many who had heard him as a pianist came also to hear him make a political speech. I had prepared a terse statement of our national and political programme; but Paderewski, to whom I gave precedence, put me out of my intended stride. Of the Polish national programme he said little, but of me much. He gave a sketch of my life and praised me to the skies. This surprised me the more because Paderewski was a Conservative by conviction and I should therefore have expected him to treat me with some reserve. He had nearly finished before I could think how to answer him. At the last moment, however, I decided that, like him, I would say little of my programme but would speak for Paderewski by explaining the relationship of politics to art. Incidentally I wished also to defend him against those of his fellow-countrymen who opposed his political leadership because he could " only play the piano.” Polish literature, particularly the writings of Mickiewicz and Krasiński, helped me to illustrate the bearing of poetry upon politics, and to reveal the artist Paderewski as a true political awakener of his people. Though non-political or, at least, not directly political, my speech made a considerable impression, as newspaper comment showed and as American politicians and journalists told me after the meeting. They had been curious to see how I should answer Paderewski and were greatly pleased. The incident helped to show that the most effective propaganda is not to be always harping upon one’s own programme, but to arouse and hold public interest. This, at any rate, was my main method, especially in society and in private talk.
With the Poles, and notably with Dmowski, we frequently discussed in detail the post-war relationship of our peoples. Dmowski himself favoured the closest relations and often advocated federation. We considered, too, the question of Silesia, for the incorporation of Polish Silesia in Poland was claimed even then in Polish circles, and Dmowski spoke of it, albeit with moderation. I proposed that, as a first step, we should agree upon the text of a Czech-Polish agreement or declaration which would help us to prove to the Allies and, above all, to the Americans, that we were friends, and would permit us at the same time to cope with extremists on both sides. I suggested to Dmowski that he himself should draft the declaration, while I drew up economic stipulations such as the railway through Teschen and a sufficient supply of coal. I pointed out that, against us, the Poles ought not to insist upon a purely racial and linguistic policy, seeing that they
