offices, there was to be a frequent change in the persons who were to compose the Council, this would involve the mischiefs of a mutable administration in their full extent. Such a Council would also be more liable to Executive influence than the Senate, because they would be fewer in number, and would act less immediately under the public inspection. Such a Council, in fine, as a substitute for the plan of the Convention, would be productive of an increase of expense, a multiplication of the evils which spring from favoritism and intrigue in the distribution of public honors, a decrease of stability in the administration of the Government, and a diminution of the security against an undue influence of the Executive. And yet such a Council has been warmly contended for as an essential amendment in the proposed Constitution.
I could not with propriety conclude my observations on the subject of appointments, without taking notice of a scheme, for which there have appeared some, though but few advocates; I mean that of uniting the House of Representatives in the power of making them. I shall, however, do little more than mention it, as I cannot imagine that it is likely to gain the countenance of any considerable part of the community. A body so fluctuating, and at the same time so numerous, can never be deemed proper for the exercise of that power. Its unfitness will appear manifest to all, when it is recollected that in half a century it may consist of three or four hundred persons. All the advantages of the stability, both of the Executive and of the Senate, would be defeated by this union; and infinite delays and embarrassments would be occasioned. The example of most of the States in their local Constitutions, encourages us to reprobate the idea.
The only remaining powers of the Executive are comprehended in giving information to Congress of the
