aidmi oipretho pectho intainsin, “these [the passions] were the instruments of the working of sin at that time”. The word is of frequent application throughout the literature, mostly referring to military and ecclesiastical furniture and utensils; cf. LB 11 β 27, 32 β 50; F. Mast. sub ann. 1162, 1178, 1235; vol. iii. pp. 2126, 2234, &c.
findbad: Ml. 14b4, ni digned Dd. innuaisletaid innafindbuide adfiadar isintsalmso dothaisilbiud dondfiur adrodar idlu, gl. huic . . . . quomodo David beatitudinis apicem contulisset.
Ascoli’s reading ‘quod propheta David’, &c., is not intelligible to me; the sense of the passage is, “how could D. have assigned the title of ‘beatitudinis apex’ to the idolator who had plundered the temple of God, and given away its possessions to a foreigner?” taking digned[1] with dothaisilbiud, as expressive of the contulisset of the Latin text. With the form adrodar, cf. LB. 177a9, or-brisiu-sa in dia d‑ara-dair do brathair-siu, “I destroyed the god whom thy brother worshipped”.
esamain: Ml. 25 b9, we find as a gloss to impudentiam confutare inesamni; 27d8 quam temerarium, gl. ciafiu esámain; 29 a11 audentior, gl. esamnu, &c. There is no doubt of the meaning of the word, so that when Mr. Hennessy, in his excellent rendering of MacConglinny’s Yision, renders buarannach mac elcaib essamain a Sith longthe do-m-anaic-sea [LB. 217 β 54], by “I am Boranagh, son of Joyous-Welcome, from the Hill of Eating”, it causes some surprise. I do not know how Mr. Hennessy got it, nor do I see to which word he intends to give the meaning of welcome; is it elcaib, ‘welcome’, and essamain, ‘joyous’, or the other way?
tairilb: Ml. 36 a36 nítáirilb, gl. neque addixerit, 49 b3 nitharilb, gl.
- ↑ This periphrasis of the infinitive mood of verbs used in connexion with finite tenses of the verb to do is of as common usage in Munster at the present day as it was in Wales at the time of the transcription of the Mabinogion. Thus, instead of saying, dûirt she go gõătaχ she an tarigid dum, ‘he said that he would keep the money for me’, a Munsterman will just as often say, go nîănhaχ she an tarigid do χõăd. The Welsh examples of this mode of expression are translated in the Gr. Celt., p. 926, by dormire coepit, &c., ‘he began to sleep’, &c.; but in many instances there is no idea of beginning the action; it is used periphrastically; cf. Mab. i, 5, 11, a bwyta a orugam hyt am hanner bwyt, “I did my eating till half the repast was over”; only in this case there is no dative affix as in the case of the Irish verbal noun.
