Dr. Beneš Welcomed in Budějovice. struggled desperately during the war for their independence, like the Lithuanians, Armenians and others. Even the position of the Jugoslavs, who had sacrificed so much during the war, as we well know, was not clear from the point of view of international law. United Jugoslavia was only recognized by the peace of Versailles.
In recalling these activities abroad, I cannot refrain from mentioning a few matters that possess a certain political significance.
The third day after the declaration of war I made preparations to secure a passport, in order to escape into the Allied states. During August 1914 I spent some time in the country and made occasional trips to Prague. In the country I considered what could be done, and at the end of August 1914 I decided to see Professor Masaryk. I met him on the Letná and began to bring forward all sorts of arguments, why it was necessary to attack Austria, to begin work at home and also abroad. Professor Masaryk listened with a certain reserve, almost with a smile. Then he said: “I have already started working; we can work together.”
The first care was to get money, to finance our activity. President Masaryk informed himself as to the situation at home, made a second trip to Holland, where he informed himself as to the situation abroad, and he also ascertained the situation in Vienna. On the basis of this we established the so-called “maffia” of which I acted as secretary, as long as Masaryk remained in Prague.
I cannot forget, how in those first days of organizing activity we worked hand in hand with Dr. Rašín. I recall these beginnings, because I want to stress one characteristic of our entire foreign labor: it was carried on with a clear, firm, definite program. We had a few ideas, these ideas were engraved in everyone’s heart, and we followed them devotedly. Thus it happened that our action at home and abroad was always harmonious. It was best expressed by our president, when he first met delegates from Prague in Paris after the October overthrow. He told me then: “We were separated by thousands of miles, but methods, aims, principles were such that not in a single case did our steps or political decisions or tactical measures collide.”
At this point it is most appropriate that I mention the name of our noble comrade Milan Štefanik. His immense accomplishment must not be forgotten. If we have peace and freedom, his is the lion’s share of the accomplishment.
The method of our movement at first consisted simply in calling on our few friends in France, England and America and telling them about our attitude; we submitted facts and gave information. I remember that when I came to Paris I settled down in a side street in a small room on the sixth floor, and my budget during the first year provided for my living expenses the sum of 160 francs a month. At the same time President Masaryk in a little room in a London suburb was commencing his immense work of information and organization.
From the very first we had an exact and clear plan. Our movement supplemented the plans of the Allies. We emphasized from the beginning that Pan-Germanism was the chief danger, because it placed at the disposition of Germany the resources of the oppressed nations of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and that therefore it is necessary to destroy Austria-Hungary which bears an equal and even greater share of the blame for war than Germany. That we were right is confirmed by recent disclosures which demonstrate that the responsibility for the war belongs to Austrian Germans, Magyars and Poles, because their representatives conducted the aggressive tactics against Serbia and put into motion the expedition against Serbia in 1914. And we have also the satisfaction of seeing that our
Gen. Pellé, ex-minister Vrbenský, Mrs. Beneš, Dr. Scheiner, Dr. Štěpánek, John Masaryk, Minister Franke, Minister Beneš.
