a public declaration under the circumstances then prevailing. It would be a special convention between the two parties constituting a commentary on the British declaration, the political and juridical implications of which it would express in detail. I prepared an outline of these juridical consequences, and at once handed it to Lord Robert Cecil, with a demand that if the British Government consented, they should be formulated as articles of a convention which would then be signed by both parties as a valid and binding document. The wording was as follows:
The recognition of the sovereignty of the National Council would have these consequences:
1. From an international and juridical standpoint the Czechoslovak territories would occupy much the same position among the Allies as Serbia and Greece.
2. Their armies would cease to be dependent upon the French and Italian Ministries of War, they would be solely under Czechoslovak administration, and would be recognized on an equal footing by all the Allies.
3. The Czechoslovak territories would have their own budget for the maintenance of administration and armies. They would ask the Allies for a political loan, in which England also would participate.
4. The Allies would negotiate direct with the provisional Government on all questions concerning Czechoslovak affairs.
5. The Czechoslovak territories would be represented at Allied conferences except those definitely reserved for the great Allied Powers.
6. A diplomatic, consular, passport, and courier service to be established for the Czechoslovak territories; all Czechoslovaks recognized as such by the Czechoslovak authorities would be treated as Allies in the Entente countries.
7. In order that the Allies might receive adequate guarantees, a mixed financial commission would be set up to control the Czechoslovak budget, covered by the Allied loan.
Lord Robert Cecil promised that he would again consider the matter, discuss it with Mr. Balfour, as well as the other members of the Government, and would give me a definite answer at the earliest possible moment.
The subsequent negotiations proceeded rapidly. Lord Robert Cecil recognized in principle all my objections. A few days later he summoned me again to the Foreign Office and placed before me a revised draft of the British declaration which had met with Mr. Balfour’s approval. In its essentials our new counter-proposal had been accepted with insignificant changes.
