publican Government provides for the liberty and happiness of the People? Are they not the identical means on which every State Government in the Union relies for the attainment of these important ends? What then are we to understand by the objection which this paper has combated? What are we to say to the men who profess the most flaming zeal for Republican Government, yet boldly impeach the fundamental principle of it; who pretend to be champions for the right and the capacity of the People to choose their own rulers, yet maintain that they will prefer those only who will immediately and infallibly betray the trust committed to them?
Were the objection to be read by one who had not seen the mode prescribed by the Constitution for the choice of Representatives, he could suppose nothing less, than that some unreasonable qualification of property was annexed to the right of suffrage; or that the right of eligibility was limited to persons of particular families or fortunes; or at least that the mode prescribed by the State Constitutions was, in some respect or other, very grossly departed from. We have seen, how far such a supposition would err, as to the two first points. Nor would it, in fact, be less erroneous as to the last. The only difference discoverable between the two cases is, that each Representative of the United States will be elected by five or six thousand citizens; whilst in the individual States, the election of a Representative is left to about as many hundreds. Will it be pretended, that this difference is sufficient to justify an attachment to the State Governments, and an abhorrence to the Fœderal Government? If this be the point on which the objection turns, it deserves to be examined.
Is it supported by reason? This cannot be said, without maintaining that five or six thousand citizens are less capable of choosing a fit Representative, or
