the Russians, for a time at least; and, later on, had driven the Russians eastwards and had cleared the whole border from Finland to the Ukraine. Willy-nilly, Germany had also been obliged to help Austria against Italy. The Hapsburgs had nevertheless stabbed Germany in the back. President Wilson admitted that the Hapsburgs had behaved dishonourably, though he disliked the subjection of Austria to the overlordship of Prussia-Germany. In our view of Prussian Tsarism, as I called it, we agreed fully; and, in his answer of October 28 to the German Note of October 20, the President dwelt very effectively upon this view. While we were discussing it, we touched upon the old idea of the European Allies that Austria might be detached from Germany, a plan really based upon the assumption that Austria would betray her ally. This aspect of the Hapsburg character had marked influence upon Wilson and other statesmen. In addition, I drew the President’s attention to the responsibility of Austria in provoking the war, and he recognized that Austria had not been driven into war by Germany.
When the peace offers began and the question of arranging an armistice arose, I expressed to the President my conviction that the war ought to be continued until the Allies had compelled the German army to lay down its arms and that, if necessary, they should enter Berlin. I argued that this course would not cost more lives than would be lost by an indecisive peace. I admitted that the decision of the German command to ask for peace showed that the war had already been won strategically; but, as I knew how strongly the masses of the German people believed in the invincibility of the Prussian-German army and its commanders, I feared that German public opinion in general would not be convinced that Germany and Austria had been strategically defeated. I reminded the President that he had sent his friend Colonel House to Europe in order to discuss with the Allied leaders how a lasting, not a fleeting, peace could be secured, as the President himself had rightly said a year before in a speech to workmen at Buffalo; and I recalled to his mind the way in which he had justified to Congress the American declaration of war on Austria-Hungary, though he did not at that moment think of destroying her. He had demanded the destruction of Prussian militarism which, in my opinion, could best be achieved if Marshal Foch were to lead the Allied armies across the Rhine.
President Wilson was perhaps a stronger pacifist than I,
