over industrial parts of Austria. At the same time they employed Bismarck’s policies toward Austria and became the devoted vanguard of the Germans in the Balkans. Their feudal nobility supported by the capitalists erected an artificial state structure which the war caused to fall as it did the entire artificial structure of the Hapsburgs. It was almost unbelievable that a nation like the Magyars could exploit so long four other nations, our Slovaks, Rusins, Roumanians and Jugoslavs. Cavour already discerned clearly that the Magyars could not respect the liberty of other nations, although they had to defend themselves against the Germans: politically the Magyars have during this war lived on their prestige from the year 1848. But the falsehood of their propaganda has ben everywhere realized, and today the Allies see that the Magyars have a right to their own national state only. I should like to have our relations with them adjusted firmly and quickly.
Magyar minorities will everywhere enjoy civic rights. The Magyars were so cruel as to claim that the Slovak was not a man. But I would not repay them evil. We only desire that the Slovaks may have the frontiers necessary for their development. The same thing is true of the Rusins who wish to join us.
I wish to finish. We know we shall not attain our national program merely by foreign politics, but we must work hard internally; there also our policies will be honest and reasonable. During the time of transition we shall endeavor to maintain order and devote ourselves to peaceful administrative work. The substance of democracy is not domination, but work for the safe-guarding of justice; it is the mathematics of humanity. We must devote special attention to agriculture, industry and commerce. We shall enter upon new railroad and communication policies. Our new life and relations with the Allies will be not merely political, but also economic.
I have already entered upon economic and financial relations with influential factors in America, England and France. Financial assistance of Allied countries has been promised to us. The United States and President Wilson himself promised help in the way of food-stuffs during the period of transition. The government has already indicated a list of what we need; we asked for only the most necessary things, because we know that others also need assistance. America has helped and is still helping efficiently our army in Russia. The American Red Cross is doing wonderful work there. The government and financial circles are willing to make loans to us. I myself have provisionally negotiated small loans which will have to be constitutionally approved.
But men and nations do not live bv bread alone. WTe have all realized that we need to be re-educated. Creation of schools and spiritual life need our most intensive efforts. It is evident that our legislative organs must make new laws, corresponding to new conditions. Unhealthy Austrianism must be completely eradicated and that requires more than doing away with outward signs. In general we have the possibility now to carry out many plans that were heretofore theoretical.
Let us beware of too much haste; we have time ahead of us now, everything does not need to be done at once. Let us begin with the most necessary things, with matters that will make further orderly development possible. The situation of the world and of our country demands radical social reforms; democratic equality cannot live together with exploitation and domination of classes.
I am happy to see women in this assembly. I believe that women should devote themselves to public life just as men.
Let us hope that the peace conference in Paris will secure for us a permanent peace. That does not do away with the necessity for national defense, on the contrary we must create an all-national system of efficient defense. That means that we shall have to give much attention to the increase of population, and I am glad that we have a ministry of public health as a part of this government. Experience in the long war impels us to care for the body and spirit of future generations. The ideals of Fuegner and Tyrš have proved their value in our army.
Our army from Italy is on the way back, and I wish that our boys from Russia might also return, but distance and technical difficulties are in the way, neither can we as one of the Allies act independently in such a serious concern. We shall employ the army for safeguarding our territory and maintaining order. Our army is a part of the Allied armies and we hope that our seperatists may realize this fact and its consequence as based on the conditions of armistice.
I did not intend, my friends, to render a detailed program. I merely lay before you certain leading principles for our political activities and I tried to summarize briefly the meaning of this terrible experience in this, let us hope, last war which ended so fortunately for us. Its sense may be expressed briefly thus: We all, individuals and nations, firmly hope that the great sacrifices of lives and goods have not been in vain. We have achieved our goal. Let us try to make it secure forever, and this is a task more difficult perhaps than our tasks during the war. All citizens of good will regardless of party, religion and nationalitv, have the opportunity to create an exemplary democratic state that will watch over the interests of free, selfgoverning citizenship.
A few more words, gentlemen. We have gained the sympathies of the Allies and the respect of our enemies by our organizing ability and by the fact that we were able to make and maintain order. Now this order must be maintained in the future under all circumstances. In our lands there must be no violence, and I ask you strong-
