cise of it is to be reviewed, and when they must descend to the level from which they were raised; there forever to remain, unless a faithful discharge of their trust shall have established their title to a renewal of it.
I will add, as a fifth circumstance in the situation of the House of Representatives, restraining them from oppressive measures, that they can make no law which will not have its full operation on themselves and their friends, as well as on the great mass of the society. This has always been deemed one of the strongest bonds by which human policy can connect the rulers and the People together. It creates between them that communion of interests and sympathy of sentiments, of which few Governments have furnished examples; but without which every Government degenerates into tyranny. If it be asked, what is to restrain the House of Representatives from making legal discriminations in favor of themselves and a particular class of the society, I answer, the genius of the whole system; the nature of just and constitutional laws; and above all, the vigilant and manly spirit which actuates the People of America: a spirit which nourishes freedom, and in return is nourished by it.
If this spirit shall ever be so far debased as to tolerate a law not obligatory on the Legislature, as well as on the People, the People will be prepared to tolerate anything but liberty.
Such will be the relation between the House of Representatives and their constituents. Duty, gratitude, interest, ambition itself, are the chords by which they will be bound to fidelity and sympathy with the great mass of the People. It is possible that these may all be insufficient to control the caprice and wickedness of man. But are they not all that Government will admit, and that human prudence can devise? Are they not the genuine and the characteristic means, by which Re-
