with the sovereign, while the nation was torn between different parties, to be at the head of that faction which her majesty and the body of her people utterly disapproved; and therefore, the leaders on both sides, when they were in power, did positively determine this question in the negative. And if we may be allowed to judge by events, the reasons were cogent enough; since differences may happen to arise between two princes the most nearly allied in blood; although it be true indeed, that where the duty to a parent, is added to the allegiance of a subject, the consequence of family dissensions may not always be considerable.
For my own part, I freely told my opinion to the ministers; and did afterward offer many reasons for it, in a discourse intended for the publick, but stopped by the queen's death, that the young grandson (whose name I cannot remember) should be invited over to be educated in England; by which, I conceived, the queen might be secure from the influence of cabals and factions; the zealots, who affected to believe the succession in danger, could have no pretences to complain; and the nation might one day hope to be governed by a prince of English manners and language, as well as acquainted with the true constitution of church and state. And this was the judgment of those at the helm, before I offered it: neither were they nor their mistress to be blamed, that such a resolution was not pursued. Perhaps, from what has since happened, the reader will be able to satisfy himself.
I have now said all I could think convenient (considering the time wherein I am writing) upon those two points, which I proposed to discourse on, where-
