only of the territory south of a straight line from Akaba to Suez, and that Egyptian territory north of that line was traced from Rafa to Suez. As a compromise Mukhtar Pasha suggested as the frontier a line drawn direct from Rafa to Ras Mahommed (the most southern point of the Sinai peninsula), which would have left the whole of the gulf of Akaba in Turkish territory. In other words the claim of the Porte was, to quote Lord Cromer:—
“to carry the Turkish frontier and strategical railways to Suez on the banks of the canal; or that if the Ras Mahommed line were adopted, the Turkish frontier would be advanced to the neighbourhood of Nekhl, i.e. within easy striking distance of Egypt, and that . . . the gulf of Akaba . . . would practically become a mare clausum in the possession of Turkey and a standing menace to the security of the trade route to the East.”
Such proposals could not be entertained by Great Britain; and as the sultan remained obstinate the British ambassador on the 3rd of May presented a note to the Porte requiring compliance with the British proposals within ten days. The Turkish ambassador in London was informed by Sir Edward Grey, foreign secretary, that if it were found that Turkish suzerainty in Egypt were incompatible with the rights of the British government to interfere in Egyptian affairs, and with the British occupation, the British position in Egypt would be upheld by the whole force of the empire. Thereupon the sultan gave way and agreed (on the 14th of May) that the line of demarcation should start at Rafa and run towards the south-east “in an approximately straight line as far as a point on the gulf of Akaba at least 3 m. distant from Akaba.”[1] The Turkish troops were withdrawn from Taba, and the delimitation of the frontier was undertaken by a joint Turco-Egyptian commission. An agreement was signed on the 1st of October finally settling the frontier line.
With the ending of this dispute and the strengthening of the British garrison in Egypt a demonstration was given of the ability of the protecting power to maintain its position. At the same time encouragement was given to that section of Egyptian society which sought the reform of various Moslem institutions without injury to the principles underlying the faith of Islam: a more truly national movement than that of the agitators who clamoured for parliamentary government.
In April 1907, a few days after the appearance of his report
for 1906, in which the “Nationalist” and pan-Islamic movements
were shown to be detrimental to the welfare of
Egypt, Lord Cromer resigned his post of British agent
Resignation of
Lord Cromer.
and consul-general. His resignation, dictated by
reasons of health, was described by Sir Edward Grey
as “the greatest personal loss which the public service of this
country (Britain) could suffer.” Lord Cromer’s work was in a
sense complete. He left the country in a state of unexampled
material prosperity, free from the majority of the international
fetters with which it was bound when he took up his task in
1883, and with the legitimate expectation that the work he had
done would endure. The magnitude of the task he had accomplished
is shown by the preceding pages, and it need only be
added that the transformation effected in Egypt and the Sudan,
during his twenty-four years’ occupancy of the British Agency,
was carried out in every department under his guidance and
inspiration. Lord Cromer was succeeded by Sir Eldon Gorst,
who had served in Egypt eighteen years under him, and was
at the time of his appointment to Cairo an assistant under
secretary of state for foreign affairs.
Notwithstanding, or, rather, as a consequence of, the unexampled material prosperity of the country, 1907 was a year of severe financial crisis, due to over-trading, excessive credit and the building mania induced by the rapid economic progress of Egypt, and aggravated by the unfavourable monetary conditions existing in America and Europe during the latter part of the year. Though the crisis had results disastrous to the speculators, the position of the fellahin was hardly affected; the cotton crop was marketed with regularity and at an average price higher than that of 1906, while public revenue showed a satisfactory increase. The noisy “Nationalist” agitation which was maintained during this period of financial stringency reacted unfavourably on public order. Although the degree of insecurity prevailing in the provinces was greatly exaggerated—serious crime in 1907 being less than in the preceding year—an increasing number of crimes were left untraced to their authors. The release of the Denshawai prisoners in January 1908 and the death of Mustafa Kamel in the following month had a quieting effect on the public mind; while the fact that in the elections (December 1907) for the legislative council and the general assembly only 5% of the electors went to the polls, afforded a striking commentary alike on the appreciation of the average Egyptian of the value of parliamentary institutions and of the claims of the “Nationalist” members of the assembly to represent the Egyptian people. The “Nationalists” were, too, divided into many warring sections—Mahommed Bey Ferid, chosen as successor to Mustafa Kamel, had to contend with the pretensions of several other “leaders.” The khedive, moreover, markedly abstained from any association with the agitation of the Nationalists, who viewed with disfavour his highness’s personal friendship with Sir Eldon Gorst. The agitators gained their chief strength from the support accorded them by certain Radical politicians in England. A number of members of the council and assembly visited England in July 1908 and were received by Sir Edward Grey, who gave them assurances that Great Britain would always strive to remedy the legitimate grievances of Egyptians.
The establishment of constitutional rule in Turkey in the summer of 1908 excited the hopes of the Egyptian Nationalists, and a deputation was sent to Constantinople to confer with the Young Turk committee. From the Young Turks, however, the deputation received no encouragement for their agitation and returned with the advice to work in co-operation with the British. In view of the rumours current, Sir Eldon Gorst, in the form of an interview in El Mokattam, a widely read native paper, restated (October 1908) the British view as to the occupation of the country and the demand for a parliament. Great Britain, he declared, had no intention of proclaiming a protectorate over Egypt; on the other hand, recent events in Turkey in no way affected the question of self-government in Egypt. It would be folly to think of introducing unrestricted parliamentary government at present, the conditions for its successful working not existing. The “wild and foolish” agitation on this question only served to confirm the impression that the Egyptians were not yet fit to govern themselves. At the same time steps were being taken to give them a much greater part in the management of local affairs. If the Egyptians showed that the existing institutions and the new provincial councils could do useful work, it would prove the best argument for extending their powers. Sir Eldon Gorst’s statements were approved by the British government.
In November 1908 Mustafa Fehmi, who had been premier since 1895, resigned, and was succeeded by Boutros Pasha, a Copt of marked ability, who had been for several years foreign minister. Boutros incurred the enmity of the “Nationalists” and was murdered in February 1910. (D. M. W.; F. R. C.)
Authorities.—D. A. Cameron, Egypt in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1898), a clear and useful summary of events up to 1882; E. Dicey, The Story of the Khedivate (London, 1902); J. C. McCoan, Egypt under Ismail (London, 1899); P. Mouriez, Histoire de Méhémet-Ali (4 vols., Paris, 1855–1858); L. Bréhier, L’Égypte de 1789 à 1900 (Paris, 1901); C. de Freycinet, La Question d’Égypte (Paris, 1905). See also Mehemet Ali.
For the period immediately preceding and during the British occupation the standard authority is Lord Cromer’s Modern Egypt (2 vols., London, 1908). In this invaluable work the history of Egypt from 1875 to 1892 and that of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan from 1882 to 1907 is treated fully. Lord Cromer’s annual reports (1888–1906) to the British government on the affairs of Egypt should also be consulted. Next in interest are Alfred (Lord) Milner’s England in Egypt (11th ed., London, 1904), and Sir A. Colvin’s The Making of Modern Egypt (London, 1906). Consult also Khedives and Pashas (London, 1884), by C. F. Moberly Bell (published anonymously); D. M. Wallace, Egypt and the Egyptian Question (London, 1883); W. S. Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (2nd ed., London, 1907), a partisan record; C. v. Malortie, Egypt,
- ↑ See Egypt No. 2 (1906), Correspondence respecting the Turco-Egyptian Frontier in the Sinai Peninsula (with a map).
