the line and fifteen to twenty frigates, he thought, would be sufficient; and if the present state of the finances forbade so large an outlay, he was at least in favor of beginning the enlargement of the navy with such an end in view. But what he would absolutely insist upon was the building up of a force “competent to punish any single ship or small naval expedition” attempting to “endanger our coasting trade, to block up our harbors, or to lay under contribution our cities,” such a force being “entirely within the compass of our means” at the time. “Because we cannot provide against every danger,” he asked, “shall we provide against none?”
This was a sensible theory, in its main principles applicable now as well as then: to keep a force not so expensive as to embarrass the country financially, not so large as to tempt the government into unnecessary quarrels, but sufficient for doing such duty of high police as might be necessary to protect our harbors and coasts against casual attack and annoyance, and to “show the flag,” and serve as a sign of the national power in foreign parts, where American citizens or American property might occasionally need protection. With great adroitness Clay enlisted also the sympathies of the Western members in behalf of the navy, by showing them the importance of protecting the mouth of the Mississippi, the only outlet for the products of the Western country.
The war spirit in the country gradually rose, and
