we have a considerable army there and with Italy we concluded our first treaty, thereby gaining her recognition; all the other Allies then turned toward us with sympathy. We were recognized by England, United States, Japan, Serbia, Belgium, Greece, Cuba. I hardly know whom to thank first. It is natural that recognition by England and United States, the greatest Allied Powers, strengthened us greatly, as the behavior of the enemies made plain.
The United States rendered to us of their riches immediate help and gave us definite promises for the future. President Wilson himself devoted much sincere attention to our country. We are greatly indebted to him and all the Allies, and they may always count upon us; I can express our feelings toward them best in the words of premier Dr. Kramář who asked me in the first wireless message sent from Prague to Paris: “Assure the governments and nations of the Allies of our gratitude and firm fidelity.” After receiving official recognition from the Allies we declared the independence of our nation and constructed a government; the nation at home approved this step and entrusted the government to you and me.
The principal aim of the war and of the present time is the reorganization of Eastern Europe and the solution of the eastern question. The war was the continuation and culmination of the fights and attempts for the solution of the eastern question in the broad meaning of the term. Te German push toward the East is aimed at the zone of smaller and small nations, living between the Germans and the Russians, beginning with the Finns and ending with the Greeks. This zone includes 18 small nations. Pan-Germanists preached that the small nations had no future, that history favored the construction of great states; this view is manifestly incorrect; for since the 18th Century a great number of small states arose. Napoleon’s imperialistic attempts did not succeed, and German, Austro-Hungarian and Russian imperialism was also wrecked.
The negative aim of the war is achieved. Europe is faced with the positive task of organizing the east of Europe and thus all Europe and all humanity. We stand on the threshold of a new era when all mankind realizes its unity. Our nation wishes to contribute with full consciousness of the task something to the realization of this magnificent and noble aim. We know that the nations look for new, creative and organizing statesmanship and we promise that we shall make an honorable attempt toward it.
Bismarck said that the master of Bohemia is the master of Europe. He described thus in his own way the special world significance of our nation. We are the westernmost Slav branch in the Centre of Europe and we successfully helped to balk the German push toward the east. Our present victory was made possible by our national firmness as well as the natural riches of our country. Our victory is likewise the victory of the other small nations, menaced by Germany and Austria.
Similar fate and similar dangers lead us to close friendship with our neighbors in the East and the Southeast. I started friendly relations abroad with all these nations, the Poles, Ukrainians, Jugoslavs, Roumanians, Lithuanians, Letts, Finns, Greeks and Albanians. We attempted in America to form a union of Mid-European nations. Twelve nations were gained and the attempt was promising. America took lively interest in this union, and a special society was formed for the support of Mid-European nations which, I hope, will make its contribution to the great task. President Wilson greatly favored this union and its aims, and efforts to solve the problems of small nations found in him a warm friend.
Our immediate tasks can be sketched very briefly. Speaking in general we want to organize as close relations as possible with our neighbors and the Allied nations. The fact that we are neighbors and have a similar history should make for close friendship with Poles. I took this up on many occasions with Polish leaders, we even spoke of a federation, but decided that in the immediate future each nation had its special constructive work and that it would be better not to complicate our tasks; but we shall try at any rate to reach an economic and military agreement. That would be of course purely defensive. I also discussed the Polish question in Silesia. And an agreement is easy, for it is on the whole an insignificant problem in comparison with the great work ahead of us. It is in the interest of both parties that we should both be as strong as possible. But I must say that the manner in which some Poles attempt to occupy our territory is in our opinion improper. At first we must consolidate the territory of each state and then we may voluntarily agree to a rectification of the boundaries. I hope that the Poles will approve of this attitude, the more so, as their example might incite in others similar attempts against the Poles. When the Poles have a consolidated state, we can take this up as a matter between the two states.
We were in harmony with Roumanians, especially in Russia; strong friendship grew between us. I was myself in Roumania and negotiated with the government and the King especially for joining our army with the Roumanian army. But the plan was not realized. The possibility is now given to us to be neighbors. Uhro-Rusins through their representatives in America laid before us the proposition that their people should be an autonomous part of our state. A similar proposition was made by the so-called Carpatho-Russians. I did not, of course, have the authority to settle these questions, but I expressed approval of this union. There seems no doubt that the Rusin people in Hungary will approve from the prop-
