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probably be paid at New-York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and reimbursed from the states on the Mississippi and Ohio, who will thus pay (perhaps exclusively) for those benefits which may at first seem to operate exclusively for their advantage.
These few remarks have been introduced for the sake of those politicians who calculate the loss and gain upon any transaction in the same manner as they would the contents of a hogshead of molasses, or a bale of oznaburgs; and who would as soon think of lending a friend money without security, or without interest, as they would of aiding one part of the confederacy at the expence of the whole.
Having, as I hope, thoroughly satisfied this class of politicians, I shall address the remainder of these remarks to those sober and reflecting persons, who, without any view to their own personal emolument, or that of their friends and connexions, examine the measures of government impartially, as they tend to promote, and to secure the general happiness of the confederacy; making that criterion, and that only, the general standard of their support, or opposition. To men of such characters, even the reflections of an individual far removed from the political theatre, and wholly unconnected with those in office, or who wish to be in office, if dictated by similar motives with their own, can not be wholly unacceptable. I shall therefore proceed to state what I conceive to be the solid and permanent advantages, which may be derived to the United States, either immediately, or remotely, in consequence of this important negotiation.
The first, and most obvious advantage which accrues from this transaction, is the happy removal of the recent and imminent danger we were in, of an immediate rupture with France. Events are too recent to require that this danger should be strenuously insisted on, or formally demonstrated. They are recorded, not only in the Journals of Con-
