in Hebrew, also ûna (in the construct state û) as the plural termination of masc. nouns in literary Arabic.
[b] 2. The characteristic Pathaḥ of the second syllable becomes Šewâ before an afformative beginning with a vowel, where it would otherwise stand in an open syllable (as קָֽטְלָ֫ה, קָֽטְל֫וּ; but in pause קָטָ֫לָה, קָטָ֫לוּ). Before an afformative beginning with a consonant the Pathaḥ remains, whether in the tone-syllable (קָטַ֫לְתָּ, קָטַ֫לְתְּ, קָטַ֫לְתִּי, קָטַ֫לְנוּ; in pause קָטָ֫לְתָּ &c.) or before it. In the latter case, however, the Qameṣ of the first syllable, being no longer a pretonic vowel, becomes vocal Šewâ; as קְטַלְתֶּ֫ם, קְטַלְתֶּ֫ן; cf. § 27 i and § 43 b. On the retention of ā with Metheg of the counter-tone in the Perf. consecutive, cf. § 49 i.
[c] Rem. 1. Verbs middle ē in Hebrew (as in Ethiopic, but not in Arabic or Aramaic) generally change the E-sound in their inflexion into Pathaḥ (frequently so even in the 3rd sing. masc. Perf.). This tendency to assimilate to the moro common verbs middle a may also be explained from the laws of vocalization of the tone-bearing closed penultima, which does not readily admit of Ṣere, and never of Ḥireq, of which the Ṣere is a lengthening (cf. § 26 p). On the other hand, Ṣere is retained in an open syllable; regularly so in the weak stems ל״א (§ 74 g), before suffixes (§ 59 i), and in the pausal forms of the strong stem in an open tone-syllable, e.g. דָּבֵ֫קָה it cleaveth, Jb 29 (not דָּבָ֫קָה, cf. 2 S 1, Jb 41; even (contrary to § 29 q) in a closed pausal syllable, e.g. שָׁכֵן, Dt 33 (out of pause שָׁכַן, Is 32); but קָמַ֑ל Is 33, &c., according to § 29 q.
[d] 2. In some weak stems middle a, the Pathaḥ under the second radical sometimes, in a closed toneless syllable, becomes ־ִ, and, in one example, ־ֶ. Thus from יָרַשׁ: וִיֽרִשְׁתָּהּ and thou shalt possess it, Dt 17; וִיֽרִשְׁתָּם Dt 19; וִיֽרִשְׁתֶּם Dt 4, and frequently; from יָלַד to bring forth, to beget; יְלִדְתִּ֫יךָ ψ 2 (cf. Nu 11, Jer 2, 15); from פּוּשׁ; וּפִשְׁתֶּם Mal 3; from שָׁאַל; שְׁאלְתִּיו I have asked him, 1 S 1 (Ju 13), and three times שְׁאֶלְתֶּם 1 S 12, 25, Jb 21. Qimḥi already suggests the explanation, that the ĭ (ĕ) of these forms of שׁאל and ירשׁ is the original vowel, since along with שָׁאַל and יָרַשׁ are also found שָׁאֵל and יָרֵשׁ (see the Lexicon). The possibility of this explanation cannot be denied (especially in the case of יָרַשׁ, see § 69 s); the ĭ in these forms might, however, equally well have arisen from an attenuation of ă (§ 27 s), such as must in any case be assumed in the other instances. Moreover, it is worthy of notice that in all the above cases the ĭ is favoured by the character of the following consonant (a sibilant or dental), and in most of them also by the tendency towards assimilation of the vowels (cf. § 54 k and § 64 f).
[e] 3. In verbs middle ō, the Ḥolem is retained in the tone-syllable, e.g. יָגֹ֫רְתָּ thou didst tremble; יָכֹ֫לוּ in pause for יָֽכְלוּ they were able; but in a toneless closed syllable the original short vowel appears in the form of a Qameṣ haṭuph; יְכָלְתִּ֫יו I have prevailed against him, ψ 13; וְיָֽכָלְתָּ֫ (see § 49 h) then shalt thou be able, Ex 18; in a toneless open syllable it becomes vocal Šewâ, e.g. יָכִֽלָה, יָכְֽלוּ.
[f] 4. Rarer forms[1] are: Sing. 3rd fem. in ־ַת (as in Arabic, Ethiopic, and
- ↑ Many of these forms, which are uncommon in Hebrew, are usual in the other Semitic dialects, and may, therefore, be called Aramaisms (Syriasms) or Arabisms. They must not, however, be regarded as cases of borrowing, but as a return to original forms.
