and kept in line close along us, and always left the others far behind. This was noticed by the Chief, who at length called her to order, and either to dance with the others or to take a partner. She chose both but still kept close to us with her partner leading up the dance. Having danced twice this way the Chief told them to dance a third time for that we might be preserved on the Strong Rapids we had to run down on our way to the sea. This they seemingly performed with great good will. Having danced about an hour they finished. We retired much sooner, as the dust of their feet often fairly obscured the dancers though we stood only about 4 feet from them as they danced on a piece of dusty ground in the open air. Their
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 47
huts are of slight poles tied together, covered with mats of slight rushes, a sufficient defence in this season, and they were considered altogether as moderately cleanly, although very poorly clothed, especially the men, as animals are very scarce and they are too poorly armed to obtain any spoil of worth from the chase. They have a good weir in the brook of about 15 yards, but only small salmon come up to it, some very poor, others tolerably good. Cloudy night.
July 4th 7 . Thursday, a fair day. The Indians brought us 5 poor salmon, paid them. We stayed enquiring of the state of the country etc. about us till near noon, when I tried to get an observation by the natural horizon, as my watch is little worth to take one by 2 altitudes, the river presenting a tolerable horizon of about 2/3 or 4 of a sea mile dist. The rock on which I was obliged to stand to overlook the willows was about 40 feet high (sun?) meridian altitude 65 22' but I think the (sun?) was past the meridian. We then set off, our course to the river S. 1/3 m. Course down the Columbia S. 30 W. J4 m, S. 1 m, + 1 m, V. S. C, S. 65 W. 1 m, N. 75 W. iy 2 m, S. 80 W. iy 2 m, Fine low lots. N. 60 W. 1 m, N. 22 W. V/ 4 m, N. 70 W. y 2 m, S. 85 W. y 2 m, S. 55 W. iy 2 m, + \y 2 m, N. 85 W. y 2 m, N. 5 W. 1 m, N. 30 E. V/ 4 m, N. 5 E. 1 m, N. 12 E. ft m, N. 22 W. y 2 m, N. 55 W. 1 m, N. 65 W. 1 m, N. 75 W. 1 m,
N. 15 W. 1 m pass of the black tailed Deer 1- y 2 m, N.
22 W. 2 m, N. 60 W. 1 m, N. 70 W. 1 m, S. 75 W. 1 m, N. 75 W. lm,W.y 2 m, S. 50 W. 1 m, S. W. ft m. Very fine meadows before us on the southd. S. 75 W. YA, m, S. W. iy 4 m, S. 75 W. y 2 m, S. R., S. W. 1/3 m, S. R., S, 30 W. ft m, S. R. S. 50 W. y 2 m, S. R., S. 85 W y 2 m, N. 75 W. 1 m, S. 70 W. y 2 m, S. W. 1/3 m, S. W. 2/3 m, S. 2 m, S. 60 W. y 2 m, S. 82 W. # m, S. 65 W. 1 m, N. 75 W. iy 2 m, S. R., run on the right. N. 70 W. ft
7 The journey is from the Sans Foil River to a rocky camping place in the Nespilem canyon or gorge just above the Kalichen or Whirlpool Rapids, a distance of about fifty miles. At this extreme high water Mr. Thompson is certainly "going 1 some" this afternoon; he passes the Nespilem River, the mouth of the Grand Coulee and Wild Goose Bill's ferry without a word about them. No Indians to smoke with, but he finds some just below, the next day.
48 T/ C. ELLIOTT
m, N. 60 W. iy 2 m, walked, we then went down the rest of it to another Strong Rapid on the right, the left good, its course S. 72 W. % m. We put the goods ashore and car- ried them about 200 yards, very bad with wet ground and branches to an embarass of wood. The canoe was run down hereto, but in doing this they ran too close to a drift tree on a rock which tore part of the upper lath away and struck Ignace out of the stern of the canoe, although he had never swam in his life he swam so as to keep himself above the waves till they turned the canoe around to take him up. We then looked out for a better campment as the place was only rude stones, but found none, the banks coming down steep to the river, and put up at 7 P. M., having lost about one hour in gathering wood today and looking for a camp etc., visiting the rapids etc. I bled Ignace. All this day the cur- rent has been very strong with many rapids and whirlpools. The first part of the land always fine though high and many fine prospects. Latterly this country, though still meadows, showed much rock, and the last few courses much isolated rocks and large stones near the water's edge, and the banks steep of loose earth and stones, dangerous as the least thing loosens them and they roll with impetuosity to the river. There are no woods but a chance tree, and then of straggling fir. The whole may be said to be a vast low mountain of meadow showing much rock, irrigated into valleys that come down to the river, the bold lands of the mountain forming as it were so many promontories that drive the river now to the southd., now to the northd. and westd., but always confining it within a deep narrow channel, whose waters thus contracted dash from side to side with the violence of the current, as the water is very high, having lowered only about 18 in as yet or 2 feet, yet from the trees say about 3 years ago the water must then have been fully ten feet higher than now, if not more. We split out wood for two paddles as we have already broke two. Killed one old and one young goose.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 49
July 5th. Friday 8 . A rainy morning"; having made two paddles, at 6 l / 2 A. M. we set off and went S. 50 W. y^ m, S. 80 W. 1 m, run part of the first course and carried the goods on horses but by the Indians the rest of it and part of the second course, being all very strong rapids and full of waves and whirlpools. Here we were met by a chief and about 60 men with their women and children who made us a present of 5 horses 5 good roasted salmon, about a bushel of arrow wood berries, and about 2 bushels of bitter, white, etc roots. Some of them I had never seen before. We de- clined the Ectooway, also of 4 small dried fat animals which I take to be the marmot. Heavy rain came on and we were obliged to send off the Indians, having paid them for the presents they brought us with three feet of tobacco, 10 com and 4 stone rings, 18 hawks bells, 1 fm. of beads, \y 2 fm. of gartg, 4 papers of paint, 4 awls and six buttons. Aft 2^ P. M. the Indians returned singing us a song of a mild air as the women had welcomed us with one also, having smoked a few pipes and discoursed of the country which they discribed as a hilly meadow with a very few trees of fir from hence to the Cachenawga River. Of course there can be no beaver, they have bears and rats with a few sheep and black tailed deer. Horses they have many and the country appears good for them. We discoursed of the river and people below us, after which they offered to dance for our good voyage and preservation to the sea and back again. We accepted their offer. They all, both men, women and children, formed a line in an ellipsis, they danced with the sun in a mingled manner. An old man who did not dance set the song, and the others danced as it were a person running but passing over a very small space of ground, their arms also keeping time but hardly stirring from their sides. Some few danced apart but these were all old women and seemed to dance much better than the others. Having danced three sets, each
8 The day is rainy, and after carrying the goods around the rapids, is spent in camp with the Nespilem Indians; note mention the following day of this tribe under name Inspaelis. Ross Cox mentions these rapids as "La Rapide d'Ignace," indicating that the accident to the Iroquois became tradition along the river. This part of the river is now known merely as the Box Canyon.
50 T. C. ELLIOTT
beginning with a speech from the Chief alone and ending with a kind of prayer for our safety, all turning their faces up the river and quickly lifting their hands high and strik- ing their palms together then letting them fall quickly and bringing them to the same action till the kind of prayer was done, which lasted about \ l /2 minutes or two. The men are slightly ornamented with shells etc. but the women more profusely especially about their hair and their faces daubed with paint. Some few of them have copper ornaments hanging either to their girdle or the upper part of their petticoat. The women appeared of all sizes, but none corpulent, none hand- some but one young woman, the men though many quite ordinary, yet several were well looking men and almost all well made, though not one lusty. We gave them a few pipes to smoke and they went to their tents, having brought us a good salmon for which I paid them about six In. of tobacco, with what I have given, and they have smoked the amount is five feet of it. They tell me they now intend to pull up a little of their own tobacco for smoking, though not yet ripe. The land to us appears to be very poor white grey earth of a kind of impalpable powder mixed with stones, bear- ing grass in tufts of a round hard kind and two kinds of strong scented shrubs whose white leaves proceed directly either from the stem or the branch. I may here remark that all their dances are a kind of religious prayer for some end. They in their dance never assume a gay, joyous countenance, but always one of a serious turn, with often a trait of enthus- iasm. The step is almost always the semblance of running, as of people pursuing and being pursued. Though a dialect of the Saleesh my interpreter could not understand them, though they understood him. My Simpoil who spoke both dialects here was of service, these at the end of each sentence of the Chief's speech always called Oy if possible louder than the Simpoils. The women were tolerably well clothed, the men rather slightly, their blankets of bear, muskrat and black tailed deer skins, their ornaments of shells, whether in bracelets, arm bands, often their hair, on their garments or
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 51
in fillets around the head always appears to advantage from their brilliant white; about 60 men and women and children in proportion.
July 6th, Saturday 9 . A cloudy, rainy morning. Could not embark until 6y 2 A. M. Our hosts found us early and not- withstanding the rain smoked several pipes. We then set off, after giving to the Chief a bag of bitter roots, one of w r hite ditto, and one of Estooway to take care of for us, our Course N. 80 W. */ 2 m, R., S. 35 W. 1 m, S. 5 E. 2/3 m, S. 10 W. Y-2 m, S. 30 W. % m, 50 W. y* m, S. 30 W. # m, S. 20 W. 1 m, S. 30 W. 1 m, + 1 m, all S. R. current. S. 1 m, S. W. y*, S. 30 W. 1 m, all S. R. Course N. 75 W. y m, N. 65 W. 1 m, + y 2 m, N. 50 W. y* m, N. 35 W. y 4 m, N. 10 W. 1/5 m, N. 5 E. 1 m, + 1 m, N. 35 W. 2/3 m, these 2 last courses fine view and see the high woody mountains of the Cochenawga River. 10 S. 70 W. 1^ m, N. 65 W. 1 m, S. 55 W. 1 m. This course is over flats where the water is low, we suppose to be about + l /^ m, S. 70 W. 2 m. Fine current. S. 50 W. 1 m, S. W. % m, S. 40 W. l l / 2 m. Inspaelis is the name of the tribe we left this morning, and the name of those we now arrive at is Smeeth- howe, to whom we came at 10 A. M. We put ashore. As we approached they gave several long thankful oys. I sent my Simpoil to invite them to smoke. The Chief received the message thankfully, and they began to collect a small present, having done which I again invited them and they came for- ward and sat down in a ring and began smoking without any ceremony. The women then advanced all ornamented with fillets and small feathers, dancing in a body to the tune of a mild song which they sang. When close to the men an old man directed them to sit down all round the men on the outside, with the children etc. Thus placed they smoked
9 Starting from the foot of Box Canyon and spending two hours with the Indians at the mouth of the Methow River, Mr. Thompson follows the turn of the river to the south to a camping place on the east or Douglas County, Washington, shore not far above Wenatchee; distance traveled about 75 miles.
10 The Okanogan river; he passes by it without mention because he crosses the Columbia flats almost a mile opposite the mouth of the river, and owing to misty weather probably does not notice it. Lieut. Symons' sectional maps makes these courses very clear.
52 T. C. ELLIOTT
with the men, only the women were permitted a single whiff of the calumet, whilst the men took from three to six whiffs. Having smoked awhile I explained to the Chief by means of the Simpoil my intention of going to the sea to open out a road to bring merchandise etc. to trade with them, which they thankfully received and wished a good voyage. They said the river was tolerable from hence to another tribe and that these would inform me of some distance beyond that again, as their knowledge reached no farther. Having accepted part of the presents they brought, 3 roasted salmon and about half a bushel of arrow wood berries, I made them a present of two feet of tobacco, 6 rings, 1 fm of gartg, 6 hawks bells and 2 awls and 4 In. to the Chief. At noon we left these friendly people and went down S. 46 E. 2 m, j m, put ashore on the right. The Indians lent us horses and the Chief with four young men came with them and brought part of our goods to the foot of the rapids 11 , the rest was run down in the canoe on the right for 1 m. The rapid is very strong but good in the mid to near the end, then on the right, gave the Chief 2 in of tobacco and each of the young men \y 2 in for their trouble and they thankfully left us. At 1-10 P. M. embarked Course+^ m, S. 20 E. */ 2 m+y 2 m, S. 5 W. 1 m, S. E. 1# m, S. #, S. 30 W. 2 m, S. y 2 m, S. 25 E. 1# m, S. 15 W. \y 4 m, S. W. y 2 m, S. 55 W. lj m, S. 5 E. 1# m, At 2-30 P. M. saw the first sheep, Michel went after it, but the wind had started it. At 2:52 P. M. a cliff 12 . Killed two rattlesnakes. Course S. 1 m, S. 20 W. 1 m, S. 56 W. 1 m, End of course S. R. and islands 13 , good between the isle and the left. Course S. 65 W. 1 m, S. 55 W. 2 m, the country is now very rude and mountainous but bare of wood, except on some of the heights. N. 75 W. \y 2 m, A very strong head wind most of the day, S. W. 2 m, S. 26 W. 1 m, S. 1 m, S. 15 E. y 2 m, S. 40 E. iy 2 m, S. 18 E. 2/3 m, S. 12 W. 1# m, + 1 m, S. # m, S. 15 E. 1 m, + 1 m, S. 1 m, S. 10 W. 1 m, At S. 1 m Co. we saw mountains before us whose tops
11 Methow Rapids.
12 Probably the Rocky Point of Lieut. Symons.
13 Probably the Downing Rapids below the Chelan River.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 53
have much snow in places. S. 33 W. l# m, S. 5 W. \ l / 2 m, (y 2 m of Co. gone) put up at 6 P. M. on the left among high rude lands, Steep on the right, the early part of the day was strong rapids. Walked part of the way, up a high bank etc. Part fine current, latter part again very strong R current and strong whirlpools. Observed for latitude, longi- tude, etc.
July 7th 14 , Sunday. A fine day but cloudy morning. At 7 A. M. set off. Co. S. 5 E. 1 m + 1 m, S. 28 E. 2 m, + Y-Z m. Beginning of Co. to the So-d see high rocky mountains 15 bending to the south-d. Saw band of horsemen from a brook going downwards. S. 35 E. ^4 m, S. 78 E. 1*4 m, N. 80 E. l l / 4 m, R. C. N. 82 E. 1 m, do rude rock 16 in one end. East 1 m, S. R. C., walked, embarked and (crossed?) to two horsemen, stayed about l / 2 hour smoking, then Co. S. 65 E. 1 m to the rapid, S. 50 E. 1 m. At middle of course S. 65 E. 1 m we came to a large band of Indians at Wy 2 A. M. and stayed with them till 1^4 P- M. They received us all dancing in their huts, one of which was about 80 yards long and the other 20 yards do. there were about 120 families. I invited them to smoke and the 5 most respectable men ad- vanced and smoked a few pipes. We asked them to invite the others which they readily did but it was 20' before we could get them to all sit down. They put down their little presents of berries, roots, etc., and then continually kept bless- ing us and wishing us all manner of good visiting them, with clapping their hands and extending them to the skies. When any of us approached their ranks they expressed their good will and thanks with outstretched arms and words, followed by a strong whistling aspiration of breath. I discoursed awhile
14 During this day he descends a dangerous part of the river a distance of about 65 miles and camps for the night near the mouth of Crab Creek, where the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul R. R. now crosses the river. He takes on a guide of the Shahaptin family as the tribes of the Salishan stock do not reside further down the Columbia and presumably his Sans Foil Indians (husband and wife probably) return home. This new guide stays with him until he passed Celilo, where the tribes of the Chinookan stock are found.
15 The Wenatchee mountains, the same seen the night before; the brook next mentioned is the Wenatchee river.
1 6 Bishop's Rock above Rock Island Rapids; he walks around these rapids, then crosses to the other side for another "smoke" and at 1 145 P. M. walks around Cabinet Rapids below and embarks.
54 TV C. ELLIOTT
with them and they seemed thankful for the good I offered them of trading their superfluities for articles they stood much in need of. A very respectable old man sat down by me thankful to see us and smoke of our tobacco before he died, he often felt my shoes and legs gently as if to know whether I was like themselves. A chief of the countries below offered to accompany me. He understood the language of the people below, which I gladly accepted, and we embarked him, his wife and baggage. I paid them for the present they made us of two salmon, a few berries and roots. We took only part being sufficient for our wants. We had much trouble to get away, as they very much wished to detain us all night, and when we went they all stretched out their hands to heaven, wishing us a good voyage and a safe return. At 1^4 P- M. I walked down the rapid, the canoe ran it close on the left with everything. Many of these people, like the others, have shells in their noses. Their burying grounds are all of the same fashion. They say the South lands are bare of animals but the North side have Chevruil, sheep, goats etc. of the latter of which they make good blankets. Though poor in provi- sions they were all hearty in health and tolerably well clothed for the country, a few buffalo robes etc. The country is wholly meadow with a few rocks showing themselves along the river side and in the high lands. Course S. 50 E. 1 m, Course S. 10 E. \y 2 m + 2 m, S. 10 E. y 2 m, S. 56 E. y 2 m, Steep fluted rocks 17 on the left. Course N. 68 E. 1^ m. See a vast wall of rock bounding the river on the right, also much of the same on the left. At 3 :5 P. M. put ashore to boil salmon and at 4^2 P. M. set off. Saw one of their winter huts, the ground is hollowed away for about 1 ft deep. Co. S. 70 E. y 2 m, S. 5 E. 2 m, S. 30 E. 1 m, S. 10 E. 1 m, S. 20 W. lj m, S. 8 W. 1 m. All steep rock and fine low meadows. It is curious to see fine meadow as it were springing out of the feet of steep rocks, and spreading along the river, at times fine knolls of sand. S. 40 E. \y 4 m, + y 2 m, S. 22 E. \y 2
1 7 Probably the mouth of Moses Coulee; and the Lodgestick Bluffs on right just below.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 55
m, A very long reach. Plus ^ m plus 2 m, S. 10 E. 2 m, S. 35 E. 1 m, S. 10 W. 1 m, S. 55 E. \y 2 m, S. 15 E. y* fn at end of course at 7 l / 2 P. M. put up. I went up a hill and remarked that the compass showed the last Co. S. 55 E. and the other next above S. 12 W, On my return, please Heaven, I hope to take the courses more exact as the whirl- pools keep the compass continually agitated. Co. for the mor- row is S. 20 W.
July 6th. 18 Observed for latitude, longitude and time. Lat- itude 47 32' 42" N. Longitude 120 57' W. (Other observa- tions not intelligible.)
July 8th, 19 Monday. Passed a bad night with mosquitoes and a high wind. To the Co. of yesterday add S. 15 E. y 2 M. to the campment prepared a mast, sail, etc., and at 6:5 A. M. done, set off, Co. S. 22 W. \- l / 2 m ; from our camp- ment and for a very long way upwards we have no occasion to cross. S. 8 W. */ 2 m, S. y 2 m, S. 8 E. y 2 m, all S. R. C, S. 22 E. 1/3 m, S. 33 E. 1 m, + 1 m, S. R. C. High waves at end of course the left, near the middle, S. E. 1 m, came to 62 men and their families, thank Heaven we were as usual well received. They made us a present of 4 salmon, much berries, etc., of which we took only part, also of 2 very small salmon like those of the Cochenawga. Here the chief came to visit us on horseback, then returned with word to the camp, as the current drove us down half a mile below them. He returned with another and with them an old white headed man with the handle of a tea-kettle for an ornament about his head. He showed no signs of age except his hair and a few wrinkles in his face, he was quite naked and ran nearly as fast as the horses. We could not but admire him. I invited the horsemen to invite all their people to smoke, which they set off to do in a round gallop, and the old man on foot ran after them and did not lose much ground. They all came and
1 8 This entry appears out of regular order in original Ms. The observa- tion is that taken when camped above Wenatchee the evening of July 6th.
19 Today he runs Priest Rapids and passes the White or Marl Bluffs and camps at evening on the site of present city of Pasco, Washington; distance about 90 miles. At foot of the rapids he has an interesting "smoke" with the first of the Shahaptin tribes and it is quite possible that the white-haired man mentioned is the prkst or medicine man after whom Alex. Ross says the rapids were named.
56 T. C. ELLIOTT
sat down and smoked and discoursed as usual. What I said the chief repeated to his people and another so repeated after him, both very loud. The women then advanced, singing and dancing in their best dress, with all of them shells in their noses, two of them naked but no way abashed, they advanced all the time the men smoked and like the rest something of a religious nature. When done I paid them for their present of which I took only part, but the pounded roots were made in neat cakes and they have very few Chevruil. They are of the Shawpatin nation and speak that tongue. Here my last guide showed his service interpreting with an audible voice, and seemed a sensible, respectable man. The name of the Indians of yesterday is Sin-Kowarsin ; 20 those we now leave Skum- mooin; Skaemena of those close below us. Co. N. 85 E. 1 m, N. 75 E. % m, N. 68 I~y 2 m, N. 52 E. 1-2/3 m, N. 35 E. 1-1/3 m. These two last courses by the watch, which is for the future to be my guide there, as the low points are so dis- tant that I cannot determine the distance by them. N. 50 E. l-y 2 , N. 22 E. 2-y 2 m, N. E. l-#, S. 78 E. 1-^ m, S. 70 E. 1 m, S. y 2 m, S. 70 E. 2/3 m, S. E. 2% m, S. 58 E. l-y 2 m, S. 52 E. 4-^ m, S. 40 E. y 2 m, Sand knolls on the right. S. 25 E. 2 m, S. 12 E. no distance, (?) l-j m, (?), S. 20 E. 2 m, plus 2-^ m, Co. S. # m, Co. S. 30 E. 1 m, S. 68 E. 1-% m, S. 80 E. 3-J4 m. Sight the Shawpatin Mountains 21 seemingly low, yet mariy patches of snow on them. S. 78 E. l-*/2 m, put ashore at 5 :30 P. M. and camped. Seeing a very large camp close before us four horsemen came ahead, they smoked and I sent them to invite all the Indians to come and smoke also, which they did, bringing a present of four salmon. They might be about 150 men with their families. We discoursed much, three chiefs repeating after each other what I said. They say that the snow falls only about 1-^ ft. deep and soon again goes off. There are plenty of Chevruil
20 The Indian name for Rock Island Rapids is Squah-ah-she and the natives along the river as far as Priest Rapids are known as Squah-ah-she-nooks, or a name of very similar spelling. Mr. Thompson's Skummooin is Lewis and Clark's Kimooenim, and his Skaemena is probably Alex. Ross' Eyakema or our Yakima tribe. The camp at night is with the Sokulks of Lewis and Clark.
21 The Blue Mountain Range.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 57
and two species of other small deer, with small trout and another small fish in the winter, which, with the dried salmon form their winter livelihood. They have no berries, etc., whatever, nor did we see any roots. Salmon is plenty with them in the seine, etc. The salmon of this morning and now are fat a little, they give a little oil in the kettle, the very first that have done so and have a trout-like taste. When done smoking they gave us a dance after the fashion of the others. The women and men were tolerably well clothed but had not so much shell ornament as the others. They have not the sea look but much of the Plain features. They did not appear to make so much use of the nose ornament as the others. The whole lasted till 9 P. M. and they went away. Obsd. for Latitude, Longitude and time but on the 9th I found my instrument had got shaken quite out of adjustment to the left, which makes me doubt the use of either this, or the others of Antares, as I do not know when the Sextant got this shake. Promised them a house here.
July 9th, Tuesday. 22 A stormy night and morning. Wind northwesterly. At 6:10 A. M. set off Co. S. 80 E. ]/ 2 m to the junction of the Shawpatin River with this, the Columbia. Here I erected a small pole with a half sheet of paper well tied about it, with these words on it : "Know hereby that this country is claimed by Great Britain as part of its territories, and that the N. W. Company of Merchants from Canada, finding the factory for this people inconvenient for them, do hereby intend to erect a factory in this place for the commerce of the country around. D. Thompson. Junction of the Shaw- patin River with the Columbia. July 9th, 1811." The Shaw- patin River may be about 500 yards wide, troubled waters and a strong current. Indians say when the water is low it is full of rapids and bad. Co. from it below S. E. 2-^2 m. Say passed 20 families. Co. S. 37 E. 1 m + l-j m. At 8:5
22 From Pasco. aft^r stopping to post Iris formal notice, Mr. Thompson descends the Columbia about 60 miles and camps in vicinity of either Castle Rock on the Oregon side or Carley on the Washington side. He spends four hours of the morning talking with Chief Yellepit of the Walla Walla tribe of Shahaptins, the same who entertiined Lewis and Clark so sumptuously in 1805-6 as narrated in their journals. On the turn to the southwestward just above Blalock Island Mt. Hood is sighted ahead of them.
58 T. C. ELLIOTT
A. M. put ashore and at 1/4 P. M. set off. Here I met the principal chief of all the tribes of Shawpatin Indians. He had an American medal of 1801, Thomas Jefferson, and a small flag of that nation. He was a stately good looking man of about 40 years and well dressed. His band was small as he had separated himself for fishing, but he had cousins all around, and they all collected. He had his soldiers, who, when two old respectable chiefs approached went and met them about 100 yards from where we were smoking. I found him intelligent, he was also very friendly, and we discoursed a long time and settled upon the Junction of the Shawpatin River for a House, etc. When he had smoked awhile with the others, he ordered all the women to dance, which they did as usual. He gave me two salmon and I made him a present of 2 feet of tobacco, having smoked and given away with last night full 2-y 4 fms. Co. S. 5 W. 1 m, S. 30 W. 2 m, S. 33 W. 1 m, S. W. 3 m, say 3-j m (Columbia 8604757 Shawpatin), S. 67 W. 1 m. The course of S. W. 3 m may be lengthened to full 3-y 2 m. Co. S. 82 W. 3 m, S. 65 W. 4 m, plus 1 m, S. 82 W. l-y 2 m, N. 85 W. 1-ft m, S. 60 W. l-# m, S. 60 W. 2 m, plus 1 m. See conical mountain right ahead alone and very high, seemingly a mass of snow. Co. + J4 m, Co. S. 70 W. 1-^/2 m. A very strong head wind all day, camped at 6-*4 P. M. The men could not advance without great fatigue. The country is still a vast plain and getting more and more sandy. The Indians inform us that from the Shawpatin River 23 they go with horses in a day to the foot of the moun- tain, which is now low and distant, the next day to the other side of the mountain, and the third day among the buffalo, but they fear the Straw Tent Snake Indians with whom they are at war. The course they point out is about east by south. Obs. Merid. Altds of Antares 36 27-^ ' Saturn 44 37'G. Passed in all about 80 families in small straggling camps. Lat. 45 51' 33" N. Antares Latde. 45 50' 45" N. Saturn 45 51' 33" N.
23 Which being interpreted means that it was one day's travel from the Snake River to the foot of the Blue Mountains, and then one day more across those mountains to the Grande Ronde Valley, and then one day more to where buffalo used to range m Eastern Oregon, in verification of which it may be said that the bones of that animal have been found in the Wallowa and Powder River regions
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 59
July 10th, Wednesday. 24 A fine morning, wind as usual, a gale ahead. At 5 :33 A. M. set off. Co, S. 62 W. 2-^ m. + 2-y 2 m, S. W. l-y 2 m + y 2 m, S. 32 W. 1 m end of course. Put ashore and observation for longitude and time. (Observa- tions not intelligible.)
July 10th continued. We set off Co. S. 60 W. 2/3 m, Co. S. 70 W. 2 m. At 10 :4 A. M. set off having been with Indians who behaved well. Co. S. 15 W. 2-*4 m. There were 82 men with their families measured a canoe of 36 ft. long and 36 inches wide noticed also their seines with large poles and dipping nets in long hoops for the salmon. Co. S. 40 W. X T 4 m, S. 60 W. l-y 2 m. Put ashore at 11 A. M. and boiled salmon and at 11 :44 A. M. set off. Co. S. 60 W. 2 m, plus 3-^2 m to Indians. Set off at 55 P. M. to 80 men and families. At 3 P. M. set off 3 salmon 2 ft. of tobacco. Co. S 38 W. 2 m, S. 75 W. l-y 2 m, N. 75 W. 2->4 m, W. 1/3 m, S. 75 W. \- T /2 m, Co. S. 35 W. 1-^2 m. Beginning of course put ashore at 2 men with a seine and bought 2 salmon at 5 :26 P. M. At 5 :50 P. M. put up with a very storm of wind. We had a strong head gale all day, but in the evening it increased to a storm, the water was swept away like snow. Course for the morrow about S. 40 W. In the last band of men one of them had his nipple cauterized. I saw no others. They danced in a regular manner and by much the best I have seen, all the young in both sexes in two curved lines, backwards and for- wards, the old formed the ranks behind, they made much use of their arms and hands. The dance, song and step were meas- ured by an old chief, some times they sat down at the end of 3', sometimes at the end of 10', but never reposed more than Y-2 a minute, they gently sank down as it were and rose up as regularly, the whole as usual in a grand style. Obs. Merid. Alt. of Saturn 44 50- *4'. Heard news of the American ship's arrival. Lat. 45 44' 54" N.
24 A short day's run of about 40 miles, but much time spent in smoking with the Indians at their fishing camps, and he learns of the arrival of the Tonquin at Astoria with the Astor or Pacific Ftir Company traders. The camp for the night is below Squally Hook, probably near John Day river.
60 T. 'C. ELLIOTT
July llth, Thursday. 25 A fine morning, wind a breeze ahead as usual. At 5 A. M. set off. Co. S. 40 W. 1 m, S. 22 W. 2/3 m, S. 50 W. 1m. At 5 :55 A. M. put ashore at 63 men; stayed till 6:40 A. M. then set off. Co. S. 50 W. 1-2/3 m, S. 40 W. 1 m. Put ashore at 7-^ A. M. and observed for longitude and time. (Several observations omitted.) At 8-^ A. M. embarked. Co. S. 40 W. 1-J4 m, to Indians. Set off at 9 :25 A. M. S. 68 W. ft m. Run part of a rapid. The ignor- ance of our guide nearly occasioned the loss of our canoe in the rocks. Went down in the left about 10 yards with the line, but all this is good, out in the mid. and left S. R. C., very many large crickets. S. W. y 2 m, S. 50 W. */ 2 m, S. 68 W. 1-^ m. At y 2 past noon again left another large band. Co. S. 56 W. 2/3 m to a strong rapid. S. 60 W. % m, S. 78 W. 1 m, S. 15 W. 2 m to a series of strong rapids. At 2 P. M. put ashore and carried about 200 yards, then camped with about 300 families, who gave us as usual a rude dance, but the re- spectable men among them had much trouble to reduce them to order, and they were the least regular in their way of behavior of any we have yet seen. At night they cleared off with dif- ficulty and left us to go to sleep. A gale as usual, saw nothing of the reported bad Indians. 26
July 12th, Friday. 27 A fine morning, but windy early, got up and waited the promised horses to be lent us to carry the things over the portage, but not coming we carried a full mile to a small bay. Co. S. 12 W. 1 m, the Co. S. 15 W. 1 m. Here we saw many gray colored seals. At 8 A. M. set off and went about ^2 m, part paddle, part line. Fired a few shots without effect at the seals. At middle of last course put ashore
25 Continuous and dangerous rapids and visits with the Indians permit a run of only about 30 miles today. The afternoon's camping place is a trifle uncertain, but Celilo Falls being entirely submerged that year he probably ran down to the head of the Upper Dalles or Ten Mile Rapids, then carried a short distance and camped between there and the Lower Dalles or Five Mile Rapids with the Echeloot Indians of Lewis and Clark. These are the Short and Long Narrows through which Lewis and Clark ran their pirogues to the great astonishment of these Indians, but at a different stage of the water.
26 This remark indicates a knowledge of Lewis and Clark, from copy of Patrick Gass* journal, which Mr. Thompson carried.
27 Both portages are short because of high water; the seals are seen in Big Eddy and the short "carry" is at Three Mile Rapids and the canoe is "gummed" just above The Dalles. The camp at evening is on Oregon side a little above the Cascade Locks. Distance traveled is about 55 miles.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 61
and carried about 100 yards goods to an island on the left side of channel, boiled fish, gummed the canoe and observed for Latitude, Longitude, etc. (Observations not intelligible.) At 10 A. M. set off, Co. S. 68 W. 2 m, S. 70 W. >4 m, W. *4 m, N. 78 W. J4 m, N. 60 W. y m, N. 22 W. l-# m, N. 30 W. }4 m, N. 55 W. # m, W. 2-#. At 11 :19 we put ashore to gum. At noon set off, Co. + 1 m, Co. S. 80 W. 2-Yz m. In this course saw the first ash, etc., S. 56 W. 24 m, S. 75 W. 2 m, N. 88 W. 2-^ m, S. 70 W. 2-^4 m.
- /2 m. gone a snow mount rather ahead, say 30 miles, another
on right, rather behind, say 25 miles. 28 The cou'ntry is now hilly and at end of Co. the hills high, rude with patches of snow on the summit. Much large willow with spots of ash, etc. Co. S. 60 W. 2 m, plus 3 m, all course well wooded with red fir, smooth poplar, willows and a few ash etc. and cedar but full of branches. S. 82 W. 3-1/3 m, S. 65 W. 1 m, S. 55 W. 2 m, S. W. 24 m > at end of course. At 5 :50 P. M. we stopped for a canoe of two men who came and smoked with us, we made signs for them to take a bit of tobacco to their people and tell them we were coming to smoke a pipe with them. We went about 100 yards through poplars, stopped at 5 P. M. and camped for the night at the desire of the Chief, traded two good salmon; he jabbered a few words of broken English he had learnt from the ships. Obs'd Saturn for Lat'de 45^. These people took us in to their houses which were well arranged, very full of salmon, and so close as to be intolerably warm, stayed there about one hour, when I came to my people. They speak a language quite different from the others, are of a squat, fat, brawny make, dark brown hair, the children light colored do, the women fat, brawny and naked, as are also the men, not so dirty as those at the Falls. Latitude 45 39' 47" N. July 13th, Saturday. 29 A fine day, the people on the right side, or north side are called Wan-Thlas-lar, on the south side
28 The only point on the middle river where both Mt. Hood to the south and Mt. Adams to the north are visible is just opposite present city of Hood River.
29 Owing to delay in starting and the portage around the Cascades, the day's run is only about 25 miles and the camp at evening near or opposite Rooster Rock. Point Vancouver, which is nearly opposite to Corbett, Oregon, just below, he seems familiar with, through the records in Vancouver's Voyages probably.
62 T.'C. ELLIOTT
Woe-yark-Eek 30 . Thloos, good, Kummertacks I understand or know it, Knick-me-week-no-se-ye, far off. Pesheek, bad. 31 After much delay we were obliged to set off. At 9:5 A. M. get across to the north side with Woe-Yark-Eek, course say northwest 2/3 miles, then carried S. W. 1 m, S. 70 W. 1 m. Embarked S. 30 W. 'y 2 m, S. R. a small channel. W V 4 m, S. 68 W. 1/6, S. 5 W. 1/6, S. 22 W. 1/6, S. 56 W. Y 4 , S. 60 W. 1/6, S. 15 W. ft, S. #, S. 5 W. #, S. 22 W. H> S. 43 W. */4, S. 60 W. 24, S. H, S. W. 1 m at end of course, put ashore and boiled salmon. Here an Indian followed us and gave us a salmon. At 6-^4 P. M. set off. We had before stopped about half an hour to trade salmon at two houses S. 40 W. 5 m, S. 2/3 m. This course crossed the river. Camped at 8 :5 P. M. a little above Point Vancouver.
July 14th, Sunday. 32 A very fine morning. At 3-% A. M. set off, Co. S. 80 W. 2-*/ 2 m, S. 80 W. 2-j m, S. 60 W. 1-2/3 m, S. 60 W. 1 m, S. 85 W, 1 m, plus 1 m, plus 2-J4 m, plus 2-Y-2 m, plus 2~y 2 m, N. 85 W. l- l / 2 m, plus 2 m, N. 80 W. 1 m, plus y 4 m, N. W. l-j m, N. 33 W. J4 m, N. 15 W. 1-1/6 m, N. 2-y 2 m, N. 30 W. y 2 m, plus 1 m, plus 1-^4 wi- We landed about at their houses and traded a few half dried salmon. At 10-^4 A. M. put ashore to boil salmon. At 11 :35 A. M. set off Co. N. 40 W. 1-J^ m. A simple con- ical mountain at end of course bore N. 15 E. 30 m buried under snow. Co. N. 50 W. 1 m, plus l-j m, N. 56 W. 2-y 2 m, plus l-y 4 m. Co. N. 60 W. 1-J4 m, N. 56 2-% m, N. 60 W. y 4 m, N. 70 W. 2-#m, plus 1 m, S. 85 W. l-# m, S. 80 W. 1-% m, to Indians, N. 50 W. %, S. 36 W. 2-y 2 m, S. W. 3/4, S. 56 W. y 2 m, S. 60 W. #, S. 80 W. \-y 2 m, S. 55 W. 1/3 m, S. 70 W. 1/6 m, W. 1/6 N. 60 W. 2 m. Put up on an ugly place of rocks and an old campment, left the canoe in the water. Obs'd Saturn for Lat'de 44 just V. G. Tide fell about 2 ft. in the night. Lat. 46 10' 5" N.
30 Compare with names given by Lewis and Clark to these Indians.
31 Very good Chinook; compare with any Chinook dictionary.
32 Mr. Thompson travels about 85 miles today, and his camp at night is under thel rocky cliffs some distance above Cathlainet on the Washington shore. He stops to boil salmon on Sauvies' Island, and Mt. St. Helens is sighted from about where the city of that name now stands.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 63
July 15th, Monday. 33 A very fine day, somewhat cloudy. Stayed till 6 :25 A. M. shaving and arranging ourselves, when we set off Co. N. 33 W. 1 m, N. 65 W. 2 m, N. 78 W. 1 m, S. 70 W. 1 m, S. 60 W. y 2 m, S. W. ^ m. The fog all along prevents me seeing well. S. 34 W. 2 m, S. 22 E. y 2 m, S. Y-2 m, S. 50 W. 1/5, W. 1/6, S. W. ^ plus 2/3 m, S. 50 W. 2 m, plus 1 m, N. 68 W. 1 m, plus I~y 2 m to Pt. Tongue but as the wind was blowing from sea very hard we made a portage of about 200 yards over this Tongue and again em- barked Co. to the Ho. S. 50 W. I~y 2 m. At 1 P. M. thank God for our safe arrival, we came to the House of Mr. Astor's Company, Messrs. McDougal, Stuart & Stuart, who received me in the most polite manner, and here we hope to stay a few days to refresh ourselves.
33 The islands and low marshes along the south shore of the Columbia are all inundated, but Mr. Thompson crosses over and follows that shore to Tongue Point and portages across where Capt. Clark carved his name on a tree December 3, 1805, but does not mention the tree. For contemporary accounts of his arrival at Astoria compare Franchere's Narrative, pp. 121-2, and Alex. Ross' Oregon Settlers, pp. 85-6, and Irving's "Astoria."
ADDRESS DELIVERED AT DEDICATION OF
GRAND RONDE MILITARY BLOCK
HOUSE AT DAYTON CITY PARK,
OREGON, AUG. 23, 1912
v M. C. GEORGE
Grand Army Veterans and Pioneers and Fellow Citizens:
This is an age of railroads, telegraphs, telephones, wireless messages, sky scrapers and airships, in short, progress and advancement o'er land and sea and under and over it all. Yet, within our recollection, this was an uncivilized Indian country, and exposed pioneers were working day and night to insure and upbuild American civilization. In the winter of '55 and '56 the settlers of this valley, apprehensive of the spread of the Yakima outbreak among the Indians that were gathered at the Grand Ronde Reserve, assisted probably by Lieut. Hazen's soldiers, began the building on the hill on the rim of that Reserve this old Block House as a Fort, and surrounded it with a stout stockade for refuge and defense. Afterwards it was moved to the Agency about three miles distant on the Reserve, and used as a jail for unruly Indians. Today, on its removal to this beautiful park, through the efforts of your public-spirited citizens, and the consent of our Government, with the aid of our Representatives, you have assembled to dedicate it as a momument in the memory of Gen. Joel Palmer, the founder of Dayton, and the donor of this ground, and as a museum of Indian and Pioneer relics.
Gen. Palmer was our first Supt. of Indian affairs, and he it was that assembled the various tribes of Indians on the Re- serve, and largely through his influence this old Block House was erected, afterwards known as Fort Yamhill. Gen. Palmer, fearing trouble, deemed it necessary for a force of U. S. troops to be there stationed to maintain order and insure safety. Gen. Phil. Sheridan in his Memoirs says that Gen. Wool assigned him from Fort Vancouver to the Grand Ronde early in '56 and that sometime prior to his arrival at Grand Ronde the
DEDICATION GRAND RONDE MILITARY BLOCK HOUSE 65
government had sent the first troops to this station under com- mand of Lieut. Wm. B. Hazen, afterwards Gen. Hazen of the Signal Corps. Sheridan says that he, along with a detach- ment of Dragoons, came to relieve Lieut. Hazen. Sheridan came to Oregon in October, 1855, and had actively participated in the Yakima War of '55 and '56. With a detachment of troops from Fort Vancouver in March, 1856, he aided in the rescue of 47 men, women and children beseiged in the Middle Block House at the Cascades, and in the repulse there of the Yakimas and Klickitats, and also in the final capture of old Chief Chenoweth and others who afterwards were tried by a military commission and hanged for the massacre of whites at The Cascades Portage. Sheridan arrived at Hazen's camp April 25, '56. It appears that Hazen and Sheridan each aided in the completion of this Block House on the hills beyond the present townsite of Sheridan. Gen. Sheridan says that Hazen had begun the erection of post buildings and that he continued the work.
It may be of interest to you Dayton citizens to note that Phil. Sheridan in his Memoirs says that the Reserve is about 25 miles south west of Dayton, Oregon. He evidently re- garded Dayton as the center of the Universe, and measured things from it. He probably had noted, as doubtless have each of you, that the Heavens appear to come down in even distances all around Dayton as a center. In July, 1856, Lieut. Sheridan was superseded by Capt. David A. Russell and soon after was transferred from Grand Ronde over to the Siletz, where he aided in building Fort Hoskins and also in starting a Block House on the Yaquina. Wm. M. Hilleary, who served in Capt. A. W. Waters' Co. F, 1st Oregon Inft. Vol. informs me that old Fort Hoskins, where Hilleary was stationed about '61 or '62, was located on the Little Luckiamute at the head of King's Valley in Benton County. He visited the site several years ago and says no vestige remains of the old fort except the eternal hills on which it stood.
Gen. Sheridan writes that he spent many happy days at Fort Hoskins. After remaining there nearly a year he was again
66 M. C. GEORGE
transferred to this old Fort Yamhill in May, '57, and! here was stationed with Capt. Russell still in command, until after the firing on Sumpter. In 1861 they each were ordered from Grand Ronde to the East for service in the great Civil War Sheridan, however, remaining in charge until September, 1861, when he was relieved by Capt. Owen and then went East as Capt. Phil Sheridan. The subsequent record of Sheridan and Russell is a part of the history of our nation. Gen. Rus- sell was killed at the Battle of Winchester. Major Jno. F. Reynold's, afterwards Gen. Reynolds, who was killed at Gettys- burg, and Gen. Ord, who took part in the capture of Vicksburg, Gen. Augur and Gen. Rufus Ingalls and Capt. Dent, brother- in-law of Gen. Grant, and some claim Grant himself, each visited this fort and here spent some time in special duties for the government. However, as Capt. U. S. Grant came to Oregon in 1852 and left in September, '53, while this Reserve was not created until '55, there seems to be a question as to personal visitation by Grant. Thus, as has been said by Mr. J. G. Lewis, to whom great credit is due for this auspicious occasion and gathering, "Around the walls of this old wooden Block House have gathered brave soldiers and noted army officers whose names are written on pinnacles of fame and glory; and the written pages of the history the modern world have immortalized them whose valiant deeds shall echo down the ages yet to come."
Incident after incident marks the record of this old Block House on the tablets of National as well as State history, all rich in historic material. It has been published that in Sep- tember, 1856, Capt. A. J. Smith was placed in command having under him Lieut. Jos. Wheeler, later known as Gen. Joseph Wheeler, the famous Confederate Cavalry officer, who was wounded three times, and had sixteen horses shot from under him, and afterwards one of our Generals at the battle of Santiago in the late war with Spain. There is some error in this. Gen. Wheeler did not graduate from West Point until '59, where he previously must have been four years, while his own biography as a member of Congress says he later served as a Lieut. in Kansas and New Mexico before he joined the Con- federacy in '61. I knew him and served with him in Congress, but never heard him say anything about service in Oregon. Neither does Gen. Sheridan mention any Grand Ronde service by Wheeler in his Memoirs. If such a well known man served at Grand Ronde during Sheridan's time it would seem that Sheridan who knew him well and fought and fought hard with Wheeler's Cavalry at Missionary Ridge, would in all prob- ability have mentioned it in his Memoirs. Associated with Grand Ronde is also a long line of prominent civilians and Oregonians, among whom I readily recall your honored Joel Palmer, Hon. R. P. Earhart, Col. Chris- topher Taylor, Dr. E. R. Geary-a strong pulpit orator, Capt. Chas. Lafollett, who taught me my beautiful penmanship, Ex-Sen. Nesmith, Gen. Ben Simpson, Berryman Jennings, Jno. F. Miller, A. B. Meacham, D. P. Thompson, Father Waller, Rev. J. L. Parrish, and many others. I deem myself especially fortunate in personal acquaintance with all I have mentioned, also with Gen. Hazen, U. S. Chief Signal Officer, Gen. Ingalls, Gen. Sheridan, Gen. Wheeler and Gen. U. S. Grant. When I was in Washington City Sheridan had become the Lieut. General at the head of the Army, but his memory was still alert to the scenes of his Oregon experiences. He was especially fond of burnishing up his old Chinook, and took delight in carrying on our frequent conversations in the old Indian dialect. When he saw me passing in the corridor be- fore his open office door he would hail me something like this: "Klahowya tilakum, mika hyak chaho copa nika house. Spose nesika skookum klosh wa-wa. Nika hyiu cumtux, ancutty mika Grand Ronde illihee." Around us might have been sit- ting senators or judges or generals, but no matter. Sheridan would talk in classic Chinook, and I in rusty jargon-all to the consternation of those assembled, who cudgeled their brains over the strange language to which they were forced but inter- ested listeners, wondering whether it was learned Greek or pos- sibly ancient Sanskrit. Digitized by Microsoft ®
68 M. C- GEORGE
Speaking- of Chinook, I believe it was Gov. Salomon who, on visiting from the East an Indian Reserve on the Sound, had all the Indian bucks gathered in a park for a speech. The Governor unfortunately never got further than his opening address. In his rich round tones he eloquently saluted 1 them "Children of the Forest." This was poetical and apparently appropriate, but trouble ensued when the interpreter undertook to translate the beautiful thought into Siwash Chinook. "Tenas man kopa stick," was the way the interpreter expounded the Governor's flowery opening. Literally, "Little boys in the brush." This was too much for the assembled braves, for with grunts of disgust they arose, and drawing their blankets about them, stoically marched off, and efforts to appease their of- fended dignity were temporarily abandoned.
About thirty years ago when Agent P. B. Sinnott was in charge and when Father Croquet and Father Conrada, since in control of the Hawaiian Leper Colony, and now in charge of the Leper Colony at Canton, China, were the spiritual ad- visers of the Indians, it was my privilege, as a Washington Tyee, to pow wow the gathered Santiams, Umpquas, Cala- pooyas, and Rogue River Indians at this Agency ; and mindful of the Governor's fate, I did my talking direct in Chinook, with frequent reference to them as "skookum tillicums," and ve- hement assurances of my "klosh-tum-tum" and' a good deal of gesturing and a little soft-soap and some "te-he", I managed to pull through safely, with grunts of satisfaction from the braves present.
You doubtless recall Sen. Nesmith's experience during the war. Some officer in the Army of the Potomac sent up a tele- gram in jargon to the Senator, which, however, fell into Sec. Stanton's hands as a suspicious document. Stanton readjusted his spectacles and took a good look at it, and then called in several advisers ; but no one could figure it out. It appeared to be a diabolical plot and probably treasonable. Things looked serious until by chance it was handed to Gen. Rufus Ingalls, who readily saw that it was a mere invitation in Chinook to come down to the seat of war and bring a bottle of the best brand of whisky presumably for medical purposes.
DEDICATION GRAND RONDE MILITARY BLOCK HOUSE 69
The old Indian jargon is disappearing. Gen. Sheridan, who spoke it fluently, calls it "the Court language of the Coast tribes." It would be of historical importance to preserve in this Museum record translations of this old common tongue of Hudson's Bay Indian times. Though mainly a trader's lan- guage it was made up of many words in common use by the Indians. Through it the Indian by well known accents and gestures could express, often even eloquently, their heart emo- tions ; and all along the coast they took to it quite naturally. A. B. Meacham, in his "Wigwam and Warpath," gives a num- ber of occasions when the rude, untutored eloquence of Indian character found vent in the Chinook language. One of the most striking instances of Indian heart-felt jargon was given me by Mr. Van Trump, who, with Gen. Hazard Stevens, made the first ascent of Old Mt. Rainier (then called by certain tribes Takoma,) who were guided to the snow-line by old Sluikin, who there in pathetic Chinook speech fervently im- plored his friends not to climb the snow and ice to the summit, because up there on the snowy heights was the throne of the Great Spirit himself, the Saghale Tyhe, who was sure to punish possibly through storm and avalanche, such sacrilege,
Block Houses are symbols of the Pioneer past. They were scattered far and near in Oregon and Washington. They were the outposts of civilization. How thought prolific is inspired as we look on these time scarred walls brought down from the past. When a babe in my mother's arms in 1851 I was carried from an old French bateaux on the portage landing the site of the old Block House at the upper Cascades destroyed by the elements and the flood of 76. It stood for years where now is the iron track of the Great North Bank Railroad, built at a cost of forty-eight million dollars along the Columbia River along where rolled "the Oregon and heard no sound save its own dashing." Note the epochs. Bryant and Thana- topsis ; Lieut. Phil Sheridan and the Block House. Gen. Sher- idan and the famous ride to Winchester. A Union saved under a Sheridan and a Grant and a Lincoln. One Flag and one Country, and Oregon the western gem of the Nation. Indian
70 M..C. GEORGE
barbarity and danger extinct. Civilization triumphant and progressing. A great people, all inspired by the thought of Webster that when our eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, that we may ever behold the gorge- ous ensign of the Republic spread all over in characters of liv- ing light; Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and in- separable.
I congratulate you, my fellow citizens of Dayton, on this day. I congratulate our State that the old wooden military Block House Old Fort Yamhill, finds its final foundation resting place in this beautiful park, beside the placid waters of the old River of Yamhill. Here the old soldiers of our country, and here the Indians of Grand Ronde now citizens of our common land, may come and dream of the days of long ago, when the war clouds hung low, and here Pioneers may recall the times of their early hardships and their struggles to build themselves a home on the soil of Oregon.
May the old historic Fort here stand till the worms of time crumble it into the dust from whence it came, and may the
Old Flag ever flo THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1914, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
MEMORIAL ADDRESS
Commemorating Life, Character and Services of Francis Xavier Matthieu[2]
One year ago today upon these grounds, there appeared for the last time the sole survivor of a group of 102 men who, 70 years before, had laid here the foundation of a new State. Burdened with the weight of 95 years he was yet a keenly alive, and a happy, and a thoroughly interested participant. For years it had been his wont to celebrate with us each recurring anniversary of this occasion. Today his chair is vacant, and never again will we be cheered with the genial presence of the kindly old man to whom we delighted to pay the respectful homage that was his due. A tribute to his memory can be but little more than the repetition of a story that is familiar to every student of Oregon pioneer history.
Francis Xavier Matthieu was born at Terrebonne, near Montreal, Canada, on the second day of April, 1818. He died at his home near Butteville, Oregon, on February 4th, 1914, lacking less than two months of being 96 years of age. His father and mother were both of pure French descent. His father was a native of Normandy, his mother of Brittany. Both branches early migrated to Canada. When a mere slip of a boy he became a clerk in a mercantile house of Montreal.
74 CHARLES. B. MOORES
It was at that critical time in the history of Canada when Louis J. Papineau, a statesman and orator of wonderful elo- quence, was stirring the French population to resist the ag- gressions of their British rulers. Under the spell of Papineau's eloquence, and moved by a keen sense of the wrongs of the French, Matthieu, boy that he was, soon found himself en- rolled as a member, and an officer, of the "Sons of Liberty," organized for resistance to the constituted authorities.
The incipient rebellion was short-lived. Matthieu's brief career in Canada ended in 1838 when, with the assistance of Dr. Fraser, an uncle of Dr. John McLoughlin, he was enabled to cross the border and enter the United States under a forged passport. Reaching Albany, N. Y., he found employment as a clerk. Later he went to Milwaukee, and thence to St. Louis, where he found service with the American Fur Company. His employment carried him as a trader among the Sioux and the Dakotas. Returning to St. Louis he outfitted as a free trapper and in 1840 went to the Arkansas at Bent's Fort, where he encountered Kit Carson and George Bent, the trapper captain.
The following Winter and Spring were spent trapping in the Black Hills. This life, however, did not appeal to him, and early in the Summer of 1842, at Fort Laramie, the opportunity offered to join Captain Hastings' Company of over 100 emi- grants bound for Oregon, among whom were Dr. Elijah White, A. L. Lovejoy, Medorem Crawford, Sidney W. Moss and others who were afterwards prominent in Oregon pioneer his- tory. Mr. Matthieu's familiarity with the language and the peculiarities of the Sioux made him an invaluable member of this company. After varied experiences, the farm of Dr. Whit- man at Waiilatpu was reached and 15 days were there pleas- antly spent in his companionship. The trip over the Cascades, after this visit, was the most trying and difficult of the entire journey. Oregon City was reached about the 25th day of September, 1842.
Learning there that there was a settlement of French Canadians about 15 miles up the Willamette Valley, near Champoeg, Mr. Matthieu continued his journey to this his
MEMORIAL ADDRESS FOR F. X. MATTHIEU 75
toric point, and here he made his home almost continuously, for the ensuing 72 years of his life. Here he met and secured employment from Etienne Lucier, who was to share with him, in the following year, the honor of settling for all time the question of American sovereignty in the Northwest. Here was a location that had been selected by Dr. John McLoughlin in 1830 as a strategic trading point for the Hudson Bay Com- pany. Lucier had settled in this locality about 30 years prior to Matthieu's arrival. He was one of the old trappers who had come in Hunt's party, the overland exploration party of the Astor Expedition. Having reached the age of 60 years he had the Hudson Bay Company trapper's suspicions of the tyrannous exactions of American laws and customs, suspicions that were generally entertained by the French-Canadians of the Valley.
The leaven of unrest, however, was already working among the people of the Willamette Valley. Their 'necessities called for some kind of an organization. Opinion was divided. Some desired American control, some British control, and some were insistent upon an entirely independent government. The im- mediate formation of a provisional government did not appeal to either Jason Lee or to Abernethy, who was later Provisional Governor, and it had the open opposition of the Canadian- French who held preliminary meetings in opposition at Van- couver, at Oregon City, and on the French Prairie. The sub- ject of a provisional government was diplomatically approached at two meetings held in February and March, 1843, ostensibly called for the adoption of some measures to protect their flocks and herds from wild animals. These were known as "Wolf meetings." Mr. Matthieu attended neither of them. Their culmination, and at least a partial consummation, of their real object, a provisional governme'nt, was reached at the historic meeting of May 2, 1843.
The story of that meeting has become an Oregon classic. Champoeg means as much to the history of Oregon as does the story of Plymouth Rock to the history of New England. It is a singular, and rather significant, fact that McLoughlin and Lee, the two chief figures of the time in the Northwest, were both absent, and it seems to be an open question as to whether they were absent by accident or design. That was the one crucial and pregnant occasion of our early day history. There are some reasons to believe that Dr. McLoughlin, in spite of his relationship to the Hudson Bay Company, desired an inde- pendent government, and that Jason Lee regarded the move- ment as premature, while really favoring the American con- tention. There was no lack, however, of the presence of men bearing names that are familiar to the pages of the pioneer history of the state. It seems a far cry, back to that beautiful May morning in 1843, when that rugged and motley band of frontiersmen gathered here at this romantic spot, on the banks of the Wil- lamette, of whose varied beauties Sam L. Simpson has so sweetly sung. Little conception had they of the import and vast possibilities involved in the action to be taken by them on that day, and it is even yet difficult to estimate how much their decision has affected the historical currents of the world. The scene was one to challenge the highest talent of the historical painter and the story is one worthy the loftiest periods of an epic poet. These men were the vanguard of the millions who have since followed in their footsteps, and of the multiplied millions who are yet to come. Here was the frontier, thousands of miles from the western borderland of civiliza- tion-the northwest corner of a new and an undiscovered continent. The richest half of what we know as the American continent was theirs. In all that vast empire, stretching from the Mississippi to the Pacific, now teeming with its millions of souls, and its billions of wealth, there was hardly a home, or a school, or a church, or an orchard, or a grain field, or a solitary mile of railroad. No richer prize ever greed of man. No greater empire ever asked the taking. They stood at the very dawn of two generations of time whose marvelous achievements had never been matched in any pre- ceding thousand years. mpted the Digitized by Microsoft®
MEMORIAL ADDRESS FOR F. X. MATTHIEU 77
It was their high good fortune to face an opportunity that is seldom offered in the history of any nation. It was a call, not so much for men of talent, as men of purpose, fitted for taking the raw material that frontier conditions provide and moulding it into form. The black frock coats of Gray and Parrish, of Griffin and Beers, of Willson, Babcock and Hines, contrasted no less strangely with the buckskin suits of Meek and Newell and Ebbert, than did their habits, their ideals, and their life purposes. But they were as one in their impulses, and their conceptions of the orderly forms, that were needed to promote the commo'n good. Political opinions, considered in the narrow party sense, did not divide them.
Such differences as existed were based upon various social and moral conditions, and their respective national, religious and commercial affiliations. Any ordinary public hall would have housed the whole American population the'n living in the western half of the continent. The American population at the beginning of 1842 was 137, including women and children, although this number was almost doubled by the end of the year. Of the 102 men who voted at the meeting of May 2, 1843, the 50 who voted against organization were all of the Catholic faith, and of French or French-Canadian descent, whose relations to Dr. McLoughlin and the Hudson Bay Com- pany were such as to make it almost a duty to take the stand they did.
For their course there cari be no reasonable word of censure. The sincerity of their motives is not open to question. Of the 52 men who took the American side when Joe Meek dramatically called for a divide, five including Matthieu and Lucier, were of the Catholic faith, four were Baptists, six Congregationalists, six Episcopalians, eight Presbyterians and fourteen Methodists, while the affiliation of nine are unknown. Five were natives of England, two of Scotland, one of Ire- land, two, Matthieu and Lucier, of Canada, one each of Ala- bama, North Carolina and the District of Columbia, three each of Ohio and New Hampshire, four each of Connecticut, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, ten of New York, and six unknown.
78 CHARLES B. MOORES
With possibly three exceptions, Matthieu was the youngest man of the group. His was not a chance, or accidental vote. It was the vote of a man of decision and of character. He was but 25 years of age, but a mature man in experience. His vote was the vote of one who was at once a Fre'nch fugi- tive, and a British alien. He carried with him, boy that he was, the vote of his friend, Etienne Lucier, a mature man of 60 years, and he carried it in the face of his friendship for his ideal, Dr. McLoughlin, and against the judgment of the majority of his friends of the Catholic faith, and his French- Canadian countrymen. In that vote there was some indication of the character of the man.
For a full 71 years he went in and out among his fellow men in this community, where in early manhood he cast his fortunes, and during all those years he measured up to the requirements of that standard of citizenship which is the very foundation of a'n ideal commonwealth. Although without political ambition, he was a man of public spirit, and, although a member of the minority party, served his fellow citizens of this county as commissioner, and as a member of the Oregon House of Representatives at the sessions of 1874 and 1878. He was one of the founders, and the first president, of the Oregob State Pioneer Association, chosen at a time when the pioneer element was the dominant element of the state, and the best blood of the Association was subject to call. In 1846 he secured the donation claim that for the remaining 62 years of his life was his continuous home. He was married April 15, 1846, to Rose Osant, whose father, Louis Osant, had been a Hudson Bay Company employe and trapper, and who was one of the 50 arrayed against him at the meeting of May 2, 1843. His relationship to that meeting, and conditions that later existed, have given to F. X. Matthieu a peculiar distinc- tion. It was a close vote, and a chance friendship, that gave to him, and to Lucier, the opportunity to forever fix the polit- ical status of a great state a group of states to change the currents of the world's history, the destiny of a nation, and the individual destinies of millions of men. Had the vote and
MEMORIAL ADDRESS FOR F. X. MATTHIEU 79
the influence of these two men been cast, on that crucial day, in favor of British domination, the Oregon Country would have been lost to the flag.
What then of the map, and of the history of the Pacific Coast, and the Middle West? Who would now be harvesting the rich treasures of Alaska, and who would now be building the great waterway that is to divide the continent? Not only did the participants have little appreciation of all that was involved in that meeting, but its full significance apparently did not dawn upon the people of this state until after the lapse of nearly two generations. Fifty-eight years had gone by when, on May 2, 1901, a monument was erected and dedicated, upon these grounds, to the memory of the 51 dead, and as a suggestion to the sole survivor, that in the part he took in that event he had the good fortune to permanently link his name with one of the really important events of American history.
As that monument arose what must have been the emotions of the man, all of whose 51 companions had gone over the Divide, and into the great undiscovered country O'f the dead? It has been said that the three red letter days of his life were his birthday, Christmas, and the second day of May. Who would have denied to him the satisfaction, that was his in the closing years of his life, of knowing that his services were finally appreciated, and that his name was for all time to have a conspicuous place upon Oregon's roll of pioneers ? Trivial events have changed the face of history, and moulded the fate of nations. A single vote has made a President. A single vote has elected governors. A single vote in our highest courts has settled questions of even international importance, but seldom in history has a single vote involved results of greater importance than did the deciding vote of Francis Xavier Mat- thieu on the second day of May, 1843. It was but the well- considered vote of a normal man, with the average poise and balance and temperament of a good citizen. Good citizenship has been the one insistent requirement of all times. The crying need of the distracted republic upon our southern border, is not a leader, but an intelligent and law-abiding electorate.
80 CHARLES. B. MOORES
Latent talent for leadership always exists in abundant supply. It is always in evidence, and subject to call, in every crisis, but it is powerless without the support of that quality of citizen- ship that is the distinguishing mark of American civilization. We honor our departed friend not as a statesman, or a soldier, or a diplomat not as a scholar or a sage, but as a splendid type of such a citizenship as is needed to insure the quality and the permanence of what we call the state.
No higher tribute can we pay to the memory of Francis Xavier Matthieu than to say that in his death the state of Oregon lost a splendid citizen. For two full generations he has commanded the universal confidence and respect of the people of his adopted state.
For full 40 years he has been a welcome guest at all of the meetings of the Oregon State Pioneer Association, and it t's a matter of record that he never missed an annual meeting of the association. As the sole survivor of the historic group that gathered here 71 years ago today, he has ever been the central figure, and the one conspicuous guest, at our annual reunions upon these grounds. Today his chair is vacant. He has fallen into line with the vanguard that started years ago. He has gone to resume the companionships of his pioneer days, upon the other side. Today, for the first time, he responds to the completed roll call in a reunion beyond the divide, where his quaint humor and genial presence is to lighten up and sweeten the long interrupted fellowships of the old romantic days of his early manhood. The memories of his genuine and homely qualities will linger with us as an inspiration, and thoughts of his kindly nature and tolerant spirit will remain as a constant benediction. It is fitting that his worn and broken body has been laid away within hailing distance of the marble shaft that marks the scene of the most notable act of his life.
May. the sod rest lightly, and may the storms beat gently o'er his grave. May the warmth of Oregon's affections temper the chill of the narrow bed in which he lies. May we who remain, as faithfully discharge the responsibilities of life, and when the final summons comes, meet it with the same serene compla-
cency, and leave behind us the record of as good a name. FIRST THINGS PERTAINING TO PRESBYTERIANISM ON THE PACIFIC COAST[3]
Robert H. Blossom.
The history of Oregon is replete with tragic events, the important actors being in many instances the early Protestant missionaries.
The history of the establishment and growth of Presbyterianism in the "Oregon Country" is romantic and soul-stirring. What was known as the "Oregon Country" was much larger in area than the Oregon of today; it comprised the present states of Oregon, Washington, Idaho and parts of Montana and Wyoming an empire of latent resources.
In 1832 four Nez Perce Indian chiefs left their wigwams in the Oregon Country, on the Columbia River, their objective point being St. Louis. They wished to secure the "White Man's Book of Heaven," of which they had heard, and to know more of its teachings. Two of them were old and venerable, the others young and active. The older chiefs died and were buried in St. Louis. The names of the younger chiefs were "Hee-oh-ks-te-kin" (the rabbit skin leggins) and "H'co-a-h-co-ah-cotes-min" (no horns on his head). The last mentioned one died while on his way home near the mouth of the Yellowstone River. The other one reached his friends in safety but bringing the sad news of the deaths of all the rest of the party. This remarkable quest was soon published in the newspapers of the land and was read with intense interest by thousands. To some it was a matter of no consequence, but to the missionary organizations it was a call from God, the "Great Spirit" of all. Jason Lee and a party of Methodists answered the "call" first, reaching the land of opportunity in September, 1834. They were followed by missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in 1835-36. Dr. Whitman a Presbyterian.
Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Whitman were appointed by the American board to explore the country and report as to the feasibility of establishing missions among the Indians. Dr. Whitman was a member and ruling elder of the Presbyterian Church at Wheeler, New York. In April, 1835, these men started on their long overland journey from St. Louis, Mo. On the 12th of August they and their caravan reached the rendezvous beyond the mountains on the Green River, a branch of the Colorado. They had now crossed the Divide and were beyond the main range of the Rocky Mountains. Here the party remained ten days, during which time Parker and Whitman conferred with the chiefs of the Nez Perces and Flatheads, explaining to them the object of their journey. The Indians replied that they were anxious to have the missionaries among them. Because of this favorable reply Dr. Whitman suggested that he return with the caravan to the "States" and "obtain associates to come out with him the next year, with the then returning caravan, and establish a mission among these people, and by so doing, save at least a year in bringing the gospel among them."[4]
On August. 22, 1835, Dr. Whitman began his return journey to the "States" and Dr. Parker continued his exploring tour with an Indian escort. Dr. Parker returned home after an absence of two years and two months, having journeyed 28,000 miles.
Dr. Whitman took with him to the East two Nez Perce boys. Their names were Tuetkas and Ites. The first one he called Richard, the other one John. Dr. Whitman reached his home in Rushville, New York, late Saturday evening. He stopped with his brother and no one else of the village knew of his arrival. The next morning he entered the church, followed by his two Indians. His appearance was like that of an apparition. His mother leaped to her feet, shouting, "Why, there is Marcus!"
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 83
Rev. H. H. Spalding and his wife (nee Eliza Hart, married to H. H. Spalding, October, 1833) were persuaded to join the Oregon mission, although they had previously planned to go as missionaries to the Osage Indians. Mr. Spalding was a great- great-uncle of Miss Minnie Spaulding, (*) a member of the First Presbyterian Church, Portland. The difference in spelling is explained in this manner : One branch of the family dropped the letter "u." W. H. Gray was Whitman's secular manager. Mr. Gray became prominent in Oregon history and was the author of "A History of Oregon, 1792-1849." Mr. Gray was the father of Mrs. Jacob Kamm (nee Caroline Gray), at present a member of the First Presbyterian Church of Portland, Oregon. Whit- man was a bridegroom, having just married Miss Narcissa Prentiss, and now the wedding journey from New York to the Columbia River was begun, one of the most remarkable ever recorded. Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding were the first white women to cross the plains and over the Rocky Mountains to the great "River of the West," the Columbia. Other members of this notable party were two teamsters, whose names are not known, and the two Indian lads, Richard and John, who witnessed Dr. Whitman's marriage to Miss Prentiss, in February, 1836, in the Presbyterian church at Angelica, New York. Mrs. Whitman had a charming soprano voice, and prior to her marriage led the church choir at Angelica. At twelve years of age she united with the Presbyterian church of Platts- burg, New York. This brave little band of nine persons had left civilization on our western frontiers, May 2, 1836, and ar- rived at the Hudson's Bay Company post at Walla W T alla on September 2d, after a hard overland journey of more than two thousand miles.
W. H. Gray writes concerning their arrival at the old fort as follows : "Their reception must^ have been witnessed to be fully realized. The gates of the fort were thrown open, the ladies assisted from their horses, and every demonstration of joy and respect manifested." (Gray's History of Oregon, page 142.)
- Miss Spaulding died her* in Portland, July 5, iQU
84 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
In a few days the mission party left for Vancouver, arriv- ing there on September 12, 1836. Gray also writes of their kindly reception at Vancouver, at the boat landing, by "one whose hair was then nearly white," (Dr. John McLoughlin) who stepped forward and gave his arm to Mrs. Whitman.
- In a letter from Mrs. Whitman to her mother, dated Walla
Walla, Dec. 5, 1836, she says : "We left Vancouver Thursday noon, Nov. 3rd, in two boats," stations having been selected and houses built. Mrs. Whitman informed Dr. McLoughlin that Mr. Gray was their associate and secular agent, and there is evidence to show of his usefulness in this capacity.
GRAY RETURNS EAST FOR REINFORCEMENTS.
Mr. Gray rendered invaluable service in settling the Whit- mans at Waiilatpu and the Spaldings at Lapwai. On Decem- ber 28, 1836, he returned East for reinforcements, arriving in Utica, N. Y., October 15, 1837. Mr. Gray .was married to Miss Mary A. Dix at Ithaca, N. Y., on February 27, 1838. The A. B. C. F. M. appointed him Assistant Missionary, under date of March 13, 1838. This interesting document, making Gray's appointment, is now in the archives of the Oregon His- torical Society.
The A. B. C. F. M. commissioned Rev. Gushing Eels, Rev. Elkanah Walker, Rev. A. B. Smith, and their wives, and Mr. Cornelius Rogers as the reinforcements for the Oregon Mis- sion, and in the summer of 1838 Mr. Gray, with his wife, con- ducted the party safely to Oregon.
ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION.
By request of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Roman Cath- olics sent their missionaries, Fathers F. N. Blanchet and Modeste Demers, from Montreal, Canada, and they arrived in Vancouver (now in Washington) November 24, 1837, after an overland journey of over four thousand miles.
Transactions of the igth Annual Reunion, Oregon Pioneer Association for 1891, page 87.
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 85
THE WHITMAN AND SPALDING MISSIONS
The Mission, during these early days, was financed and encouraged by the American Board of Foreign Missions, the board at that time being under the joint control of the Con- gregational, Presbyterian and Dutch Reformed churches.
Dr. Whitman was a physician and a very energetic and capable man. His station was known as the Waiilatpu Mis- sion, located on the Walla Walla River, six miles from the present site of Walla Walla, among the Cayuse Indians, of which he had personal charge. A station at Lapwai, on the Clearwater, among the Nez Perces, was in charge of Mr. Spalding. Missionary work among the Nez Perces was more successful than with the Cayuses, due, no doubt, to the superior character of the Nez Perces.
The services of Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding were in- valuable as teachers in the native schools which were soon established. The Indians were furnished farming utensils and taught the art of agriculture. The squaws were given lessons in knitting, sewing, carding, spinning, weaving, etc. This method of treatment cured many of the habit of roving. The bucks would jestingly remark that they were being made a nation of women. Formerly the squaws did all the manual labor ; the bucks hunted and fished and for a diversion engaged i'n warfare.
The needs of impoverished emigrants entering the new country when passing the mission were promptly met by Dr. Whitman, who sent them on their way rejoicing.
FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.
On August 18, 1838, the first Presbyterian Church in North America west of the Rocky Mountains and on the Pacific Coast was organized at the house of Dr. Whitman, at the Waiilatpu Mission station, six miles west of the present city of Walla Walla, Wash. Rev. H. H. Spalding was elected pastor and Dr. Marcus Whitman, ruling elder. Mr. Spalding was a member of the Bath Presbytery, New York, and this first church was attached to the Bath Presbytery.
86 ROBERT #. BLOSSOM
These gentlemen together with their wives, Mrs. Eliza A. Spalding, Mrs. Narcissa Whitman, Joseph Maki and Maria Keawea Maki, his wife, were the charter members of the first church organized in "Old Oregon." This membership, a total of five, was all by letter, and it is interesting to note that Mr. Maki and his wife were from the native church in Honolulu, Oahu, Rev. Hiram Bingham, pastor. The old record of this first church says : "Brought from the darkness of heathenism into the glorious light of the gospel of peace."
The following resolution was adopted at the time of the organization :
"Resolved, That this Church be governed on the Congre- gational plan, but attached to the Bath Presbytery, New York, and adopt its form of confession of faith and covenant as ours."
There has been some doubt as to whether this organization was a Presbyterian Church. To remove such doubt the writer has made excerpts from the records of this old church. He has also obtained the written opinion of Rev. William Sylvester Holt, D. D., an able Presbyterian minister, formerly connected with the Oregon Presbytery, but now residing in Philadelphia, Pa., and occupying the position of Associate Secretary on the Ministerial Relief and Sustentation Board. His letter follows :
Philadelphia, Pa., December 18, 1913. Mr. R. H. Blossom, Chamber of Commerce, Portland, Ore.
Dear Mr. Blossom: Answering yours of December 6, I will say that personally I have never had any question as to the fact that the Church organized at Waiilatpu by Spalding and Whitman was a Presbyterian Church, and I based it on these facts : First, Spalding was a Presbyterian minister. Sec- ond, Whitman was an elder in the Presbyterian Church in the State of New York when he went out to Oregon. Third, as to adopting the Congregational form, it certainly was due to the fact that there was no Presbytery in Oregon, and that is the reason they were attached to the Presbytery of Bath, New York, and so no possibility of any form of government except their own. However, members were received by the session and not by the congregation so far as I can recall, and every
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 87
thing was clone according to Presbyterian politics, so that I do not see and never have seen any reason why we are not justified in calling it a Presbyterian Church. Their own rec- ords also call it a Presbyterian Church.
However, I agree that the resolution in their own records that "this Church be governed on the Congregational plan, but attached to the Bath Presbytery," a thing which would be impossible if they were not a Presbyterian Church, "and adopt its form of confession of faith and covenant as ours," shows that the intent of the man who organized the Church was to organize it as a Presbyterian Church. Furthermore, all those records are in the possession of the Synod of Washington, as they should be, which is solely and always has been a Pres- byterian body. The Presbytery of Oregon was not organized until much later, and the church on Clatsop Plains was or- ganized before there was any Presbytery, just as the one was out in Eastern Washington, but there has never been any objection to calling Clatsop Plains a Presbyterian Church, and I never heard of any objection before to calling Waiilatpu a Presbyterian Church. We have always claimed it and I think we are justified in the claim with the facts I have given you above. Respectfully yours,
(Signed) W. S. HOLT.
Mrs. Spalding became a member of the Presbyterian Church in Holland Patent, Oneida County, N. Y., in the Summer of 1826. Transferred her membership to the Presbyterian Church in Lane Seminary, Walnut Hills, Hamilton County, Ohio, and from this latter church to the Waiilatpu.
Mrs. Whitman became a member of the Presbyterian Church in Plattsburgh, Steuben County, N. Y. ; was transferred to the Presbyterian Church, Angelica, Alleghany County, N. Y., and from thence to the Waiilatpu.
Mr. Spalding united with the Presbyterian Church in Platts- burgh, Steuben County, N. Y., in the Summer of 1825. Grad- uated from the Western Reserve College, Hudson, Portage County, Ohio, in the Fall of 1833. Finished his theological course at Lane Seminary, Walnut Hills, Ohio, ordained to the Gospel Ministery by the Bath Presbytery in 1835, and was appointed the same year by the A. B. C. F. M. as missionary. He was one of the organizers of the Waiilatpu Church.
88 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
Dr. Whitman was a ruling elder in the Presbyterian Church in Wheeler, Steuben County, N. Y. He was appointed mis- sionary in 1835 by the A. B. C. F. M. Mr. Whitman was one of the organizers of the Waiilatpu Church. This information pertaining to the organizers of the Waiilatpu Church was taken from the old Waiilatpu Church record.
The following excerpts are made from this interesting old record : "On the same day, viz., 18 Aug., Charles Compo, for- merly a Catholic, baptized by that church, declaring his disbelief in that faith and expressing a wish to unite with us, was exam- ined and giving satisfactory evidence of being lately born into the Kingdom of Christ, was propounded for admission to the church at some future time. Mr. Pembrem (Pambrun), of Fort Walla Walla, a Catholic present, advised Compo to con- sider the matter well before he left his own religion to join another."
"19 Aug., 1838, Sabbath. Charles Compo married to a Nez Perces woman with whom he had lived for several years, after which assenting to our confession of faith and covenant, was baptized and admitted to our little flock as the first fruit of our missionary labor in this country."
Sabbath, Sept. 2, 1838. The following persons presenting letters were admitted: Wm. H. Gray and Cornelius Rogers.
The following persons, missionaries of the A. B. C. F. M., not having letters, presented as a substitute their appointment from the board were received, viz. : Mrs. Mary Augusta Gray (maiden name Dix), Rev. A. B. Smith, Mrs. A. B. Smith, Rev. Elkanah Walker, Mrs. Mary R. Walker, Rev. Gushing Eells, Mrs. Myra F. Eells.
Nov. 17, 1839, on profession "the following persons were admitted to the First Presby. Church in Oregon Territory, having been examined as to the grounds of their hopes some six months before, viz., Joseph Tuitakas, the principal Nez Perces chief, some thirty-seven years old. Timothy Timosa, a native of considerable influence, some thirty-seven years old."
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 89
May 14, 1843, nine persons (Indians) were admitted to "the First Presbyterian Church in Oregon" * * * 'The Lord be thanked. To him be all the praise for these trophies of his victorious grace. Truly this is a glorious day for the powers of light. May these lambs be kept from every tempta- tion and every sin and be nurtured up by the rich grace of God and become perfect men and women in Christ Jesus. The Lord's Supper was administered. Rev. Mr. Hines, of the Methodist Mission, was present and assisted the pastor. Pres- ent also, Rev. Mr. Perkins, of the Methodist Mission; also Elijah White, M.D., sub-agent of Indian A. W. R. M., and Mr. Little John and wife and Mrs. Spalding."
June 23, 1844, Sabbath. Ten persons (Indians) "were ad- mitted to the First Presbyterian Church in Oregon," making
twenty-two native members in good and regular standing.
"Dr. Whitman visited Compo in Summer of 47. He ap- pears well, has withstood the efforts of the Catholics to draw him back again, refused to give up his Bible to the priest who
wished to burn it."
Because of Indian troubles the church was without a pastor for several years.
Nov. 12, 1871. A total of forty-five, mostly Indians, were admitted to the church and baptized by the pastor, H. H. Spald- ing. Among this number was Lawyer, head chief of the Nez Perces, and his son, Archie. * * * "This is a glorious day, bless the Lord, oh my soul! That I am permitted to return after so long expulsion in my old age but once to witness the wonderful work of God upon the hearts of this people."
"Chief Lawyer, the noblest man in the Nez Perce tribe, died Jan. 6, 1876. He was an old man and ripe for glory."
A total of ninety-eight were added to the church in Novem- ber, 1871 ; all of whom were Indians but one.
Many Indian converts were added to the church during the years 1872 and 1873.
90 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
"Labored through the Winter till Feb. 20, 1873. Preached every Sabbath to a crowded house, congregation averaging 320. Three hours a day translating book of Acts, two hours a day with native helpers, three hours a day in school with Bro.
Cowley, both languages, Bible the text book."
Whole No. received into First Presbyterian Church, Oregon, from 1838 to April, 1874961.
Whole No. infants baptized 293.
Various reports were made to the board and Presbytery, showing membership and other statistics. The membership, with few exceptions, was composed of the native population.
INDIANS BAPTIZED.
"May 11, 1874. Today the deeply interesting event occurred of the baptism by Bro. Spalding, apparently on his death bed, of the Umatilla Chief, Umhawalish, who came all the way from his country, 210 miles, for Protestant baptism. He was one of the early pupils of the Martyr Whitman, and the name of Marcus Whitman was given to him in his riew relation as a member of the household of faith." After this ceremony the assembly adjourned from the house to the church and Umhawalish's wife was baptized, receiving the name of Dr. Whitman's wife, Narcissa Whitman.
This old record shows that the membership was not confined to Indians at Waiilatpu alone, but they were "gathered in" at Kamiah, Lapwai, Halapawawi, Forks Clear Water, Ashoteen, Salmon River, Umatilla, Spokane, Wild Horse, Simcoe and Lewiston.
Dr. George F. Whitworth in a letter to the writer dated Seattle, Washington, December 29, 1903, says: "I have the original records of The First Presbyterian Church in the Ter- ritory of Oregon,' organized at the house of Dr. Whitman at the Waiilatpu Mission station, August 18, 1838."
FIRST PRINTING PRESS IN OREGON.
In 1839 the mission received a donation from Rev. H. Bing- ham's church at Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, of a small print
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 91
ing press, with types, etc., to the value of $450. The first book printed west of the Rocky Mountains, so far as known, was issued that Fall in the Nez Perces language and also in that of the Spokane. (Page 225, "The Conquerors.") This inter- esting relic, with several booklets in the Nez Perce language, can be seen in the rooms of the Oregon Historical Society, Portland.
The Protestant missionaries, Jason Lee, Dr. Parker, Marcus Whitman and others, together with laymen like W. H. Gray, were important factors in winning Oregon to the United States. At this early period ( 1834-1843) it was problematical as to just how the question of sovereignty would be settled. England and America were contending, each with valid claims, for the great Northwest. Jason Lee was a colonizer the greatest this country and state has ever produced' through his efforts, mainly, the American population was largely increased. The question was practically settled in favor of the United States when, at a public meeting, on May 2, 1843, held at Champoeg, then the seat of principal settlement on the Willamette River, it was decided to organize a Provisional Government. The adherents of Great Britain voting fifty against and the Amer- icans fifty-two in favor of the resolution.
WHITMAN'S RIDE.
On October 3, 1842, Dr. Whitman left Waiilatpu with a single companion, Amos Lawrence Love joy, a young man from Boston, and the guide, destined for the "States." Each mem- ber of the party had a horse; mules were used to carry the supplies. Other remarkable rides have occurred in America's history. The story of the ride of Paul Revere, immortalized by Longfellow in his famous poem; Sheridan's ride during our Civil War. These rides, however, were of short duration a few hours or a single night at the most.
Whitman's ride was the heroic deed of one man with a single companion, covering a distance of 3000 miles, occupying be- tween four and five months. Many snow storms and blizzards were encountered; frozen streams were crossed; wild beasts
92 ROBERT .H. BLOSSOM
and Indians to be guarded against. Hezekiah Butterworth is the author of a beautiful poem upon this famous ride, entitled, "Whitman's Ride for Oregon/' There are those who claim this memorable ride was to save Oregon to the United States. Whilst others stoutly maintain it was made in behalf of his mission. In this connection there are two facts which can never be disputed :
1. That Whitman made the ride during the Winter months.
2. That the ride was one of unparalleled bravery and for a cause which must have been uppermost in Whitman's mind.
There is evidence to show that he called upon President Tyler and other prominent men at Washington, D. C* That while in the "States" he urged the necessity of early American emi- gration to Oregon and that measures should be take'n to pro- tect them while en route. That he interviewed the officers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions at Boston, explaining the condition of affairs at the mission and making suggestions as to its needs. His wishes were granted. His terrible privations had greatly changed his appearance; then, too, his garb of buckskin trousers, a waistcoat and a blue English duffle coat over which he wore a buffalo overcoat, a few inches shorter than the duffle, was such as might cause comment in the ordinary drawing-room. Dr. Whitman re- marked that it was "rather fantastic for a missionary, a buffalo coat with a blue border."
PIONEERS COME.
In the Fall of 1843 it is estimated that nearly 200 wagons, with over 1000 Americans arrived upon the plains of the Columbia. Ox teams were mostly used, averaging about six yoke to the team. Several thousand loose horses and cattle were brought along. The feat of crossing the Blue Moun- tains with wagons was accomplished and which the command- ant of the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Hall said was an impossibility.
- He did confer with the Secretary of War. Compare with Marshall's "Ac-
quisition of Oregon," Vol. I, p. 248. Editor Quarterly.
FIRST PRESBYTER: AN ISM ON PACIFIC COAST 93
Dr. Marcus Whitman, who was returning to Oregon after his famous Winter ride, rendered efficient service as guide, physician and friend for this first great immigration to the Oregon country.
Jesse Applegate, a pioneer of 1843, writes of Dr. Whitman:* "I would fain now and here pay a passing tribute to that noble and devoted man, Doctor Whitman. I will obtrude no other name upon the reader, nor would I his, were he of our party or even living, but his stay with us was transient, though the good he did was permanent and he has long since died at his post. From the time he joined us on the Platte until he left us at Fort Hall, his great experience and indominant- able energy were of priceless value to the migrating column. His constant advice, which we knew was based upon a knowl- edge of the road before us, was : 'Travel, Travel, Travel.' Nothing else will take you to the end of your journey ; nothing is wise that does not help you along; nothing is good for you that causes a moment's delay. His great authority as a physician saved us many prolonged and perhaps ruinous de- lays, and it is no disparagement to others to say that to no other individual are the emigrants of 1843 so much indebted for the successful conclusion of their journey as to Dr. Marcus Whitman."
Upon Dr. Whitman's return to his mission at Waiilatpu he found his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, had been burned by disaffected Indians.
FIRST WHITE WOMEN IN OREGON.
On November 1, 1843, Dr. Whitman wrote from Fort Walla Walla to the A. B. C. F. M. : "If I never do more than to have bee'n one of the first to take white women across the mountains and prevent the disaster and reaction which would have oc- curred by the breaking up of the present emigration, and estab- lishing the first wagon road across to the border of the Columbia River, I am satisfied." * * * "I am determined to exert
- A Day With the Cow Column in 1843, Vol. i, page 371. Oregon Historical
Society Quarterly.
94 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
myself for my country and to procure such regulations and laws as will best secure both the Indians aftd white men in their transit and settlement intercourse."
THE WHITMAN MASSACRE.
The first few years of missionary work was very encourag- ing. It was not long, however, before a spirit of hatred for the whites manifested itself. On November 29, 1847, occurred the horrible massacre of Dr. Whitman, his wife and twelve other persons. Mrs. Whitman was the only woman killed. Fifty-three women and children were held in captivity two weeks by the savages; among them being Eliza, the ten-year- old daughter of Mr. Spalding. Mr. Peter Skene Ogden, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, secured their freedom by paying a ransom in shirts, blankets, guns, ammunition and tobacco to the value of about $500. Mr. Spalding says that too much praise cannot be awarded Mr. Ogden for his prompt and judicious management of the captives' deliverance.
The leaders in this massacre were the Cayuse Indians, for whose welfare the Doctor and his wife had labored. The uprisi'ng is ascribed to the advent of the white man, whose numbers were rapidly increasing through immigration. The Indians said, "If the Americans come to take away their lands and make slaves of them, they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed." They also had a superstitious dread that poison would be given them by the Americans. The mas- sacre was a prelude to the Cayuse War which followed in 1847-48.
CLATSOP PLAINS CHURCH.
The church of Clatsop Plains was organized on September 19, 1846, by Rev. Lewis Thompson a'nd hence could not be the first Presbyterian church organized on the Pacific Coast, as has been claimed. It must take second honors. "Honor to whom honor is due."
TRIALS OF A PIONEER PREACHER
The following is an extract from an interesting letter to the writer, which gives one some idea of the trials and tribulations of a country preacher during the church's formative period in early Oregon :
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 95
(From J. A. Hanna, dated Los Angeles, California, March 18,
1904.)
"I married a young and handsome lady in Pittsburg, Pa., in February, 1852, at 6 o'clock A. M., and started west at 7 o'clock of the same day. In the absence of railroads we came by steamboat on the Ohio and Missouri rivers to St. Joseph, Mo. Here we convened as a Presbyterian colony and purchased our outfit for crossing the continent with ox teams and wagons. Our company consisted of about sixty persons and eighteen wagons. We endured the usual privations and hardships in- cident to such a journey had some Indian scares, but nothing serious. After five months we arrived in Oregon City, where we received our first mail from home. Here I learned that the Presbytery of Oregon erected November 19, 1851, stood adjourned to meet with the First Church of Clatsop Plains on the first Thursday i'n October, 1852. After a few days rest I went by steamboat to Astoria. Accompanied by Elder T. P. Powers and others we proceeded to Clatsop Plains where we found Rev. Lewis Thompson and his congregation assembled at the church. But Rev. E. R. Geary and Rev. Robert Robe were not present and by invitation I preached and for want of a quorum we adjourned till Friday, when Rev. Lewis Thomp- son preached. When again we adjourned till Saturday when I preached preparatory to the communion on the Sabbath, and again we adjourned 'sine die.' In those pioneer days Presby- tery always met on Thursday and remained over Sabbath and united with the church in celebrating the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. On Sunday I preached and assisted the pastor administer the sacrament. It was a precious and comforting season. We afterwards learned why Bros. Geary and Robe failed to get to Presbytery. They had arranged to come to Clatsop Plains by way of an Indian trail over the Coast range of mountains. But Rev. R. Robe's horse became lame and he returned to the river and came by boat. He was too late for Presbytery, but just in time to take the steamer to San Fran- cisco to join the brethren there in constituting the Synod of the Pacific. Had he failed in this there would have been a
96 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
failure in constituting the Synod. Brother Geary, after wan- dering- a few days in the mountains in an unsuccessful attempt to get through, returned to his home. I returned by boat to Portland a town of 400 or 500 inhabitants and we resumed our journey up the Willamette Valley and settled in Benton County, and on the 24th day of September, 1853, organized the First Presbyterian Church of Corvallis, the majority of whom were members of the colony in crossing the plains.
PRESBYTERY MEETS IN PORTLAND.
"My next attempt to meet with the brethren in Presbytery was in Portland, October 1, 1853; and in doing so I traveled on foot sixty miles from Corvallis to Champoeg, thence by boat to Portland, and returned in like manner. This was the first meeting of the Oregon Presbytery since its erection in September, 1851. The members were Rev. Lewis Thompson, Rev. E. R. Geary, Rev. Robert Robe, and Alva Condit, elder from the Clatsop Church. Rev. J. L. Yantis, D. D., and Rev. J. A. Hanna presented their letters and were received and en- rolled. I then reported the organization of the First Presby- terian Church of Corvallis, which was received and enrolled.
"In answer to a request from interested persons in Portland for church services Rev. J. L. Yantis, D. D., was appointed to preach in Portland as often as convenient and to organize a church as soon as the way appeared clear. And he, with the as- sistance of Rev. Geo. F. Whitworth, did organize the First Church of Portland, January 1, 1854. Well do I remember seeing Dr. Yantis plodding through mud and water on his little gray pony on his way to Portland, a distance of eighty miles. It was during this meeting of Presbytery that I became acquainted with Mr. and Mrs. W. P. Abrams. They were charter mem- bers of the church and were very efficient in its life and prog- ress, and yet they remained warm frierids of the Congrega- tional Church though loyal to the Presbyterian Church in all of its interests.
"But I must relate another meeting of Presbytery under difficulties. Presbytery stood adjourned to meet in Oregon
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 97
City, September 28, 1854. Messrs. Thompson, Hanna and Elder Alva Condit were present. Also Rev. Philip Condit, with his letter, seeking membership. Rev. Thompson preached Thursday night in the M. E. Church. There being no quorum we adjourned to Friday. Rev. Hanna preached that night, and still no quorum. We adjourned to meet at the residence of Rev. E. R. Geary at his 'Sherwood' farm in Yamhill County, thirty miles distant. We traveled by steamboat as far as Champoeg and then journeyed afoot ten miles across the country to Dr. Geary's, where we held a delightful session of Presbytery and worshipped on the Sabbath in Lafayette.
"We all labored under great difficulties in meeting our ap- pointments ; had bad roads and no bridges traveled on horse- back through mud and water and swimming swollen streams.
"During the early pioneer years I was immersed twelve times each time having a good horse under me. I will illustrate by giving one instance. It occurred on January 1, 1858, in going to preach at Pleasant Grove, thirty-two miles distant. I Encountered a swollen stream swam over, but failed to make a landing, owing to high banks swam back again and pressed the water from my clothes went up stream two miles crossed and continued my journey twenty-two miles preached that night in my wet clothes also preached twice on Sabbath, returned home on Mo'nday, and, if my memory serves me right my clothes were dry when I reached home. Other ministers had similar trials but we lived through it all. I wish to say for those early pioneer ministers (with the exception of Dr. Yantis) that they all gave their lives to the work on this coast. They lived, labored and died on the field. Brother Robe and myself only live to tell of their good works. They are held in blessed memory. Laid broad and deep the foundations and builded better than they knew."
Note. Messrs. Robe and Hanna have since died.
98 ROBERT -H. BLOSSOM
ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AT PORTLAND, OREGON.
Previous to the organization of the First Presbyterian Church, on January 1, 1854, Presbyterians upon their arrival in Portland found here no church home. The Congregational brethren had preceded them and established a house of worship. The two denominations are not so wide apart in their belief. It is therefore not surprising that Presbyterians affiliated with the Congregational Church in Portland's early days.
We find, however, that Presbyterians assisted in the organ- ization of this First Congregational Church. Hence a word concerning this will be eminently proper. The original records of the Congregational Church are preserved and are now in the archives of the Oregon Historical Society. This book, called (Record No. 1), "Church Record of First Congregational Church, O. T.," is yellow with age. Its leaves are becoming loosened from their binding and they are much worn by the "tooth of time."
It was with a feeling akin to reverence that we turned its pages and gazed upon the record of a work so faithfully per- formed by the pioneer missionaries and preachers by the pioneer fathers and mothers many of whom have gone to their heavenly home.
On folio 1 of this ancient "Record" it is stated, that on Sun- day, June 15, 1851, the organization of the First Congregational Church was effected by choosing Rev. H. Lyman as pastor; and among others, who "manifested by rising, their willingness to become members and form the church" are found the names of Mr. a'nd Mrs. W. P. Abrams and D. K. Abrams. W. P. Abrams was chosen clerk pro tem and the minutes are signed by him. At a meeting of the "male members," Saturday eve- ning, July 5, 1851, W. P. Abrams and N. C. Sturtevant were chosen deacons. These being the first deacons of the First Congregational Church.
And now, in this old "Record" (folios 29 and 30), appear these minutes bearing directly upon the organization of the First Presbyterian Church, viz. :
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 99
Portland, January 1, 1854.
"This being the regular Sabbath for a season of communion, and a preparatory lecture having been given last evening, the ordinance was this morning celebrated according to arrange- ment. The number present was fewer than usual, owing to the absence of some, who were this day dismissed, according to their own request, to aid in forming an Old School Pres- byterian Church today in this city. The members dismissed were Brothers James McKeown, Deacon W. P. Abrams and Mrs. Sarah L. Abrams. It was unanimously voted that they should receive letters, showing their good and regular stand- ing in this church, and also recommending them to the watch and fellowship of any evangelical church with which they may become connected. The season, though saddened by the de- parture and absence of esteemed members, was yet one of much interest.
"H. LYMAN, Pastor." PRESBYTERIANS IN PORTLAND.
A meeting of the Presbytery of Oregon was held October 1, 1853, in the hall at the Canton House, in this city, then a thriv- ing village of 400 or 500 inhabitants. The following members of the Presbytery were present, viz. : Rev. J. L. Yantis, D.D. ; Rev. Ed. R. Geary, D.D. ; Rev. Lewis Thompson, Rev. Robert Robe, Rev. J. A. Hanna and Elder Alva Condit. On Sabbath morning, October 3, 1853, Rev. J. L. Yantis preached in the First Congregational Church, northwest corner of Second and Jefferson streets, and Rev. J. A. Hanna occupied the pulpit of the First Methodist Church, then on Taylor street, between Second and Third streets.
In the afternoon of the same day (October 3, 1853), those interested met at the home of William P. Abrams, northwest corner of First and Jefferson streets, and a petition to the Pres- bytery was prepared asking authority to organize a church. The request was granted and Dr. J. L. Yantis appointed to carry the same into effect. A few weeks later Rev. Geo. F. Whitworth and family arrived in the Territory and Dr. Whit- worth was invited to assist Dr. Yantis in the work.
100 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
FIRST CHURCH ORGANIZED.
Previous to the organization of the church Dr. Whitworth preached for several weeks in the hall of the old Canton House. And in the same building on the morning of January 1, 1854, Dr. Yantis preached from Luke 12:32 ("Fear not little flock"), and in the afternoon of this day a preliminary meeting was held at the residence of W. P. Abrams, First and Jeffer- son streets, and steps were taken to organize the church. Messrs. Wm. P. Abrams and James McKeown were elected elders. The following entry was made by Dr. Whitworth in his diary at the time: "In the afternoon met at Mr. Abrams' and organized church with ten members. At night preached from Heb. 2 :4, after which Dr. Yantis ordained the elders elect/'
The installation of the elders and the organization of the church was completed on Sunday evening, January 1, 1854, in this old historic structure, i. e., the hall of the Canton House. At this meeting there were no other ministers present but Dr. Yantis and Dr. Whitworth.
According to Dr. Whitworth's diary, entries made at the time, he supplied the church until the middle of February, 1854 ; to be specific, he preached every Sabbath in January after the first but one, the 22d, when "he was unable by reaso'n of tooth and face-ache, but preached on the 29th and on the 5th and 12th of February," when on the 13th he left for Puget Sound.
The Canton House, a wooden structure, was owned jointly by William P. Abrams and Captain Stephen Coffin and was situated on the northeast corner of Front and Washington streets. This old building has played a large part in the history of Portland. When originally built it was occupied on the grade floor by two stores, the second story by rooms and offices and in the third was .the hall, in which the meetings just re- ferred to were held. This hall was a large one and was used as an assembly hall for various occasions. The society people of Portland , would have dancing parties and it was here that such functions were held. It was also used by the Sons of
Temperance, and at a later date by Samaritan Lodge, I. O. O. F. 
FRONT STREET, SOUTH FROM STARK, 1852.
Fourth building on the left is the Canton House, Front and Washington Streets, afterwards the American Exchange.
First Presbyterian Church organized in the third story of this building on January 1, 1854, by Rev. J. L. Yantis, D. D., assisted by Rev. Geo. F. Whitworth.
The above picture is a reproduction of a daguerreotype taken by L. H. Wakefield, a pioneer artist of Portland.
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 101
This building had many names. It was first called the Canton House, then Pioneer Hotel," then "Lincoln House," and finally the American Exchange. For many years it was used as a hotel and under its last name (American Exchange) was one of Portland's best resorts. It was moved, some years ago, to the northeast corner of Front and Jefferson streets, where it now stands in a remodeled condition. It is a peculiar coinci- dence that this old structure now covers the identical spot on which Wm. P. Abrams and Stephen Coffin, in the Winter of 1850, constructed and operated the first steam sawmill in the Northwest, i. e., Oregon, Washington and Idaho. ORIGINAL MEMBERS.
Many are curious to know who these first ten members were (all joining by letter). There is no accessible record giving this information, but Mrs. W. P. Abrams and Dr. Whitworth have recalled the names of eight, viz. : Mrs. Sarah H. Thom- son, Mrs. Mary Eliza Whitworth (Dr. Whitworth's wife), Miss Sarah Jane Thomson, Miss Mary Joanna Thomson (now Mrs. Mary J. Beatty), W. P. Abrams, Mrs. W. P. Abrams, James McKeown and Archibald H. Bell. Mrs. Sarah H. Thomson was the mother of Mrs. Whitworth and the Misses Thomson were the granddaughters of Mrs. Sarah H. Thomson. Mr. and Mrs. Abrams were the parents of Mrs. H. A. Hogue (nee Sarah L. Abrams), and grandparents of Harry W. Hogue and Chester J. Hogue, present members of the church.
And did they have a choir for the church in 1854? Yes, indeed ! and excellent music was furnished. The following are known to have assisted in the singing: Dr. J. G. Glenn, John C. Carson, D. R. Carson, Captain W. S. Powell and Mrs. Caro- line E. Corbett. At times the choir was led by D. R. Carson, a brother of John C. Carson. Of these early singers Captain W. S. Powell is the only survivor.
In these early days the Red Mari of the forest was much in evidence. There were several good camping places along the Willamette's bank. On the east side of the river, in the vicinity of Water street, between Washington, Stark and Burnside streets, the bank was low and flat, extending some distance
102 ROBERT H. BLOSSOM
out before the water was reached. Willows and other trees grew on these "flats" and here, in large numbers, the Indians pitched their tents.
Another excellent camping place was at the foot of Jeffer- son street, on the west bank, near Abrams' and Coffin's mill as many as 150 Indians being in camp at one time. Mrs. Abrams says that the Indians were inveterate gamblers and that when she resided on First and Jefferson streets they often kept her awake bights with their incessant noise, which they always made when indulging in their favorite game.
FIRST CHURCH REORGANIZED.
The First Church was reorganized August 4, 1860.
The first pastor was Rev. P. S. Caffrey.
The first members received (all by letter) at this organiza- tion were: S. M. Hensill, Israel Mitchell, Mrs. Mary Robert- son, Mrs. Margaret Smith, Mrs. Eliza Ainsworth, Mrs. M. Jane Hensill, Mrs. Frances Sophia Law, Mrs. Sarah J. Mead, Miss Leonora Blossom, James McKeown, Mrs. Elizabeth L. Blossom, A. H. Bell, Mrs. Jerusha Hedges, Mrs. Caroline Couch, Mrs. C. A. Ladd, Mrs. Polona Clark and Mrs. Agnes Grooms a total charter membership of seventeen.
The first elders of the reorganized church were : James Mc- Keown, Israel Mitchell and Smith M. Hensill.
The first deacon of the church was A. H. Bell.
The first board of trustees were: W. S. Ladd, J. C. Ains- worth, H. A. Hogue, J. M. Blossom and B. F. Smith.
Some of the first singers were : Mrs. J. W. J. Pearson, Mrs. W. B. Mead, Miss Frances Holman, Miss A. Chamberlain (now Mrs. E. G. Randall), J. B. Wyatt, Capt. H. L. Hoyt, W. B. Mead, and 'P. C. Schuyler.
All of the friends whom the writer interviewed and corre- sponded with have since died.
As we bring this sketch to a close, we are reminded that the pioneer preachers and the pioneer church members are passing away. Their work was a noble one and their life, as many of us know, was one of sublime patie'nce and courage.
FIRST PRESBYTERIANISM ON PACIFIC COAST 103
Should we forget these early Oregon Presbyterian Church fathers? Whitman, the medical missionary and martyr, and his wife, Narcissa Whitman, the only woman martyr ; Spalding, the zealous worker; Gray, the secular manager and assistant missionary, author of Oregon's first history, and one of the leading organizers of Oregon's Provisional Government in
1843.
We cannot refrain from again naming Jason Lee, the great
Methodist missionary, a man whose early activities in behalf of Oregon should never be forgotten. There are others whose names appear on the roll of honor, known in our day as "Fath- ers of Oregon," all enshrined in the hearts of liberty-loving and law-abiding people.
We shall never forget the dramatic story of the heroes and heroines in the planting of the cross and the establishment of civil government in Old Oregon !
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON
EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION BY T. C. ELLIOTT.
The first part of this journal was published in No. 1, Vol. 15, of this Quarterly and the introduction there given should be read in connection with this part.
The reader will feel disappointment because nothing of im- portance is revealed by Mr. Thompson as to the physical or commercial conditions existing at Astoria three months after the landing of the officers and men of the Pacific Fur Com- pany from the Tonquin in April, 1811, and the beginning of the erection of the trading post. In explanation it may be remarked that Mr. Thompson was a guest of rival fur traders and felt restrained by courtesy from making such a record; also that in all of his journals he is very reticent as to the personnel or movements of rivals or associates. However, in later years, about 1847-8, he wrote a narrative of this journey down the Columbia in which he stated that Astoria upon his arrival there consisted of "four low log huts," as well as considerable other information of a general character. This narrative or autobiography is mentioned by Dr. Elliott Coues in the Editor's Preface to the Henry-Thompson Journals (Francis P. Harper, 1897) and is at the present time in process of publication by The Champlain Society of Canada under the able editorship of Mr. J. B. Tyrrell, of Toronto.
The reader will find it of interest to read in connection with this text the references by Franchere, Ross, Irving and Ross Cox to Mr. Thompson's visit at Astoria; also Mr. Ross' ac- count of the journey up the Columbia in company with Mr. Thompson. The comparison will throw some light upon Mr. Ross' literary method and accuracy of statement.
Mention is again made of Mr. Thompson's peculiar use of the word "gone" when stating that he had passed a certain object or place. He also often uses the parenthetical marks to designate the right or left side of the river or road. His courses are all in terms of the magnetic needle, and while his
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 105
distances are often quite inexplicable the platting of the courses usually gives a very close idea of the meanderings of the stream during the day's travel.
Since editing the first part of this journal the writer has been privileged to examine the original journals at Toronto, and his feeling of satisfaction with the general correctness of this copy is only equalled by his charity for the copyist and understanding of a few apparent contradictions in the text.
See further note at close of the journal.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON
(As COPIED FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE ARCHIVES OF ONTARIO, CANADA.)
July 16th (1811), Tuesday. 34 A fine day. Observed for Lat'de, Long, and Time. Lat. 46 13' 56" Long. 123 48 & J4' W. ^
July 17th, Wednesday. A very fine day, if we except an ap- pearance of rain with a few drops of do., a steady gale from the sea as usual.
July 18th, Thursday. 35 A very hot calm day. I went across to the Indian Village with Mr. Stuart and my men. After visiting the Houses, we went up a green hill where we grat- ified ourselves with an extension (ve) view of the Oceon and the Coast South'd. From hence I set the Lands of Cape Dis- appointme'nt S. 80 W. 4 m., Pt. Adams S. 25 W. 1-J4 m. or
2 m., Co. or Obs. Pt. 36 S. 5 E. 10 or 12 m., a bay 37 of l-j m. deep to the east'd which is almost met by a cut 37 of fresh water and inundated marshes etc., the cut of water bears S. 17 E.
3 m. A Flat 38 at Pt. Adams about y^ m. distant bears toward Cape Disappointment, from that Pt. the Flat about 300 yards long. Lewis 39 is River opposite Pt. George 39 , bears S. 30 E. running from the S. W., Bay above M. M. the Pt. and Bay.
34 Astoria is now charted as in Lat. 46 n' 20" and Long. 123 50' W.
35 Today Mr. Thompson crosses the Columbia river to the Chinook Indian village about i mile east of the present McGowan's Station, where Chief Com- comly resided. He then climbs upon the "green hill," later charted as Scar- borough Head, upon which the fortifications of Fort Columbia have since been built; and then returns to "the House," i. e., Fort Astoria.
36 Tillamook Head, which was the "Clark's Point of View" of Lewis and Clark.
37 Young's Bay and Skeppernawin (Skipanon) creek with marshes adjoining.
38 Clatsop Spit.
39 Lewis and Clark river and Smith Point.
106 T. C. ELLIOTT
From the House set Cape Disappointment, bears N. 78 W. 7 m. ; the Point 40 above from whence I set the above Courses N. 62 W. Zy 2 m., the nearest land across 40 bears N. W. 2^ m. and then forms a Bay. 40 The little Pt. 41 close to the House lies nearly on the same line with the Cape Disappointment, dis- tant 1-5 m.
July 19th, Friday. A fine hot day. Obs'd for Lat. by 2 Alt.
July 20th and 21st, Saturday and Sunday. Fine weather.
July 22nd, Monday. 42 A fine day. Arranged for setting off for the Interior in company with Mr. David Stuart and 8 of his men in 3 canoes. I pray Kind Providence to send us a good journey to my family and friends. At 1-24 P. M. set off in company with Mr. David Stuart and 8 of his men. They are to build a Factory somewhere below the Falls of the Columbia, at the Lower Tribe of the Shawpatih Nation, Course from the House to Tongue Pt. N. 35 E. 2 m. + l / 4 , a sail wind and very high waves. Course not very certain (N. 58 E., S. 80 E. distant Pt). Course S. 10 E. % m, S. 2 W. 1-3, S. 55 W. 1-5. We stopped at the Isthmus for Mr. Stuart's canoes who carried all their goods &c. here. The course from Tongue Pt. to the Great Pt. 43 on the right is N. 58 E. 6 m. but having gone into the bay the Co. from end of S. 55 W. 1-5 m. Co. is N. 84 E. 3 m., sailing we ran about 3 m. and then turned N. 48 E. to the Great Pt. Say Co. N. E. 2 m. + 1 m. + 2 m. N. 20 E. iy 4 m. N. 77 E. % m. + y m. At 6.40 P. M. put up m a very awkward place for the night. 2 Indians came to us, we sent them for Salmon, of which they brought us a little.
40 Scarborough Head, and Point Ellice, and Grays Bay.
41 Shark's Point, where the Parker Hotel stands in the City of Astoria.
42 Read in this connection Alex. Ross' account in "Oregon Settlers," pp. 103, et seq. Mr. Thompson sails around and beyond Tongue Point, but is compelled to turn back to the isthmus to wait for the Stuart party; they then proceed together along the south side of the river as far as Cathlamet Point, near where they camp for the night.
43 Cathlamet Head or Point, which is not to be confused with the town of Cathlamet on north side of the river.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 107
July 23, Tuesday. 44 A fine cloudy morning. At 4.21 A. M. set off, Co. N. 75 E. y 2 m. End of Co. 7 Hos. on the I. 45 N. 80 E. 1-3 m. S. 80 E. y 2 m. The Nation on Pt. Adams is named the Klats up or Klats ap ; the other on the north side the Chinook. Co. S. 70 E. 1 m. plus y m. S. 68 E. y 2 m. S. 72 E. 14 m. S. 65 E. 1-6 m. S. 42 E. 1 m. S. 80 E. 1-6 m. At 7 A. M. put ashore to boil meat and at 8.40 A. M. set off, Co. S. 70 E. y 2 m. [78 E.]. Saw the place 46 where I obs'd and camped going to the Sea, then Co. S. 70 E. 1ft, S. 80 E. 2-3, N. 78 E. y 2 m. N. 73 E. 1 m. From beginning of course the white conical mountain bears N. 70 E., No. 1, N. 72 E. 1 m. N. 58 E. 2^ m. End of course, an opening on the I. 47 bears S. 65 E., from which a river comes, perhaps the one passed a few miles below. Co. N. 58 E. y 4 m. N. 18 E. 2y^ m. N. 26 E. y 2 m. N. 30 E. ft plus 1-6, N. E. 1-5, N. 55 E. 1-6, passed 2 houses. Co. to Pt. of Island 48 N. 60 E. y 2 m. We go on the outer side of the Island to avoid the large village of about 20 Houses. Co. N. 75 E. y 4 m. N. 88 E. 1 m. plus 1 m, S. 85 E. 3/ 4 , E. iy 2 m. S. 72 E. ft, S. 65 E. ft, S. 57 E. y 2 m. S. E. 1-3 m. S. 35 E. ft. At 7 P. M. at the end of a line of steep Rocks, on a very steep shore, we put up, with difficulty we could place the Goods, and all slept as I may say standing, as all the lower lands are overflowed and no camp- ment can be found.
July 24th, Wednesday. 49 A cloudy musketoe morning. The white mount'n 50 bears about N. 65 E. Our course is N. 88 E. 1 m. at 4^ A. M., E. \y 2 plus ^ m. S. 80 E. 2-3 plus ft m.
44 Continuing along the south bank Mr. Thompson stops for breakfast near Clifton, Oregon, sights Mt. St. Helens just as they round the upper end of Puget's Island, avoids Indians on Grim's Island, and camps at night on the rocky bank about 8 miles below Rainier, Oregon. By error Mr. Ross' account places the first night's camp here.
45 Tenas-Illihee Island.
46 Note 32 placed this camping place on the north side of the river. Further study shows it to have been on the south side, above Clifton.
47 Upper end of Wallace's Island and the channel south of it.
48 Meaning Grim's Island; right along here was Oak Point where the Winships began to build a trading post in 1810.
49 The parties cross the river and follow the north side as far as Deer Island and then recross to the Oregon side. After passing Willamette Slough and War- rior Point the wind forced them to cross over the inundated lands on Wapato or Sauvie's Island to the slough for a camping place. The well known Indian camp of Chief Casinov is near.
50 Mt. St. Helens.
108 T..C. ELLIOTT
plus iy 2 m. At 6^4 A. M. put ashore to gum and boil salmon. At 8^4 A. M. set off Co. S. 80 E. y 2 m., S. 75 E. %, S. 60 E. 1-6, S. 50 E. y 2 , S. E. y 2 , S. 50 E. 1 m., S. 10 E. 1-6, S. 36 E. y 2 m. (3 m. on the Co.) S. 30 E. 1-6, S. 40 E. y 2 . At end of this Co. we crossed S. 20 E. J4, but on straight Co. to the I. Pt. is S. 48 E. 3^ m. which we take. S. 40 E. 1-6, S. 25 E. 2y 2 plus 1 m. At end of this mile a gap on the ( which seems to send out a large Brook. 51 A Mount 52 bears S. 86 E. plus 1^4 m. At e'nd of Co. set the first conical Mountain N. 42 E., another N. 56 E., the third S. 84 E. Perhaps the distances are too long here, as the sail is up and I go by the watch, plus y 2 m., S. 25 E. 1 m., S. 40 E. 1# m. .Passed in the woods 60 yds. & Co. West J4 m. to the Wilarbet River, 53 as it blows too hard, then Co. S. 15 W. j m. as ( ?) which is best ; take the Co. from entrance of the River, which we see S. 8 W. \y 2 m. and lessen the S. 40 E. iy 2 m. Co. + # m. At end of the Co. put up at 6% P. M. A few Indians came to us, their village is about 1 m. below and is seemingly a fine place, say 12 houses. Obsd. for Lat., Merid., Altde. of Saturn 44 42^' Lat. 45 49' 38" N.
July 25th, Thursday. 54 A cloudy morning. At 5.7 A. M. set off up the Wilarbet River. Co. S. 7 W. % m. S. Jg, S. 5 E. y s , S. 15 E. 1-6, S. 30 E. 1-6, S. 40 E. 1-6, S. 52 E. 1-6, S. 65 E. 1-5, E. \y 2 m., S. 85 E. 1-6, S. 60 E. #, S. 46 E. #, S. 20 E. y 8 , S. 5 E. J4, S. y 2 plus 1-6. All along the river on both sides the country is inundated. S. 5 W. */ 2 m., S. 10 E. 1-3. At end of Co. the River continuing to come from the Island at S. SW'd we returned the last Co. to paddle across the inundated lands for the Columbia, S. 70 E. >, N. E. 1-6, N. #, S. E. y s , S. 35 E. 2-3, when we carried about 60 yds. into the Columbia River again. Co. in it 28 E. 1 m. which
51 Martin's Slough, on Washington side.
52 Mt. Hood. The next mountains seen are St. Helens, Adams and Hood in the order named.
53 Willamette Slough.
54 The parties follow the meanderings of the Willamette Slough for some distance and then turn into Sturgeon Lake on Wapato Island and from the lake portage cross into the Columbia again somewhere below Reeder's Landing; their camp at evening is at present town of Washougal. The Willamette river is not noted at all, but Mt. Adams is sighted from near its mouth.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 109
may also be the Co. downwards for y m. Co. 1 m., in this Co. put ashore at 10 Houses, this is the place we traded Salmon and afterwards boiled do. as we went to the Sea. S. 27 E. y m., y m. gone to 5 Houses, boiled Salmon and dried a few things of Mr. Stuart's. S. 28 E. 1 m., Co. S. 5 E. y* m. Be- ginning of Course set the Mountain 54 No. 2 N. 24 E. 25m. S. 30 E. 1 m., we crossed the river in this Course and cannot as yet perceive any Channel going to the Wilarbet River, but the ground is all overflowed. On looking back we see part of this side an Island 55 as drawn at M. M. where we left this River yesterday even. A bold channel in the Island on the Co. appears about y> m. above where we turned to the Wilarbet River. I did not draw it. Co. S. 10 E. y 2 m., S. 30 E. ^ m. Passed 8 canoes seining of Salmon, of which they killed 10 at a haul. Their seine is about 30 fm. long, exclusive of 10 fm of cord at each end, but they are as inhospitable as most of the others of this Nation, not a Salmon to be got from them, although they have ple'nty. S. 40 E. 1 m., S. E. 1-6, S. 70 E. 1-6, S. 80 E.iy 2 m. plus y 2 m, S. 72 E. 1 m., S. 80 E. 24, middle of Course turned N. E. y> m. to a good campment at 7 P. M., fine meadow land below Pt. Vancouver. Michel went a hunting and wounded a chevreil, of which the Tracks are plenty here. We traded much split salmon at a very dear rate for Rings, Bells, Buttons and Tobacco. A large snowy mountain 56 bears S. 88 E. 40 m. distant from campment. Measured the Chevruil. Observed Merid. Altd. of Saturn. (Observations omitted.)
July 26th, Friday. 57 A fine cloudy morning. Michel killed a good fleshy Chevruil, but not fat. Dimensions as follows: Length 5.5 In plus 14 inches for the tail, height of the fore leg 3.3 & */ 2 , hind do. 3.6, just (girt) at the breast 3 ft. 4 In., a fawn color, throat, breast and belly white, legs a fawn colour ;
55 Perhaps Bachelor's Island and Slough.
56 Ml. Hood.
57 Starting late the party enter just above Washougal a natural slough which in high water becomes a lake, but portage back into the river and then pass around Pt. Vancouver; the camp is on the north bank below Cape Horn, a very short day's journey, which is explained in Mr. Ross' account. Mt. Hood is very accurately placed from two separate locations.
110 T..C. ELLIOTT
upper part of the tail fawn, lower part white but not such fine long hair on the tail as the Upper Country Chevruil. Length of the horns 19 inches, 3 branches and 8 inches between tip and tip. Made 2 oars and arranged a canoe of Mr. Stuart's. At 7.55 set off, Co. 88 E. 1 m. Fine Meadow land. At end of course found ourselves shut in and obliged to carry about 40 yds to the River, plus l / 4 m., S. 86 E. 1 m. plus y 2 m., S. 86 E. 2 m., beginning of Course the Snow Mount right ahead. S. 85 E. 1 m. plus y-2 m., S. 88 E. 1 m. plus 1^ m., 58 N. 86 E. y 2 m., N. 60 E. y 2 m., N. 50 E. J4 m., N. 68 E. 1-6, E. l l / 2 m., N. 80 E. 1 m, plus 1 m., plus y$ m., plus 1-6. At end of Course. Put up at 5^ P. M. On the left a few oaks and much of it all day, but only in a thin ledge. Course for the morrow S. 86 E. 3 m. Traded a few berries. Our salmon is almost all spoilt. The Mountain bears S. 81 E. 20 m. (Observations omitted.)
July 27th, Saturday. 60 A fine but foggy morning. At 5.47 a. m. Set off, Co. S. 86 E. 3 m. plus y 2 m., N. 73 E. 1 m., from y 4 m - of Co. on the opposite side of the river about y\ m. below us there is a remarkable isolated rock 61 like a Wind- mill of about 90 feet height ; a little above, about 300 yds., a rock covered with sod resembling a House of one story with a door in the middle. 61 From this place our campment bears of going to the Sea 82 E. 1 m., Course N. 73 E. y 2 m., N. 50 E. y 2 m., N. 48 E. 2^ m. Course N. 48 E. \y 2 m. Op- posite end of course a brook 62 falls about 120 feet. Course N. 55 E. 2y 2 m. (This last Course from end of Course on looking back appears S. 55 W. 2y 2 m.) Co. plus y 2 m., Co. N. 35 E. y 4 m. Beginning of Course a brook 63 falls 40 feet; on the island at erid of Course put ashore at the same place
58 Point Vancouver at end of this course.
60 They travel today against a very strong current only about 18 miles and Mr. Thompson camps below Garrison Rapids at Bonneville on the Oregon side. Mr. Ross' account does not coincide with Mr. Thompson's entries. It is impossible to identify the islands noted because at extreme high water, then prevailing, parts of the main land became islands.
61 Rooster Rock and two of the Pillars of Hercules. When viewed under similar conditions these appear very true to the description today.
62 Multnomah Falls, actually about 620 feet high; probably Mr. Thompson's sail and the growth of timber obstructed his view.
63 Oneonta, also called Horsetail Falls.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 111
where we boiled Salmon going- down. At 1.20 P. M. set off, having cooked Salmon etc. and arranged our Arms. Course N. 46 E. 1 m., Co. plus N. 46 E. 1-3 m., N. E. y^ t N. 5 W. Y%, for these Courses cannot see anything, but they are put down to bring up a Chart of the Isles. Co. N. 45 E. 1-6, N. 55 E. ^4. I must here give over as I cannot see for the sail. At the mouth of the little Channel took in sail and I took the Courses, but from whence I left off to this place may be about N. E. 24 or so with an Island, on ). Co. N. E. 1-3 m., N. 30 E. 14, N. 25 E. %, N. 10 E. y 2 , R., N. 60 E. 1-3, N. 18 E. y 2 . At end of Course put up at Sy 2 P. M. as we are close to the Great Rapid 64 and the houses, pray Good Providence send me well up it. A canoe with a blind good old Chief came to us and smoked, also 2 canoes that passed and went to the Village. We requested them to bring us some Salmon, which they promised, but not coming at all made us suspect some treachery and I had the canoes loaded, ready for any occasion.
July 28th, Sunday. 65 A fine blowy morning. At 5.5 A. M. set off. Co. S. 55 E. y 4 m. R. plus >4 m. R. Here we met 4 men with 7 Salmon, we put ashore and boiled do. They, as well as the others, enquired about the Smallpox, of which a report had been raised, that it was coming with the white me'n and that also 2 men of enormous size to overturn the Ground etc. ; we assured them the whole was false, at which they were highly pleased, but had not Kootanaes 66 been under our immediate care, she would have been killed for the lies she told on her way to the Sea. At 7^4 A - M - se t off, Co. N. 78 E. y 2 m. S. C. 67 We kept on by the line and paddle, sev-
64 The Cascades.
65 The day is spent in lining up as far as the portage (which began just below Sheridan's Point) and carrying their goods and canoe around the Cascades, a distance of 1450 yards according to Mr. Ross. Both portage and camp at night are on the Washington side. For excellent map of the Cascades and this portage consult Capt. Clark's sketch map opposite page 172, Vol. 3 of L. & C. Journals, Dodd-Mead, 1905 edition.
66 These are the two female Indians disguised as men who had appeared at Astoria bearing a letter from Finan McDonald to Mr. Stuart and described by Franchere, Irving and Mr. Ross. Mr. Thompson makes no other mention of them in these notes, but in his "narrative" of later date he describes them at length, and one as of loose character who took on the guise of a sorceress.
67 Garrison Rapids.
112 T. C ELLIOTT
eral bad places. One of the wood canoes nearly filled. The Indians assisting with good will. Co. to the portage N. 70 E. 1 m. by 9:50 A. M. Here we waited Mr. Stuart's Canoes till noon and then set off, Mr. Stuart employing a number of Indians to aid in carrying the Goods, Canoes etc. We carried 20' and then put down, when all was got forward to this place we set off again and carried about 400 yards farther. The Co. may be N. 1 m. By 2% P. M., when Mr. Stuart was to pay the Indians, they could not be known who had carried from those who had 'not, and much Tobacco was given, yet the Indians were highly discontented ; they all appeared with their 2 pointed Dags, and surrounded us on the land side, their appearance very menacing; Mr. Stuart set off with a few to get his Canoes brought, which they refused to do till better paid. When gone, I spoke to the Chiefs of the hard usage they gave Mr. Stuart and reasoning with them, they sent off all the young men. We loaded and went up 3 strong points with the Line and paddle. Co. N. 52 W. y^ m. and put up close to end of Co. Here we went back and brought up Mr. Stuart's canoes, and, Thank Heaven, put up all together though late. These people are a mixture of kindness and treachery. They render any service required, but demand high payment, and ready to enforce their demands, Dag in hand. They steal all they can lay their hands on, and from every appearance only our number and Arms prevented them from cutting us all off. This was their plan as we were afterwards informed, though not agreed to by all, and they perhaps only wait a better opportunity.
July 29th, Monday. 68 A fine morning. Went and fetched a light canoe of Mr. Stuart's and at 6.5 A. M. set off. Co. 80 W. 1-3 m., N. W. 1-6, N. #, N. 42 E. 1-5, N. 15 E. 1-7 ( ?), N. E. 1-5, N. 1-3, S. 35 E. #, N. 35 E. %, N. 42 E. 1 m., N. 25 E. 1-3, N. E. y 2 . % m. short of Course crossed the River, as the appearance of 2 canoes that followed us was hostile, with their always shouting to show where we were,
68 They proceed today about 24 miles, crossing the river twice, to a camp at evening near the mouth of the Little White ^Salmon on north side. The Point of Pine is probably just below the mouth of Wind river.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 113
which was answered by a number on shore. As the land was inundated they could not approach us, but we were drawing near a Pt. of Pine where the land was dry and good for an ambush. We accordingly crossed North ^4 m - an d put ashore to boil salmon etc. at 10.40 A. M. From hence the E. pt of the Rapid bears S. 22 W., and the place where we slept S. 26 W. 3^ m. Co. at iy 2 P. M. N. 70 E. 1-6, N. 62 E. #, N. 58 E. 1-5, N. 78 E. 2*/ 2 m., S. 82 E. 1 m. Plus 1 m., N. 86 E. y 4 , N. 78 E. 1 m. plus y 4 m., N. 62 E. 1 m. plus 1% m., plus iy 2 m. or to the other side Co. N. 67 E. A little of Co. gone put up at 6y 2 P. M., late 4 Indians in a canoe came and camped with us, they are going to buy horses.
July 30, Tuesday. 69 A fine morning, head wind. At 5^ A. M. set off, Co. N. 67 E. 3 m., N. 70 E. 1 m. End of Co. at 8.5 A. M. put ashore and boiled Salmon. Plenty of Oak but like all we have seen, stunted. Set off and crossed the River N. 3 W. 1 m. to a brook 70 at 10*4 A. M. where we smoked with a few Chawpatins. We sight a Mountain 71 at the head of the Brook, Narmeneet, and from the mouth of this Brook set a Mountain, 72 bears S. 3 W. 30 m. At 10.40 A. M. set off, Co. S. 72 E. iy 2 plus y 2 m. S. 82 E. y 2 , N. 85 E. 1 m. plus 1.4 m., N. 84 E. 1 m., N 70 E. Ij4 m., N. 72 E. 5-6. At middle of Course camped at 6% P. M. to split out oars, paddles etc. etc. but found the wood bad etc.
July 31st, Wednesday. 73 At 5.2 A. M. set off, ended Course, then Co. N. 72 E. 1% m. Beg. of Course steep fluted Rocks like Pillars with quite perpend. Strata, some Pillars are loos- ened and broke and stand like stumps, 74 no horizontal strata. The rock is of a grey black. Co. S. 86 E. 1% m., East 1*4 m.
69 Another day of slow progress. The camp at night seems to have been on Eighteen-Mile Island, near the Oregon side and below Memaloose Isle.
70 White Salmon river.
71 Mt. Adams.
72 Mt. Hood.
73 Mr. Thompson now leaves the Stuart party and travels rapidly. The Dalles portage is on the Oregon side from Big Eddy to upper end of Ten-Mile Rapid. The camp at evening is at upper end of this portage. Mr. Stuart personally accompanies the party to inspect the portage but returns; and the two Kootenaes remain with his people.
74 Just below Memaloose Island and on the Washington bank many of these stone stumps were blasted away in the construction of the North Bank railroad, but some remain.
114 T. C. ELLIOTT
S. C. N. 85 E. 2-3 m. All these Courses are high steep perpend. Rocks. S. 85 E. 1 m. These Courses are well taken but the distances are not quite so, as the Ground is on fire and very smoky. S. 75 E. % m., S. 72 E. 1 m. At 7.25 A. M. at beginning of Co. where we gummed going to the Sea. S. 43 E. 1J4 m., S. 24 E. y 2 m. at end of Course at 8^ A. M. to the Portage Road, 75 the Course continues 1^ m. I sent our interpreter Indian for Horses, he brought them, with salmon, we boiled do., and set off at iy 2 P. M. By 3)4 P. M. got all across, we walked smartly, the distance is full 4*/ 2 m. Here we had scarcely set down the things etc. than word was brought that one of the Chiefs was gathering his Band to seize all our Arms from us. This brought on some sharp words, which, thank Providence, ended well for us. I asked for Salmon which they brought to 13, major part for Mr. Stuart. We passed a very bad night with a storm of wind, drifting sand and rogues walking about us all night to steal, they cut our line, though fastened to the Ponies, and got off with about 2y 2 fm of do.
Aug. 1st, Thursday. 76 A fine morning. Had a little trouble to get our Indian Interpreter to come with us. At 5 A. M. set off, Co. N. 18 E. 1% m, N. 58 E. 1 m. Passed an Isle 77 with Houses for the Dead. S. 75 E. 1-3 to a Village of about 15 meh. Smoked with them. Co. S. 76 E. \y 2 m. part line. S. 88 E. 2 m., S. C. to a Village of 20 men. Boiled Salmon. N. 72 E. 2 T / 2 m. y 2 m., gone a strong Rapid, the line and handed, on to the Indians. The name of the great River 78 in the great Bay, or possibly the great Isle, is Ween vow we. Near end of Course stopped 1 hour with about 120 men, then finished Course S. C. Co. N. 78 E. 2-3 m., N. 68 E. 1-6, N. 55 E. 1-5, N. 48 E. 5-6. The Rocks here ( ?) to have still the same perpend. Pillar-like strata, but many much
75 Big Eddy.
76 Mr. Thompson ascends the Celilo Rapids, then inundated, at best advan- tage, on the north side and follows that side of the river until he crossed to a camping place between Rufus and Grants on the Oregon side. No attempt is made to designate the numerous rapids along the upper river.
77 Miller's Island above Celilo.
78 The Deschutes river.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 115
cracked horizontally. N. 85 E. 1-3. At end of Course carried about 10 yds., then Co. N. 67 E. 1 m. to a Village of 15 men, here we smoked with them, then Co. N. 58 E. 1^ S. C. Co. + 1*4 m. always steep rocky banks. N. 56 E. 1-5 m., N. 54 E. lJ/ m. plus "fa m. Water has fallen about 10 feet perpend, since we passed. Co. N. 55 E. 1 m. + /4 m - Note this Co. is almost rubbed out and is perhaps N. 55 E. 45 E. to the camp of the Malada. Stopped ^4 hours, then Co. N. 53 E. 1^2 m., N. 62 E. 2-3 when we crossed S. 15 E. ^ m. and in aft. put up at 6% P. M. A Gale ( ?), the sand drifting, little wood, but very quiet (?) Where we crossed the Current, though moderate on the North side, was very strong in the Middle, with shoal rocks and swift on the shore we are. All the land very sandy, without any mixture of earth, and the woods so scarce that all the bits we could gather was barely sufficient to boil a salmon. Everything is full of sand.
August 2nd, Friday. 79 A fine blowy morning, at 5 :05 A. M. set off after having gummed. Course N. 25 E. 1 1-6 m. S. C. Muscle Rapid. Very many of those shells. At end of Co. a Ho. of six men etc. on an island close below about 50 men in a small village, opposite above about 20 men in a small village. We lined up end of Co., then N. 30 E. l^J m., y 2 m. of Course gone opposite where we camped going to the sea, and a river of 80 yards wide on this side named Forks Pass. 80 Course N. 55 E. y* m., S. R. N. 65 E. 1 m., S. R. lined up, measured a salmon of 4 feet 4 inches long and 2.4 inches circumference. He is a fine large fish, rather above the com- mon size. Still along the steep rocky strata with rocky grassy hills rising above and going off in vast plains, though very unequal the first strata may be 100 feet high of the different rocks, the other about 800 feet. Boiled fish. We then set off, two men crossed among the rocky rapids, which is always been since morning of the middle of channel. They seemed hurt that we did not stop at their villages and give them the
79 Mr. Thompson travels about 25 miles today, passing many rapids and small islands, to a camping place near or opposite to Blalock Station, Oregon. He seems to have crossed to the north side again.
80 John Day rivr.
116 T. Cr ELLIOTT
news of our voyage, of which they are all very fond. Course rubbed out, N. 85 E. distant y 2 m. plus 1^4 m., East 1-6 m., S. 88 E. y 2 m., Course rubbed out. N. 40 E. 2-3 m., S. 52 E. 2 m., S. 56 E. y 2 m. Smoked at a village of 20 men and then held in Course S. 56 E. \y 2 m. Course S. 65 E. \y 2 m. End of course a river 81 of about 60 yards named Now-wow-ee. Course N. 82 E. y 2 m. Passed five Hos. on an Island etc. Course N. 75 E. y 2 m. drawn to the south'd instead of the
north'd \- % m. plus 1 m., N. 70 E. y 2 m. End of course,
Village of thirty men, from \y 2 P. M. to 3^ P. M. Course N 65 E. 2y 2 m. No naked women in this last dance, they were tolerably clothed. To a village of fifteen men, stayed about an hour. Course plus 1 m, plus 1 m, plus ^4 m - Course N. 70 E. 1*4 m. End of Course put up at 6:40 P. M. with about 12 horsemen in company, average number of their winter hab- itation. Observation for latitude and time, Latitude by ac- count 45 42' 52" N.
It may be remarked here that all the observations made going to the sea was with a com. watch that we'nt very badly losing time. On my return also with a com. watch that went tolerably well. The wind always blowing a gale.
August 3rd, Saturday. 82 A fine morning. At 4-24 A. M. set off. Course as yesterday, N. 65 E. 1 m., N. 70 E. 1>< m., N. 76 E. 1 m. plus 1 m, N. 50 E. 1-6 m, N. 32 E 1 m., N. 18 E. 2 m., N. 64 E. 1 m, (+ ) y 2 m A village of about 100 men at 7 :20 A. M. At 9 :27 A. M. embarked, Course plus 1 m., plus 2 m., plus ^ m., N. 50 E. 1*4 m. Put ashore one hour to gum. Course at 11:45 A. M. N. 55 E. y 2 m., N. 50 E. 1-3 plus 2 m. Before this last course the last 4 m. only a line of rock with large pts. etc. 83 The hills have retired especially on the south side. The last 2 miles low meadow banks and shores bold in places but retiring. 4 m - of the 2 m. gone a river opposite named A-hoaks-pa. 84 Course + 1 m.,
8 1 Probably a stream on north side called Rock Creek near railroad station named Fountain.
82 Mr. Thompson travels nearly forty miles today and his camp at evening is probably near Coyote station in Oregon.
83 Above Arlington, Oregon.
84 Willow creek in Oregon.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 117
+ 1 m., N. 80 E. 1 m., N. 75 E. 1-3 m., N. 62 E. y* m., N. 63 E. iy 2 m., + 1 m., N. E. 1% m., N. 70 E. iy 2 m., to a village of 12 men, stopped forty minutes. Course + 1 m., to our old campment going- down. Course plus 1 m., N. 65 E. 1-3 m., N. 55 E. J4 m., (something rubbed out here), N. E. 2-3 m., N. 50 E. y 2 m., N. 40 E. 1-5 m., N. 30 E. y 2 m., plus 1-6 m. Course N. 28 E. 2-3 m., N. 27 E. 1 m. At end of course camped at 7^ P. M. Strong sail wind in the evening. Many Indians in company with the last villages and gave us a dance.
August 4th, Sunday. 85 . A fine morning, gummed. At 5.5 A. M. set off, Course N. 23 E. 1 m., N. 42 E. 1 m. plus 1 m., North 58 E. 1 m. Here I end the Course for the present as it blows very hard, and I cannot see on account of the sail. We turned alo'ng the land about S. 70 E. 1 m., an island near on the ) shore, then along the point, about S. 80 E. 2 m., east say 1 m. ; here the wind became more fair and I again took the course N. 82 E. 2-3 m., N. 56 E. 2 m., N. 75 E. l}/ 4 m., N. 70 E. 1-5 m., N. 68 E. y 2 m, N. 60 E. 2-3 m., N. 50 E. 2-3 m., plus 1-3, N. 68 E. 1 m., beginning of Course at house of 5 men. End of course a rapid, lined up 200 yards, steep rocks and many rattle-snakes. Course N. 80 E. 2^ m. The la'nds now heightened especially on the ( , level on the ) . End of course strong rapids, lined up 200 yards, then N. 60 E. 2y-2 m. From end of this course the point of Rattlesnake Rock bears S. 55 W. 4*4 m. distant, at middle of course the line fairly clears the point on the ) side and this ought to be the real course, the others are not correct as the two courses ought to form a deep, regular bay. Course S. 85 E. y& m , N. 80 E. 1 m., N. 75 E. j m., N. 72 E. 1 m. Beginning of course a rapid and a remarkable table rock 86 isolated on the ), also a village of 30 men on the island, 87 smoked with
85 About 35 miles' travel today including Devil's Bend Rapids and Umatilla Rapids, alongside which were found the same rattlesnakes that had troubled Lewis and Clark in 1806. No mention made of Umatilla river. The camp at evening is on north side opposite Juniper Canyon.
86 A well known landmark known as Mill Rock or Hat Rock. Consult map and journal of Lewis and Clark for mention of this same rock.
87 Probably Switzler's Island.
118 T. C. ELLIOTT
a few who crossed to us, plus J^ m. Course N. 65 E. 1-5 m., N. 60 E. 2-3 m., plus 1 m., N. 52 E. 2 m. At 6:40 P. M. put up near end of course. At \ l / 2 M. gone Observation for longitude and time. Latitude by account 45 54^4' N.
August 5th, Monday. 88 . A fine morning, again gummed. At 5:15 A. M. set off. All our gum quite expended and 'no woods whatever so that we must go without that most neces- sary article and our canoe is very leaky. Finished course, then + 1 m., N. 43 E. 1-3 m., N. 42 E. y 2 m., N. 30 E. # m., N. 33 E. 1-3 m., N. 28 E. 2^4 m., beginning of course boiled salmon and shaved. Course N. 42 E. 1 m. We now see no agate along shore as below. These lands are wholly com- posed of strata of rock from 10 to 30 feet thick, and there are the upper strata of about 20 feet of pillar like rock, this is often like the flutes of an organ at a distance, its strata seems perpendicular and is often split in pieces. The pillars are split also in various directions as if broken or cracked by a violent blow. This rests in a strata of black rude rock as per speci- mens of both. These two different kinds of rock lie alternately one on another to the bed of the river which is mostly of the black rock, though sometimes of the pillar rock. The black rock appears always to have the thickest bed, the last 100 feet is covered with splinters of the upper rocks sometimes to a good depth. The surface of the upper rocks forms what is called the plains. This is covered with pure sand through which the rocks appear everywhere and bears scanty grass round, hard and in tufts, with a few shrubs and thistles of 1 to 5 feet high. Course N. 5 E. j m., N. 5 W. ft m. The whole is about 350 to 400 feet high. On the ) these rocks finish with this course and are all of deep strata as per the 2 specimens. The rock is rude black rock, often shows from 2 to 3 lines ( ?) in the strata or bed, the same strata almost always inclining to the west'd and sometimes descending in a curve and then as- suming a horizontal line. This strata sometimes 40 feet deep
88 Mr. Thompson passes north through Wallula Gap and reaches the Indian camp at the mouth of Snake river, where he had planted his formal notice on the 9th of July, on his way down the river. Mr. Ross says that on the morning of August 1 4th they found this notice attached to a pole which flew the British flag in the midst of this Indian camp.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 119
and many pieces stand isolated like tables, and pillars etc. The pillar like rock has always its chasms perpendicular and split in pieces as by accident, in every horizontal direction. It appears to be one compact bed having 'no lines in it that are not perpendicular and the depth of its bed is as far as 30 feet. One must say that the finger of the Deity has opened by im- mediate operation the passage of this river through such solid materials as must forever have resisted its action. The tops have mouldered away and the fragments form the beach etc. ; there is no appearance of any earth but in a few places where water springs up and the grass etc. have formed a vegitable mould of no depth, and even this is rarely found. Course N. 12 W. 1 m. Course N. 5 W. 1 1-16 m. end of course. A village on the ) of 25 men. We have besides passed 3 do. each of about the same number of men. Course N. 12 W. 2-5 m., N. 22 W. 1-5 m., N. 35 W. 1-3 m., N. 25 W. 1 m., N. 10 W. 1-5 m., N. 18 W. % m., N. 35 W. ^ m, N. 28 W. 2-3 m., beginning a course a village of 12 men in this. N. W. 1-6 m., N. 52 W. y & m., N. 60 W. \y 4 m., N. 55 W. 1-6 m., N. 50 W. 1-6 m., N. 18 W. 1 m., N. 36 W. 1 m, N. 33 W. % m., N. 25 W. 1-6 m., N. 32 W. 1-5 m., N. 38 W. 1-5 m., plus 1 m., N. 56 W. 1 m., N. 60 E. y^ m., N. 70 E. 1 m. Middle of course and at the point of the tents N. 20 E. 2-3 m., to which we camped at 6-40 P. M. with about 200 men at least, who gave us a dance and behaved very well. Thank Heaven for the favors we find among these numerous people.
August 6th, Tuesday. 89 A fine cloudy night and morning. Traded a horse for our guide. Paid him as per agreement. Wrote a letter to Joco Finlay to send and meet us with horses etc. At 7^2 A. M. embarked, Course up the Shawpatin River N. 15 E. 1 m. plus y^ m., N. 32 E. y, m., N. 35 E. % m., N. 37 E. 1% m, N. 40 E. 1-3 m., N. 55 E. 1-6 m., N. 60 E. V/2 m., N. E. 1-6 m., N. 32 E. 1-6 m., N. 23 E. 1 m. plus 1-3 m. All very strong current from the Columbia. N. 50
89 Mr. Thompson decides to hasten on overland instead of by the tortuous and slower river route. He writes to his clerk, Jacques Finlay, then in charge of Spokane House, and himself proceeds up Snake river to reach the regular Indian trail northward.
120 T. C. ELLIOTT
E. y 2 rn., N. 32 E. iy 2 m. End of course on island, 90 and village of 15 men; have also passed 4 Houses of each 6 men, traded salmon. N. 75 E. 1 m., N. 85 E. # m., N. 62 E. 1-6 m, N. 55 E. 1-6 m., N. 40 E. 1-5 rn., N 25 E 1-5 m., N. 81 E. y 2 m., N. 12 W. 1% m., N. 35 E. y 2 m., N. y 4 m., N. 5 E. y 2 m. Near end of course put up at 6 l / 2 P. M. with about 22 men who gave us a dance. The river has been regularly about 300 yards wide with strong, steady current. The water is very high, the tops of the willows just appearing. When low I should think full of rapids. The land very rude with rock and ravines, grass very scanty and the men in pass- ing the ravines broke the surface of the soil, the dust and sand rushed down as free to the look (?) as water, pouring down for a considerable time and raising a dusty smoke not to be seen through. The road lies close along the river and ascends and descends continually, very rocky, by no means such a country as the Columbia above. The salmon small and very fine.
August 7th, Wednesday. A fine clear morning, a little dis- tant thunder. At 4:50 A. M. set off. Course N. 5 E. 1 in., N. 13 E. 14 m., plus y 2 m., N. 75 E. 1 m. plus 2-3 m. End of Course. Stopped about 2 hours at a village of 15 men, gummed and boiled salmon. Course N. E. 1-6 m., N. 35 E. 1-5 m., N. 25 E. ft m., N. 12 E. ft m., N. 15 W. 1-6 m., N. 15 E. 1-6 m., N. 6 E. y 2 m., N. 35 E. 1-3 m., N. E. ft m., N. 5 E. y 2 m., N. 12 E. 1-6 m., N. 25 E. 1 m., N. 10 W. y 2 m. Middle of course Observation for latitude 119 47^2 vg. Variation 18 degrees E. vg. N. 22 W. 2-3 m., N. 10 E. 1 m., E. 1 1-16 (doubtful) N. 12 W. 1ft m. A House Nobody. Course N. 10 W. 1-6 m., N. 10 W. ft m., N. 5 E. 1 m., All R. N. 18 E. 1 m., part R., plus ft m - N. 25 E. 1-6 m., N. 33 E. 4-5 m., S. E. 1-5 Course N. 8 E. 1ft m., including one crossing the river. We put up at end of course in company with 8 horsemen. Course for the morrow is N. 50 E. 1 m., Obs. for Long, and time.
90 Probably Squaw Island, nine miles from the Columbia.
JOURNAL or DAVID THOMPSON 121
Aldebaran Aquilae. Jupiter etc.
11811J4W. 52. 28. 45
119. 13 W. 118. 20^4 W.
Lat. by Obs. at noon 46 25' 23" Acct. from Obs. 46 33^
August 8th, Thursday. A very fine morning, at 5.5 A. M. set off. Course N. 50 E. 1 m., plus 1 m., N. 55 E. 1-5 m., N. 30 E. % m., N. 50 E. y 2 m., N. 5 W. y 2 m., N. 12 E. 1-5 m., N. 25 E. 1-6 m., N. 50 E. 1-5 m., plus 1-6 m., N. 70 E. 1-5 m., N. 75 E. % m., N. 85 E. 1-6 m., S. 76 E. 2 m., S. 85 E. 1-5 m., E. y s m., N 84 E. 3/ 4 m., N. 76 E. 1-6 m, N. 55 E. y s m., N. 42 E. 1 m. plus 1 m., N. 62 E. iy 2 m., S. 63 E. 1 m. (+) YA m. Observed for Latitude and cooked salmon. Meridian altitude 118 51^4 vg. Var. 19 E. vg. Course plus y 2 m., S. 70 E. 1-5 m., S. 82 E. 1-5 m., N. 85 E. 1-5 m., N. 66 E. ft m., N. 47 E. 1 m., S. 75 E. 2-3 m. Beginning of course see the Blue Mountains, 91 between the Shawpati'n and the Snake Indians bearing S. 60 E. 40 m. Course S. 72 E. 1-3 m., S. 85 E. *4 m - At end of course, put ashore at the mouth of a small brook 92 and camped, as this is the road to my first Post on the Spokane lands. Here is a village of 50 men, they had danced till they were fairly tired and the Chiefs had bawled themselves hoarse. They forced a present of 8 horses on me, with a war garment.
Obs. for Long, and time etc. Lat. at noon 46 36' 26".
Sun 16 15' 13" vg. 7.50.
Aquilae Fomalhaut. Aldebaran
15 21' 51" 15 30' 5" 15 41' 24"
118 22%' W 119'21^'W. 1 118 50^' W.
Lat. by Obs. 46 36'
91 Apparently the first record of this name Blue as applied to these mountains.
92 After three days' travel up the monotonous Snake river Mr. Thompson arrives at the mouth of the Palouse river (Lewis and Clark's Drewyer's river). This was an established Indian crossing and camping place, and later became the crossing of the famous "Mullan Road," surveyed by Capt. John Mullan, U. S. A., afterward Lyons Ferry, and now the site of a steel railroad bridge. Here John Clarke of the Pacific Fur Company, in the summer of 1812, introduced corporal punishment in "Old Oregon," by hanging an Indian who had com- mitted the crime of petit larceny. Consult "Adventures," etc., by Ross Cox.
122 T. G. ELLIOTT
August 9th, Friday. 93 A fine day, wi'nd, a gale South'd. Observed for Long., Time and Lat. (Observations omitted.) It was late before the horses could be collected and I left one they could not find. They said the Chief below knew how to talk but not how to act. They declared they did not wish for any return for the present of Horses, but that they knew the nature of a present. I gave each of them Notes for the Horses ; to be paid when the ca'noes arrive. At 5 P. M. set off and held up on the Brook, cutting off the great Pt. till \\y 2 P. M. when we camped. Co. N. 5 E. \y 2 m., Brook at 1 m. crossed, end of Co. went up the banks. Course N. 20 E. 14 m., last 1 m. along the Brook. The land very rocky and full of rocky hills cut Perpend, wherever the rocks show themselves, and exactly of the same kind of rocks as along the Columbia, with much fragments in splinters etc. Very bad for the horses and the soil a sandy fine impassable powder which suffocated us with dust and no water to drink to where we camped.
August 10th, Saturday. 94 A fine, cloudy, blowy day. At 7 l /4 A. M. set off and held on at N. 10 E. 5 m., then crossed a shoal Brook of 6 yds. wide from the East. Held on Course + 2y 2 m. and baited at 11J4 A. M. At 1 P. M. set off and held on say 2*4 m. A Brook came in from the N. E., held on up the left Brook and put up at 6 P. M., say Co. N. 8 m. The appearance of the country is much the same, though some- what less rude, and there is often a few Aspi'ns, Alders, with a very rare Fir along the Brook, much wild cherry and three sorts of currants, one sweet and red, the other yellow, acid; red light acid.
August llth, Sunday. 95 A very fine day mostly cloudy. At 7y A. M. set off Course up the Brook N. 10 E. 2 l / 2 m., where we crossed a Rill from the N. W'd. We kept on along
93 The established Indian trail of later years coincides exactly with Mr. Thompson's description. It followed the Palouse river for a mile, then crossed and ascended the steep ridge and cut across the bend of the river. The camp that night was near the mouth of Cow creek.
94 It is a little uncertain whether Mr. Thompson followed up Cow creek or Rock creek (in Whitman county. Washington), but his camp at evening was southeast of the town of Sprague, Lincoln county. In the summer of 1812 Ross Cox lost his way on this trail, for which consult his "Adventures."
95 Following closely what afterward became the wagon road from Walla Walla to Colville Mr. Thompson reaches the timber belt south of Cheney, Wash- ington, and camps some distance southwest of that city.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 123
a Rill of water in the Spring, now dry, North 9^4 m. to a little water among some poplars and willows. It is a long" time since we saw any here ; we baited from J^ P. M. to 2 :20 P. M. We then went off North 1 m. N. 20 W. \y 2 m. to a kind of lead of wet ground. Hereabouts are Willow Bushes and see woods before us. Held on Co. N. 15 E. 6^2 m. For the last 2 m. we had a kind of Brook or Ravine on our left. Camped at a Pond at 6^/2 P. M. Killed a Duck, our provisions being fairly done and fasting all day. Not seeing the people who were to have met us with provisions and horses we were obliged to kill a mare for food, as our Guide told us we had yet 3 days journey to go. The Country till 10 A. M. like the past, very Rocky and barren, since which it has much mended, and only stoney when on wet low ground, the rest is tolerably well for grass, and the soil appears good, though parched for wanting rain, which rarely or never falls during the summer months. At the Campment the Firs are thinly scattered along the kind of Ravine, all the rest is all wide plain without a tree. A few Chevruil Tracks and dung.
August 12th, Monday. 96 A fine day. At 6:20 A. M. set off. Held on along a line of woods on our Co. about N. 1 m., to a pond of some size, then N. 50 E. 4 m., N. 30 E. 5 m. and stopped at 11^ A. M. to bait the horses, among a few ponds and good grassy lands with thin woods. At 1 P. M. set off and camped at a Rill at 6% P. M., say Co. N. 30 E. 1 m., N. 10 E. 7 m., across a large plain without water to the woods of a Brook. We descended the Banks, which are high, and crossed it about N. 10 W. 1 m., then along the Brook of 6 Yds, ) N. 10 W. 1 m. Here it sank 97 in the ground and we went North 1J4 m. and camped at a Rill to which we were guided by a Spokane we met, from whom we got a little dried salmon.
96 Passing through the Four Lakes country between Cheney and Medical Lake, in Spokane county, Washington, Mr. Thompson crosses Deep creek and camps on Coulee creek, only an hour's ride from his destination had he been aware of it.
97 Deep creek sinks on Sec. 3, Township 25 N., Range 41 E., W. M.
124 T. C. ELLIOTT
August 13th, Tuesday. 98 A very fine day. At Sy 2 A. M. set off and at 6y 2 A. M. arrived at the House. Thank God for His mercy to us on this journey. Found all safe but Joco was with the horses sent to meet us. Late in the evening he ar- rived. Our course was about northwest 3 miles. We came faster but our road was always down hill.
112 degrees 17 minutes 30 seconds. N. Lat. 47 degrees 47 minutes 2 seconds.
EDITOR'S FURTHER NOTE.
Our transcript of the journal ends with the entry of August 13th, 1811. After spending four days at Spokane House Mr. Thompson continued on overland to Ilthkoyape or Kettle Falls where he proceeded to build another canoe of cedar boards. It may be remarked that when at Spokane House in June, 1811, he had given instructions to his clerk Finan McDonald to explore the Columbia from Ilthkoyape north during the sum- mer, which Mr. McDonald did as far up as Death Rapids (Dalles des Mort), i. e., to forty or fifty miles above Revel- stoke, B. C., and then returned. Mr. Thompson was under appointment to meet about Oct. 1st the party sent across the mountains with trading goods from Fort William on Lake Superior. He therefore again embarked at Kettle Falls early in Sept. and ascended the river through the Arrow Lakes and the various rapids to the mouth of Canoe river, where he had camped the previous winter, thus completing the exploration and survey of the entire length of the Columbia river from source to mouth between April and October, 1811. The trans- mountain party were delayed in arriving and did not bring all the goods for the trade, so he started one canoe down the river and himself crossed the Athabasca Pass for the remainder, returned and hurried down the Columbia and from Kettle Falls portaged over to the Pend d'Oreille river and then trav- eled up that river a'nd our Clark Fork river to his Saleesh House among the Flathead Indians, arriving there about the 20th of November. This completed his activities during the year 1811.
98 Mr. Thompson arrives today at Spokane House, which was located nine
miles northwest of present city of Spokane and had been erected there the
previous summer, 1810, presumably by Jacques Finlay who is in charge. Mr. Thompson remains here several days to rest.
JOURNAL OF DAVID THOMPSON 125
This journal disproves entirely any previous conclusions that David Thompson was instructed to anticipate the arrival of the Astor or Pacific Fur Company at the mouth of the Co- lumbia and establish a trading post there. He carried no goods for that purpose and was not planning to meet any vessel there with goods, and during this spring of 1811 he did not "hurry."
It also throws some additional light upon the interesting question of who built the trading post known as "Spokane House." Examination of previous portions of the journal indi- cates that Jacques Finlay may have been the man.
A TRAGEDY ON THE STICKEEN IN '42
BY C. O. ERMATINGER.*
In looking over a bundle of letters left among his papers by my late father, who was in the Hudson's Bay Company's service in the early part of the present century, I came upon one from which the following account of a tragedy, which took place on the Stickeen in April, 1842, is taken. The letter bears date 1st February, 1843, and was written by John McLoughlin, then in charge of the Company's post at Fort Vancouver (on the Columbia) to my father, then living at St. Thomas, Upper Canada.
As public attentioh has lately been directed to the Stickeen (Prince Rupert), this tragic tale, though fifty-six years old, may be of interest, not only on account of the locus in quo, but as illustrative of the difficulties, dangers, mode of life and occasional mode of death of those in the company's service in those days. Were I a Gilbert Parker I might clothe the story in new and more thrilling language than that employed by the writer, who was almost a year after the event, writing not for effect, yet under whose cool reasoning and at times involved sentences, a depth of sorrowful, sometimes passion- ate, feeling is apparent. As it is, I have concluded to present it to the public, word for word, as the father of the murdered man has narrated the facts, omitting the full names of the chief culprits, out of consideration for possible descendants, and a few words either undecipherable or unfit for publication.
After a page and a half on other matters, Mr. McLoughlin says:
"But, my dear sir, I have had a severe loss since I last wrote you. My son John, whom I think you saw at La Chine, has been murdered by the company's servants at the post of Stikine,
- Judge Ermatinger, who kindly furnishes this paper, is the son of Edward
Ermatinger, who was a clerk at Fort Vancouver under Dr. John McLoughlin during the years 1826-27; also the nephew of Francis Ermatinger, who was an officer in the H. B. Co. employ in the Columbia District for about twenty years, and well known by early Oregon pioneers, and who after retiring from the service purchased a tract of land near St. Thomas, Ontario, which he named "Multnomah," and there spent his remaining years. This paper contains source material not before printed explaining differences that lead to the retirement of Dr. McLoughlin from the Hudson's Bay Company's service. T. C. Elliott.
A TRAGEDY ON THE STICKEEN IN '42 127
in the Russian Territory (and which we rent from them and of which he had charge), on the night 20/21 April. He had twenty-two men and was the o'nly officer there, in consequence of Sir George Simpson's very improperly taking away his assistant as no place on this coast where liquor is issued ought to have less than two officers. (But since the murder the Russians have agreed to desist selling or giving spirits to Indians and as we only issued liquor where we came in contact with them, by this agreement a stop is entirely put to issuing liquor to Indians in this department). But to return to my poor son he being alone with twenty-two men, all of which were new hands not yet broke in to the discipline neces- sary for such service, as it was a new place a'nd where they could get rum, had a good many difficulties with them, as is always customary in such cases, to make them do their duty as you well know they will always attempt to impose on their master.
"Sir George Simpson arrived four days after this fatal event and, instead of examining every man at the place, and that minutely, he only examined six, say, two whites, two half breeds and two Owhyhees. The two whites, and half breeds, without specifying particulars, complain of my son's ill using the men, flogging and beating them most unmercifully that he drank a great deal, and that the night of the murder he gave the men a gallon and a half of spirits. Sir George believed all this and in his letter blames my son, and, though one of the Owhyhees swore he saw the murderer fire and saw something fall heavily, which he supposes was my son, and the other swears that on hearing the shot he looked out and saw my son lying on the ground, weltering in his gore, and the man whom the other saw fire, with his foot on my son's throat yet Sir George took no person to bear evidence against the murderer and sent one of the men who fired three shots at one of the men, thinking he was my son, to this place to be sent out of the country. But, as I felt dissatisfied with Sir George's examination and was certain the circum- stances were not as he represented, I kept this man to be sent
128 C. O. ERMATINGER
back to Stikine, to be examined with the rest; a'nd, in the meantime, for fear of his deserting, kept him on board the Cadboro, and on a trip to Vancouver Island, where he saw Douglas (I would not see him at this place, nor would I allow him put his foot in the Fort) to whom at once he con- fessed that there had been a plot formed and an agreement sighed, among all the people of the place, to murder the
deceased that this agreement had been drawn out by ,
who acted temporarily as assistant to the deceased that he had never seen him drink and in every material point con- tradicted the depositions taken by Sir George.
"I then determined to send Manson, with a complete new complement of men, to examine all the men, and, if this man's deposition was well founded, to put the men against whom there were charges, in prison and tra'nsfer them to the Russians, who alone can try them criminally and on examination the men say, the agreement to which the man alludes was not to murder my son, but a complaint against my son which they intended to present to Sir George who was momentarily expected. It is proved they never presented this complaint, and they say they destroyed it, because it was too dirty to be presented to Sir George Simpson; but on examining their complaints according to their own state- ment he flogged one man for sleeping on his watch in the night, and which he deserved, for it might have led to the mur- der of the whole establishment one man for righting and not being willing to cease fighting when ordered one man for giving his property to Indian women which disabled him from doing his duty, unless re-equipped and four for steal- ing. And the man who made the declaration to Mr. Douglas, and the murderer, are accused of having proposed repeatedly to the others to murder my son of which I do not know that any informed him, though it seems he knew it, as he is said to have said, "You want to murder me, but if you do, you will murder a man!"; and one of the men confesses that he was told by Ant Kawanasse, an Iroquois, that the murderer told him the deceased was to be murdered that
A TRAGEDY ON THE STICKEEN IN '42 129
night; and the woman he kept says he told her "H. (the murderer) wants to kill me." The deceased told the Owhyhees to arm themselves that the whites wanted to murder him that he took one of those he accused of being- leaders in the plot and put him in irons, and that in searching for the two others of the leaders, as he was going round the corner of a house, one of them shot him in the breast, when he fell, and the murderer rushed on him and put his foot on his neck, as I already mentioned and this M., who acted as his assist- ant, is now found to have committed several thefts on the store for which my son punished him and turned him out among the men but took him back again, as perhaps he found he could not do without an assistant, and perhaps he had promised to behave better; and he took him back on account of my having recommended him to the deceased on account of M.'s father, who is a'n old servant and it is now proved that this M. stole spirits the night of the murder and gave a
or bottle of pure spirits to every white man or Iroquois
in the place that while Mr. Dodd was in charge (whom Sir George left there) M. crept twice at night into Mr. Dodd's bedroom, when he was asleep, stole the key of the Fort, which was on a table between two pistols, within reach of Mr. Dodd's hand, opened the gate of the Fort, stole the key of the Indian trader's packet, while asleep, opened the Indian shop, and stole goods. If he could do this while there were two officers at the place, after what had just happened, what may he not have done when there was only one officer at the place, and he (M.) in league with the men as to the ill treatment of which they complain? Why, by their own confession, he was per- fectly justified in punishing them and did no more than what an officer of spirit would do to any under him who in such a situation as they were would act as these men did.
"Another whom Sir George examined, a son of J. H., is accused of having watched part of the night to murder the deceased because he flogged M. for stealing.
"Another of those Sir George examined is a Canadian to whom the deceased had given a kicking for stealing rum.
130 C. O. ERMATINGER
"The fourth is a Scotchman who acted in the store with M. and must have known his misconduct and said nothing of it and such a coward that, though he admits the deceased was most kind to him, still, though he saw the murderer level his gun sometime before to murder the deceased, he never in- formed him !
"As to his drinking, Mr. Finlayson, his assistant, says he never saw him take more than a glass of wine or a glass of spirits, or water, in the course of the day, though M. had the villainy to swear to Sir George that he and my son used to drink grog continually, and as he, M., could not join them in drinking grog, they allowed him wine which is false. The deceased's private store or allowance of liquors is almost in the same state as when he, Finlayson, left the deceased. The Indian woman he kept, a woman of the place, similar to our Chinooks, declares she never saw him drink and I believe what she says, as these Indians do not consider drunkenness a'ny way improper. Mr. Work and Dr. Kennedy, who had charge of posts on each side of him and several times saw Indians from the deceased, never heard a whisper of the deceased drinking, from the Indians (and they soon find out), though Mr. Work writes he heard from Indians of the attempt to shoot him. The men admit he was most vigilant and watchful, up night a'nd day visiting the watchmen often several times in the night. His journal is posted up to the day of his death, his accounts and documents in order and cer- tainly these are not the marks of a drunkard. And if you add to this his letters to Mr. Work are full of the miscon- duct of his assistants, M. and S. the Scotchman, a laborer, whom Sir George left when he took Finlayson away- -and in fact Sir George Simpson was the cause, though uninten- tionally, of the murder of my son, by taking Finlayson and leaving this man S. in his place. And Work is greatly to blame, who did not send me those letters my son wrote him, wherem he complains so much of the misconduct of S. and M. especially as he saw these fellows had so imposed on Sir George as to make him believe they were such valuable men
A TRAGEDY ON THE STICKEEN IN '42 131
as to induce him to promise them an increase of wages, while my son complained of them so much that he said, as his time was out, unless he had abler assistants, he would leave the service. The short and the long of the affair is this these fellows wanted to impose on my son, to which he would not submit. They, finding they could not make him berid, conspired and murdered him.
"My son John was intelligent, active had the faults of youth, was inconsiderate and thoughtless at least had been so, but this was wearing away. At the same time he had the good qualities and virtues of youth though I say it. He was frank, open, firm but kmd and generous ."
The father here breaks off from his painful subject, to refer to a pleasanter topic. I infer that all that the Russians did in consequence of the affair was to prohibit the selling or giv- ing spirits to Indians. One can hardly read the father's letter without feeling that his conclusions were probably just and accurate ; yet, at this day when flogging has gone so very much out of fashion, some will no doubt be disposed to think that poor John the younger's mode of enforcing necessary discipline contributed largely to bring about his tragic end. All will, however, join in the hope that murder and other crime will not hereafter go unpunished on the Stickeen or the regions round about, now being fast flooded with all sorts of characters from all quarters of the earth.
A letter from another officer of the H. B. Co.
Mr. Jno. Todd, dated 1 Sept., '42, touches upon this same tragedy :
"I was lately appointed in consequence of Manson's re- moval to Stickeen on the coast, where I regret to say a most tragical event occurred in April last, the particulars of which will no doubt eventually reach you thru' the public press. In the affidavits taken on the occasion it is stated that on the night of the 21st of that month Mr. John McLoughlin (eldest sob of the Big Doctor), was shot at by the whole of his men, including a young clerk, and a ball taking effect in his body he fell mortally wounded and died shortly after.
132 C. O..ERMATINGER
The knight, Sir George, arriving there in the steamer imme- diately after, thought proper to carry the ring leader of the affair along with him to Russia for the purpose of sending him thence a prisoner to England without even a single witness or document relative to the occurrence. He wrote also to the Doctor requesting him to say as little about the matter as possible, which so incensed the latter that he instantly dispatched a vessel to Stickeen for the express purpose of carrying the whole establishment prisoners to England in order to be brought to trial. He has also written a thundering epistle to their honours at home, concerning Sir George, rip- ping up old grievances and exposing the knight's conduct throughout, particularly his actions since the coalition. Yet behold how inconsistent men are. This very doctor only the year before gives 50 as a contribution for plate to the same Sir George Simpson whom he is now endeavoring to prove the greatest scoundrel in the H. Bay Co.'s territories, from facts, too, with which he was previously well acquainted."
Another officer also mentions the same subject, namely, Archibald McDonald, writing from Colville March 15, 1843 :
"Edward, we are all unfortunate parents. Instance, the awful shock of mind our old friend the Dr. lately experienced from the irregular and inveterate habits of his unhappy son John, after spending $2000 on his education in foreign lands, too." . . .
"Manson is again on the Coast. Last Summer the Wor- shipful Bench furnished him with a commission to inquire, or rather re-inquire, into the unfortunate affair of young McLoughlin at Stikine, which it was supposed Sir George on his trip for Siberia left incomplete. Work writes me our learned deputy has made a sweeping business of it upon very slight evidence made every white man at the establishment, 13 in number, prisoners. I fear we have got ourselves into a bobble and that it will turn out we are more au fait in our humble occupation of Indian traders than as the dispensary
of Her Majesty's criminal law." . . . LETTERS
The following letters were found among the correspondence of Hon. James W. Nesmith, United States Senator from Oregon from March 4, 1861, to March 3, 1867, secured by the Oregon Historical Society several years ago.—The first,[5] from General Ingalls, gives the viewpoint of an able officer of the United States army in 1864 regarding the necessity for constructing a good wagon road up the Columbia river—an enterprise which is now well under way, the expense of construction being defrayed by the counties through which it passes:
Headquarters Dist. of Oregon.
Fort Vancouver, W. T., June 11, 1861.
My Dear General:
Before this reaches you, events of the greatest magnitude will doubtless have taken place in the Eastern states, but I trust that our national Capitol will be in repose, and that the Congress of the United States may be undisturbed in their deliberations for the welfare of the Union. I need scarcely say, that I am for the preservation of this glorious Union; it must be preserved intact; not a single star shall fall from that brilliant galaxy—I have prayed that this difficulty might be settled peacefully, but if all the efforts of true patriots North and South fail to accomplish that desirable end, it must be crushed. Let those men, both North and South, who have been instrumental in bringing about this terrible state of affairs, be driven from their country, as unworthy citizens of the Republic.
I have no sectional prejudices; I love the whole country, North, South, East and West, and will fight to preserve this Union. I have no sympathy with any man, no matter from what section he may come, who is not for the Union, now and forever, one and indivisible.
I have served nearly thirty-nine years in the army, and whether battling with the savage foes in the far West, or deadly hummocks of Florida, or contending with the hosts of Mexico on many a well-fought and always victorious field, I have always turned with affection to my native land, and offered up a heartfelt prayer for the Union—God grant that this struggle may soon cease, and that peace may be restored,
134 GEORGE H. HIMES
and our glorious banner, with its thirty-four stars, proudly wave on every housetop from Maine to Texas, and from the Atlantic to our own loved Pacific shore.
The entire people in this country are for the Union. There may be some diversity of opinion as to the best mode of settling the difficulty, but all agree that it must be preserved.
If we, of the army, remain in this country, it is not probable that we shall be called upon for very active service. But seeing so many of their brother officers who happen to be in the East, promoted to high rank, it begins to arouse the spirit of the young military aspirants for distinction.
I was made a Colonel on the bloody field of Molino Sept. 8, 1847, but it was only a Brevet until March, 1855. But I have not rested very tranquil, under certain Brevets of my juniors, over me, and I shall not do so. Had I hailed from south of Mason and Dixon's line, I might have obtained a Brevet in 1858 ; but unfortunately, I was born in the frozen regions of the North. I cannot, however, now consent to be brought into active service without advancement; not that I could for a moment abandon my flag or country in this, her hour of peril, but I would prefer fighting in the ranks, to occupying a position without looking forward to preferment.
With great regard, very truly your friend,
G. WRIGHT. Gen. Nesmith, U. S. Senate,
Washington, D. C.
General George Wright was born in Vermont in 1803 and graduated from West Point in 1822. During the next nine years he served on the then Western frontier, largely among the Indians. In 1831 he was sent to Louisiana, remaining until 1836, when he took part in the Florida Indian war. He served with distinction in the Mexican war, and in 1852 came to the Pacific coast as a major in the Fifth infantry. He won great praise for his vigorous and effective campaign against the Indians of eastern Washington in 1858, and in 1860 suc- ceeded General William S. Harney in the command of the Military District of Oregon. In September, 1861, he was promoted to a brigadier general, and soon afterwards was ordered to relieve General Edwin V. Sumner at San Francisco.
LETTERS 135
In 1865 he was transferred to Oregon, and on his way thither, with his wife, to assume command, was lost at sea by the wreck of the ill-fated steamer Brother Jonathan, off the south- ern Oregon coast on July 31, 1865.
Headquarters Army of the Potomac, Office Chief Quartermaster,
Camp near Brandy Station,
March 23, 1864. Hon. J. W. Nesmith,
U. S. Senator, Washington. Sir:
Having served as quartermaster on the Columbia river at (Fort) Vancouver for many years, and having had to supply the troops at the Cascades, Forts Dalles and Walla Walla, and to fit out and supply many military expeditions against the Indians east of the Cascades, I have always felt deeply impressed with the necessity of having a good wagon road from Vancouver to The Dalles, probably passing the Cascade Mountains on the Oregon side of the Columbia.
There are many cogent reasons for such a road aside from those of economy.
In 1849 and 1850 the troops east of the Cascades were supplied by means of bateaus manned by Indians. It was necessary to send provisions, forage, hospital and ordnance supplies up the river 50 miles, then to make a difficult, laborious and expensive portage of four or five miles at the Cascades, and then to reship and forward by boats to The Dalles.
These supplies had to be sent before the cold and rough weather of winter. Frequently in winter season, navigation is interrupted below the Cascades, when there can be no com- munication with the now populous and important country east without great risk.
I have known all communications with The Dalles to be cut off for weeks by extreme cold weather.
If a good wago'n road were constructed, it would be used the year through to great advantage. I do not know what the rates of freight and passengers now are from Portland and Vancouver to The Dalles, but in 1858 and 1859 freight was $25 per ton and passage of horse or man, $10. When the Columbia river is closed by ice, of course there is no communication at all, as 'no practicable wagon road has ever
136 GEORGE H. HIMES
been opened. Much public money has been disbursed for the transportation of troops and supplies on boats that might have been saved had there been an easy land route.
So soon as I can look over my books, I will furnish you a detailed statement showing the heavy and expensive ship- ments by the river to The Dalles. It amounted to more than $25,000 each quarter, and sometimes probably more than that sum in one month, dependent, of course, upon the season of the year and the forces east of the mountains. I refer to the amounts paid by Government for military purposes.
The country east of the Cascade Mountains is now quite populous and exceedingly rich in mineral and other resources. The trade by the river is now greater than at any other period, and is increasing.
The demand for a land route through the Cascade moun- tains becomes more serious and important every day. As a military measure, it is important to connect the lower Columbia with the great interior by a practicable wagon road. I have seen the importance of it during the Indian wars. It would be still more necessary in case of a foreign war.
Respectfully submitted,
RUFUS INGALLS,
Brig. Gen., Chf. Qr. Mr., Army Potomac.
m
General Ingalls was born in Denmark, Maine, in 1820. He graduated at West Point in 1843, and served through the Mexican war. He came to Oregon in May, 1849, as the quartermaster, with the rank of captain, of a company of artillery under the command of Major Hathaway, who estab- lished the U. S. military post of Fort Vancouver. During the Civil war he was the quartermaster general of the Army of the Potomac. He retired from the army July 1, 1883, and soon afterwards became a resident of Portland until his death in 1893.
GEORGE H. HIMES. THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1914, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
THE "BARGAIN OF 1844" AS THE ORIGIN OF THE WILMOT PROVISO[6]
By Clark E. Persinger
Professor of American History in the University of Nebraska
[This paper reveals the fact that the proposed accessions of the whole of Oregon and of Texas were combined by the "Bargain of 1844" to make a Democratic party campaign issue and means of "party harmony and unity."—Editor Quarterly.]
Why did the Northern Democracy so suddenly present that "apple of discord"[7]—the Wilmot proviso—to the Southern Democracy in August of 1846?
Von Holst answers this question with the rather vague assertion that the "vox populi of the North" compelled the politicians to take some action against the proposed increase of slave soil through the proposed Mexican cession.[8] Wilson in his "Slave Power" attributes the proviso to "several Democratic members" of Congress, who had been "cajoled into a vote for [Texan] annexation," and now, unable to retrieve the past, sought in this way "to save the future."[9] Schouler makes no assertion as to its origin. Garrison in his volume of the American Nation series contents himself with the statement: "The circumstances of its origin suggest, if no more, that its introduction was simply a maneuver for political advantage in a family quarrel among the Democrats."[10]
138 CLARK E. PERSINGER
The explanations of both Wilson and Garrison hint at what seems to me the true reason for the proposal of the Wilmot proviso; but they merely hint at it, and do not satisfy the legitimate curiosity of the secondary student of this remark- able movement in the history of the antislavery struggle. It is the purpose of this paper to elaborate somewhat these two explanations, by showing that the Wilmot proviso owes its origin to the breaking of the "bargain of 1844" between the Northwestern and the Southern wings of the Democratic Party.
When President Tyler revived the question of Texan annexa- tion in the spring of 1844 the Democratic Party was to all appearances homogeneous and united. In reality, however, it was composed of diverse elements, loosely bound together, needing only the Texan issue to reveal their existence and identity. These groups were three in number the Southern, the Northeastern, and the Northwestern. The Southern gave its chief adherence to Calhoun; the Northeastern to Van Buren ; the Northwestern as yet wavered between Cass, Douglas, and Allen ; and one of its most brilliant and frequent spokesmen was the "impulsive and hasty" Senator Hannegan, of Indiana. 1 The Southern or Calhoun group was already aggressively and recognizedly proslavery and proslave soil; the Northern or Van Buren group was already almost fanat- ically antislavery and free soil, and on the verge of that union with the Liberty Party which in 1848 produced the Free Soil Party. But the Northwestern group, although antislavery and free soil, was only moderately so. It was willing to see the increase of slave soil so long as free soil kept pace with it or gained a little upon it.
It was to these three groups of Democracy that the Tyler treaty for the annexation of Texas in the spring of 1844 brought immediate puzzlement and not-distant falling out. The Southern group, in its anxiety for Texas, was more than ready to ratify the Tyler treaty, especially as its own
i Characterization by Cass, in conversation with Polk. Quaife, "Diary of Polk," I, 268.
THE "BARGAIN OF 1844" AND THE WILMOT PROVISO 139
leader had negotiated that treaty, and had announced during the negotiation that the chief purpose of the proposed annexa- tion was the preservation of slavery and the extension of slave soil. The Northeastern and Northwestern groups were united in their opposition to the Tyler treaty, but differed in their reasons for opposition to it; the Northeastern group opposing it because Texas was slave soil, the Northwestern group be- cause it was offered without compensating addition of free soil to the northward.
To meet the demands of the Northeastern Democrats Van Buren declared against immediate and unconditional annexa- tion. To satisfy the Southern Democrats Calhoun meditated bolting the regular Baltimore convention and standing for election as a Southern candidate on a straight Southern plat- form. Then the Northwestern Democrats suggested that if the Southern Democracy were willing to combine Oregon, with Texas in the party platform, campaign, . and subsequent congressional action, such a balancing of free and slave soil expansion would satisfy the Northwestern and some of the Northern Democrats, and bring about party harmony and victory instead of party division and defeat. So originated the "bargain of 1844" the "Oregon and Texas" plank of the Democratic platform of 1844; not as a mere appeal to the Northern States in general, but as a definite means of party harmony and unity without the sacrifice of vital principle or interest by either the Southern or the Northwestern group of the party. The fact that such a bargain had been made was not published broadcast; in fact, it was kept most secret, but party leaders in the Northwest and Calhoun's lieutenants, if not Calhoun himself, knew of its arrangement and content. 1
The "bargain" having been made and ratified by their party convention, the Southern Democrats at once almost be- fore the campaign opened pressed for the completion of their half of the bargain, and demanded the immediate ratification of the Tyler treaty of annexation. 2 But the Northwestern
1 It is intended to make the "bargain" itself the subject of another paper at a later date.
2 Letter from Glenville, Alabama, July, 1844. Niles' Register, LXVI, 314.
140 CLARK E. PERSINGER
Democrats as yet refused to vote for Texas. Hannegan, of Indiana, later explained his action by calling upon the Senators from Missouri and Tennessee to bear witness to the fact that "up to the Baltimore convention" he had been "a decided friend to the immediate annexation of Texas." "What I saw which induced me to apprehend a breach of faith at that convention," he said, "it is unnecessary at present to detail. But my friend * * * knows that he repeatedly urged me to vote for the treaty, notwithstanding my apprehensions, and that I refused to do so, for I did apprehend that if Texas were brought in if we annexed Texas without some definite action on Oregon the Baltimore resolutions would be con- strued to mean all Texas and the half of Oregon with certain gentlemen" 1 and, looking at Colquitt, of Georgia, he re- peated it, "with certain gentlemen." The Senator from Missouri testified that what Hannegan had said was "per- fectly true," and the Senator from Tennessee confirmed the Hannegan explanation. Evidently Northwestern Democrats were already suspicious of Southern Democratic intentions as to Oregon and of the recently-made "bargain."
In the exciting campaign that followed, Southern Democrats concerned themselves chiefly with Texas, but did not forget to show an occasional "Texas and Oregon" banner, nor occasionally to unite the two issues in their public utterances. Northeastern Democrats for awhile considered the advisability of bolting the Democratic congressional ticket in the hope of defeating the annexation of Texas, but finally gave it up as a hopeless task, and quietly voted the regular party ticket. Northwestern Democrats emphasized the advantages of Texan annexation, pledged the party faith to the "whole of Oregon," and united the two issues at every opportunity : "Texas and Oregon; Oregon and Texas, always went together"; 2 "every- where they were twins ; everywhere they were united." 3
When the campaign of 1844 ended in Democratic victory, the Southern group once more pressed for the carrying out of
1 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., i sess., 15, 388.
2 Hannegan, of Indiana, Mar. 5, 1846, as reported in Niles' Register, LXX, 22.
3 Same, as reported in Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., i sess., 15, 460.
THE "BARGAIN OF 1844" AND THE WILMOT PROVISO 141
the Texan portion of the "bargain." Texas, they said, was "an issue which had been made by the Baltimore convention
- * * it had been submitted to the intelligent freemen
of the United States * * * who had decided in favor of it," and now "the friends of that measure from the South called upon their representatives from the North * * * to come forward and respond." "They did," said McDowell, of Ohio, in reviewing the record of that session, "come for- ward and respond." 1 In doing so, it is true, some of them "conjured" the Southern Democrats "most earnestly" to "yield to the spirit of compromise, and give us a small portion of that territory," claiming it had been "held out to the North, that two of the five States to be formed out of Texas would be free" ; 2 and all demanded the carrying out of the remainder of the "bargain" by the passage of Oregon "notice" and ter- ritorial bills. But as to Texas the Southern Democracy would "yield to no division" beyond the illusive "extension" of the Missouri compromise line through it ; 3 and as for Oregon, so long as the Northwestern Democrats "held Texas in their hands," enough Southern Democrats voted for Oregon measures to nurse them along until Texas was out of danger, and then refused further to discuss such important questions so near the close of the session.* A few of the Northwestern Democrats, interpreting this as a repudiation of their portion of the "bargain," refused to vote for Texas ;s but the majority, evidently hoping more from the future than they were ob- taining at the moment, helped to bring Texas in.
When Congress assembled again in the winter of 1845, Northwestern Democrats were prepared to insist on the prompt and decisive carrying out of the Oregon portion of the "bargain." Following the suggestion of the President, whose election had resulted from the "bargain" campaign, they introduced a series of measures looking to the final oc- cupation of Oregon ; the most important, of course, being that
1 Cong. Globe, ag Cong., i sess., 140.
2 Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, ibid., 16, app., 315.
3 Brinkerhoff, of Ohio, ibid., 378.
4 Hannegan, of Indiana, ibid., 15, 460.
5 Ibid., 15, 388
142 CLARK E. PERSINGER
to instruct the President to give immediate notice to Great Britain of our intention to abrogate the joint-occupancy agree- ment of 1828. To their apparent surprise, Calhoun led the Southern Democrats in opposition to the "notice" resolutions, insisting upon the certainty of war with Great Britain should our Government thus assert our exclusive claim to the "whole of Oregon." Hannegan, of Indiana, at once arose in the Senate and denounced the "singular course" of the Southern Democrats. "Texas and Oregon," he announced, "were born the same instant, nursed and cradled in the same cradle the Baltimore convention and they were at the same instant adopted by the Democracy throughout the land. There was not a moment's hesitation until Texas was admitted; but the moment she was admitted the peculiar friends of Texas turned and were doing all they could to strangle Oregon." 1 Calhoun promptly replied to the charge of Southern Democratic treachery. "If I acted boldly and promptly on that occasion," he explained, "it was because boldness and promptness were necessary to success. * * * If I am for deliberate meas- ures on this occasion it is not because I am not a friend to Oregon. * * * If you institute a comparison between Oregon and Texas I would say that the former is as valuable to us as the latter and I would as manfully defend it. If the Senator and myself disagree, we disagree only as to the means of securing Oregon and not as to its importance." 2 Calhoun's reply sounds candid and convincing, but Folk's "Diary" in- forms us that, while asserting and reasserting his disagree- ment with the Northwestern Democrats "only as to the means of securing Oregon," Calhoun was secretly confiding to Polk his opinion that "the two Governments" ought to settle the Oregon question "on the basis of 49. " 3 Hannegan answered Calhoun's defense of the Southern Democratic position with the assertion that he "did not intend to charge any improper motives ; * * * but it appeared strange to him that when a question of territorial acquisition arises in the northwest
1 Ibid., 15, no.
2 Ibid., no.
3 Quaifc, "Diary of Polk," I, 313.
THE "BARGAIN OF 1844 AND THE WILMOT PROVISO 143
there should be found such a backwardness on the part of southern gentlemen to give it their aid" j 1 that if Calhoun were "a true mother" he would surely "not be willing to cut the child in two and give away one half." 2
Two or three days later, when "Mr. Rhett, Mr. Yancey, and others of the Southern phalanx" in the House took the same ground as Calhoun in the Senate, Douglas of Illinois "at first intimated, and subsequently rather broadly charged upon the Southern members of the party, an attempt to 'play a game' treacherous to the West. He asserted distinctly that the Oregon and Texas annexation projects had their birth in the Baltimore convention. * * * There they were 'cradled together' with a distinct understanding that if the West sus- tained the South in securing Texas, the South would sustain the West in their claims to Oregon." 3 Houston of Texas and Rhett of South Carolina entered formal denials of having had "any hand in the game ;" but in milder form Douglas persisted in his charge and was supported in it by McDowell of Ohio and Smith of Indiana. 4
Still, a few days later Wentworth of Illinois renewed the charge. "The South and West went together for Texas," he told the Southern Democrats, and now they should "go to- gether for Oregon. The West certainly so expected. If they did not go together, there was a class of politicians who would make a great deal of capital out of it ;" they were already predicting that "the South, having used the West to get Texas, would now abandon it [the West] and go against Oregon." Yancey of Alabama demanding if he meant "to intimate that there was any bargain between the South and West" to that effect. Wentworth denied that he had "said there was any such bargain," for to say so "would only implicate himself as a party to it after having voted for Texas." 5
So, through six of the nine months of this session of Con- gress, ran on charge, denial, and even countercharge; most
1 Cong. Globe, 15, in.
2 As reported by Niles' Register, LXIX, 279 (Jan. 3, 1846).
3 Ibid., 289-290 (Jan. 10, 1846).
4 Cong. Globe, 15, 125, 140, 143, 159.
5 Cong. Globe, 206, 207.
144 CLARK E. PERSINGER
frequently in short, sharp interchange of sentiments, occa- sionally in the form of a lengthy colloquy. In one way and another the charge of "bargain" and "breach of faith" was reiterated by Douglas, Wentworth, and Ficklin of Illinois; Hannegan, C. B. Smith, and Cathcart of Indiana; Brinkerhoff and McDowell of Ohio. Southwestern Democrats joined in. Johnson of Tennessee asserted the binding character of the union of the two issues by the Baltimore convention; 1 Sevier of Arkansas and Atchison of Missouri admitted that Han- negan of Indiana "certainly had some grounds for his opinion" as to the "integrity" of the Southern Democrats on the Texas- Oregon bargain. 2 Even the Southern Democrat, Haywood of North Carolina, "cited the impossibility of getting Texas through until the two questions had been made twin sisters by the Baltimore convention," and announced himself "thank- ful" that North Carolina was adhering to that union of issues and repudiating "factions * * * demagogues * * * dictating to the Senate." 3
Finally, by the signing and ratifying of the Oregon boundary treaty with Great Britain in June, 1846, president and senate accepted the Calhoun policy and its consequences as to the "whole of Oregon." Their action left the "North- western Senators * * * excited and in a bad temper;" "lashed into a passion" against all who had any part in the compromise transaction. 4 But in less than two months after their humiliation by the Oregon treaty, opportunity for revenge seemed to be offered the Northwestern Democrats. The President asked for two millions to negotiate a peace with Mexico. The purpose of the appropriation and of the pro- posed negotiation was well understood to be the acquisition of Mexican territory to the south of the traditional line of 36 30'. "All was going as merrily as marriage bells toward its consummation," reported the National Intelligencer. 5 when suddenly "the friends of the administration from the
1 Ibid., 288-289.
2 Ibid., 388.
3 Ibid., 459.
4 Statements of Polk, Quaife, "Diary of Polk," I, 474, 487.
5 Quoted in Niles' Register, LX, 374 (Aug. 15, 1846).
THE "BARGAIN OF 1844" AND THE WILMOT PROVISO 145
free States led off the opposition to their Southern brethren." 1 Northwestern Democrats, remembering, said the Washing- ton correspondent of the Baltimore American, "the 'bad faith' of the South, as they called it, upon the Oregon question,
- * * were resolved that no more slave territory should
come into the Union with their consent." 2 This determina- tion found expression in the Wilmot proviso, introduced, it is true, by Wilmot of Pennsylvania, a Northeastern Democrat, but its authorship claimed by the Northwestern Democrat, Brinkerhoff of Ohio. The original draft of this proviso, in Brinkerhoff s handwriting, is still, I am informed in a recent letter from Prof. R. T. Stevenson, of Ohio Wesleyan Univer- sity, in the possession of Brinkerhoff 's son, Mr. George Brinkerhoff, of Mansfield, Ohio.
In conclusion and summary: From the original establish- ment of free-soil and slave-soil sections of the Union during the late or post-Revolutionary period down to as late as 1843, the traditional principle upon which the country acted in re- gard to the slavery question was the equal, or approximately equal, division of all new territory between free soil and slave soil. When the proposal of Texan annexation threatened preponderant southward extension, Northeastern Democrats were frightened into opposition to its annexation, but North- western Democrats were willing to bargain with Southern Democrats for a combination of Texas and Oregon issues that should result in the continuation of the old, traditional policy of approximately equal expansion of free soil and slave soil. This bargain was more or less definitely drawn up by a small group of Northwestern and Southern Democratic politicians and submitted to and ratified by the Democratic convention at Baltimore in May, 1844. Democratic success in the campaign of 1844 was followed by the immediate carry- ing out of that portion of the "bargain" relating to the annexa- tion of Texas, for which all but a few of the Northwestern Democratic Members of Congress voted, these few asserting
1 ibid.
2 Ibid.
146 CLARK E. PERSINGER
a Southern Democratic intention of repudiating the "bargain of 1844" when the time should come to provide for the carry- ing out of that portion of the "bargain" relating to the re- occupation of Oregon. When the next session of Congress took up the Oregon question, the suspicions of these North- western men appeared to prove well founded. The Southern Democrats, under the leadership of Calhoun, opposed the claim to the "whole of Oregon ;" opposed giving notice to Great Britain of our intention to abrogate the joint-occupancy treaty of 1828 ; and opposed attempts to establish a free-soil territorial government over the portion of Oregon which we did succeed in obtaining. Accused of a "breach of faith" in carrying out the "bargain of 1844," the Southern Dem- ocrats denied altogether the existence of any such "bargain ;" or denied that they individually had had "any hand it it;" or else denied that it had applied to the "whole of Oregon." Betrayed and incensed by this "Punic faith," as they called it, of the Southern Democrats, the Northwestern Democrats in August of 1846 proposed the Wilmot proviso as the only means possible for the restoration of the traditional free-soil and slave-soil balance for protecting themselves against pos- sible future Southern Demorcratic "breach of faith," and for "saving the Democratic Party of the Northern States" after its betrayal and humiliation through the miscarriage of the "bargain of 1844."
AN ALMANAC OF 1776
By J. NEILSON BARRY
It is a small volume, only three inches by five, with a worn leather cover, and pages yellow from age. The printing is old fashioned, small, having the long "s" similar to an "f." The title page gives the information that it is "Gaine's Uni- versal Register, or American and British Kalendar for the year 1776," and that it was published by H. Gaine of New York.
It is a storehouse of information in regard to the various officials of that year, which was so momentous in the history of this country, and there are many things which throw light upon conditions in the Colonies at that period.
The book was the property of Hon. Abraham Ten Broeck, a member of the General Assembly of New York, representing the Manor of Van Rensselaer ; that he was a patriot is shown by notes which he made on the blank pages of the calendar, which also contain memoranda of his business transactions of that year.
The data are given in the most matter-of-fact way, without any indication of the turmoil of excitement at that time, yet the printed explanation for the lack of information regarding the Province of Massachusetts Bay has reference to the Revo- lution then in progress. "The present unhappy state of this Province prevents us from being as particular in our account of it as we cou'd wish we do not know who is in, or who are out of, office ; when the melancholly differences that now sub- sist between the Mother Country and her Colonies, are hap- pily terminated, we shall with Pleasure present the Public with as correct and copious Lists of the officers of Government as can be possibly obtain'd."
The calendar for July states that that month was to begin on Monday. The Fourth, which has since become so famous, was on Thursday, and the prediction for the weather was "Cloudy and it may rain about this time."
Among the manuscript notes are :
August 27th "Battle of Long Island."
September 15th "Regulars landed on York Island."
September 16th "Battle of Harlem."
148 J. NEILSON BARRY
October "Fryday llth Battle on lake Champlain, Cumber- land Bay, began at 11 & continued untill 5 o'cl."
November 3d "Genl. Carlton's Army left Crown point."
November 16th "Fort Washington taken."
December 26th "At 8 o'clock in the morning General Washington attacked the enemy at Trenton & obtained a Com- plete Victory by taking 1100 Prisoners, 50 killed, 100 wounded, 8 Brass Cannon, 1 Howitzer, 4 Standards and other Trophies, with the loss of 3 men only."
The frontispiece is a map of New York, showing the city as covering only the lower end of the island, with open country beyond.
"An Estimate of the Number of Souls" made in Congress Sept. 1774, shows a total of 3,026,678 in the Colonies.
There is a list of the dates for "Quakers' General Meetings," and a number of English lists, including the Royal Family, the Nobility, and civil, military and ecclesiastical officials, also notes in regard to other European countries.
There is a list of articles which shall not be shipped from any of the Colonies of England unless a bond is given that they "shall be landed in some British Colony, or in Great Britain," and a list of duties on exports and imports.
A general description of America is given, and a list of offi- cials headed by "General and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Forces in North America, His Excellency the Hon. Thomas Gage."
The "Governments" for the various Colonies follow, begin- ning with West Florida, and containing the names of the Gov- ernors, the Council, the various Judicial officials, Public officers, civil, naval and military, and the value of coins.
The Governor of West Florida was Peter Chester, of East Florida, Patrick Toryn, and of Georgia, Sir James Wright, Bar- onet. This Colony was divided into twelve parishes, beginning with Christ Church, Savannah. A list is given of the duties "on goods imported from any Colony to the Northward of South Carolina," and also a list of "Dissenting Ministers." In 1750 eight vessels were cleared out of Savannah harbor, and in 1772 two hundred and seventeen.
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William Campbell was the Governor of South Carolina. The duies on slaves were given : "Indians imported as slaves 50 each. Negroes or slaves 4 feet 2 inches or more high 10. Ditto, under, and above 3 feet 2 inches 5. Ditto, under and above 2 feet 2 inches (sucking children excepted) 2.10." The number of vessels cleared out of "Charlestown" was 209 in 1734 and 507 in 1773. The number of houses in "Charles- town" was 1450, and the inhabitants, white and black, 14,000. The Colony contained 65,000 white people and 100,000 slaves.
The Governor of North Carolina was Josiah Martin, and of Virginia, John Murray, Earl of Dunmore. Maryland is given as a Proprietary Government with Hon. Henry Harford as the Governor. "Except the Collectors and Comptrollers of his Majesty's Customs, the Proprietor has the sole appointment of all Officers, civil and military of this Province ; he has also the Presentation to every Parish of the established Church. Instead of the King's, all Proceedings of the Courts are carried on in his Name, * * * the Power of the Proprietor of Maryland is equal to that of any Sovereign Prince, who is not despotic in his Dominions."
Pennsylvania included Delaware; the Proprietors were "the Hon. Thomas and John Penn, Esqs.," the latter being the Gov- ernor. Among the Representatives in the General Assembly were Benjamin Franklin and Robert Morris. There are lists of officials for the Library, for the College and Academy of Philadelphia, for the Hospital, for "the light house" and for the "nightly watch." For the "Contributionship for Insurance of Houses from Fire," "For the Relief and Employment of the Poor," "For the Relief of Masters of Vessels, and their Wid- ows and Children," For the "American Philosophical Society for promoting useful knowledge," and "For promoting the cul- ture of Silk." "The chief City and Metropolis of the Province, is Philadelphia, supposed to be the largest and most regularly laid out of any in North America. It contains above 5,500 houses and 40,000 Inhabitants."
In New Jersey the Governor was Hon. William Franklin, The College of New Jersey at Princeton receives considerable space, the Rev. John Witherspoon being the President.
150 J. NELSON BARRY
There is an historical note regarding New York of which His Excellency William Tryon, Esq., was the Governor, and in addition to the usual list of officials there is quite an extensive notice in regard to New York College. "The Building (which is only one-third of the intended Structure) consists of an elegant Stone Edifice, three complete stories high, with four Stair cases, twelve Appartments in each." "The Edifice is sur- rounded by a high Fence, which also encloses a large Court and Garden, and a Porter constantly attends at the front Gate, which is lock'd at 10 o'Clock each Evening in Summer, and at 9 in Winter." Lists of officials for the New York Hos- pital, for the Chamber of Commerce, and for the Marine So- ciety, are also given, and the names of the ministers of the Episcopal, the Reformed Dutch and the Presbyterian Churches. Then follows "Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Post Master General for North America, appointed by the Hon. the Continental Congress." "Mails are made up at the Post Office in New York For Boston every Monday and Thursday, for Albany &c every Thursday, for Philadelphia and the Southward, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday." "The Mail for England is clos'd at the Post Office in New York the first Wednesday in every Month."
An extensive note is given of the Corporation for the Relief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen in the Communion of the Church of England in America.
The Governor of Connecticut was Hon. John Trumbull, and the president of Yale College was Rev. Napthali Daggett.
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations "by their Charter are impowered to elect their Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants, annually," the Governor being Hon. Joseph Wan- ton. "There are four commodious Stage Coaches, and a gen- teel Chariot, constantly plying from Providence to Boston. Passengers pay Two Dollars." There is an extended note of the Rhode Island College, "Tuition 12 Dollars per year, Board- ing 1 Dollar per Week."
While the Governor of Massachusetts Bay is given as Hon. Thomas Gage "the unhappy State" of conditions prevented the usual list of officials from being ascertained, which was also
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the probable cause for the scanty data in regard to New Hamp- shire, of which Hon. John Went worth was the Governor. The officials of Nova Scotia, NewFoundland, St. Johns and of Can- ada then follow.
There is a list of the congregations and ministers of the Presbytery of New York and of other Colonies.
A "List of the several Regiments of his Majesty's Forces now at Boston, with the names of their Commanders," "A List of Governors of the Province of New York from the year 1664 to the present Time," and similar lists of the Governors of New Jersey and of the West India Islands.
The staff of the British Army under Hon. Thomas Gage, and also the "Staff of the Army of the Thirteen United Prov- inces in North America, as accurately as could be obtained Octo. 10, 1775. General and Commander in Chief of all the American Forces, His Excellency the Honorable George Washington, Esq." "Major Generals, Artemus Ward, Charles Lee, Israel Putnam, and Philip Schuyler, Esqrs." "Brigadier
Generals, John Sullivan Green and Spencer,
Esqrs.," and many other names, followed by the "State of the Four Regiments raised in the Colony of New York for the Continental service," and the names of the officers, with man- uscript notes and checks, by the owner of the little volume, one of the Lieutenants being designated as a "bad character." Also similar lists for the Royal Artillery "for the Continental service" and of the Troop of Light Horse raised in the City of New York and the Independent Forces consisting of the First and the Second Battalions of New York, in which the names of the Companies are designated by such terms as Prussian Blues, Oswego Rangers, Hearts of Oak, Free Citizens and Brown Buffs.
There follows a table of New Jersey Bills reduced to New York Currency, and the little volume closes with a list of roads radiating from Boston, New York and Philadelphia, which indicate the extent of the settlement of the country, and the routes of communication. The post roads extended to Quebec in the north, to Charleston, S. C, in the south, and as far west as Pittsburgh. The wayside taverns were important stopping places in the wearisome travel over rough roads by the heavy stage coach or "genteel chariot," they often derived their names from the sign boards which they displayed, and this custom is illustrated by the following stopping places westward from Philadelphia, Black Horse, 6 miles; Prince of Wales, 10; Buck, 11; Sorrel Horse, 12; Plough, 13; Unicorn, 16; Blue Ball, 20; Admiral Warren, 23; White Horse, 26; Do wings, 33; The Ship, 35; The Waggon, 41, which was the terminal.
The last table contains the distances from Louisburgh through Quebec, Montreal, Niagara Falls, "a store house," Fort Presque Isle (Erie), Pittsburgh, Ohio Falls, to the mouth of the Mississippi River 3045 miles.
- ↑ Annual address delivered before the meeting of the members of the Oregon Historical Society, December 20, 1913.
- ↑ Delivered at the fourteenth annual commemoration services held at Champoeg, May 2, 1914.
- ↑ Note. For facts, in compilation of this sketch, the writer is indebted to the following authorities:
- Well authenticated Oregon history.
- Certified copy of records of the First Presbyterian Church in the Oregon Territory.
- The original "Church Record of First Congregational Church O. T." and kindly loaned by George H. Himes, of the Oregon Historical Society.
- Interviews with Mrs. W. P. Abrams, Dr. George F. Whitworth, John C. Carson and Seth L. Pope.
- Letters from Dr. George F. Whitworth, J. A. Hanna and Seth L. Pope.
- Church records of the First Presbyterian Church of Portland, Oregon.
- ↑ Parker's Exploring Tour, page 78.
- ↑ Donated by Mrs. Harriet L. McArthur, daughter of Senator Nesmith.
- ↑ Read before the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, December, 1911. Reprinted from the Annual Reports of that association for 1911, pp. 187–195.
- ↑ Calhoun to Coryell, Nov. 7, 1846. Jameson, "Corresp. of Calhoun," 710.
- ↑ Von Holst "Const. Hist. of the United States" (Lalor's transl.), II, 306.
- ↑ Von Holst, II, 15-16.
- ↑ "Westward Extension." Amer. Nation series, XVII, 355.