Sanskrit Grammar (Whitney)/Chapter IV
CHAPTER IV.
DECLENSION.
261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives, and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner. But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.), the pronouns, which exhibit many peculiarities, will be best dealt with in a separate chapter (VII.); and the words designating number, or numerals, also form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by themselves (chap. VI.).
262. Declensional forms show primarily case and number; but they also indicate gender — since, though the distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself, they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes of inflection.
263. Gender. The genders are three, namely masculine, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-European languages; and they follow in general the same laws of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin.
a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the numerals above four (483).
264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual, and plural.
a. A few words are used only in the plural: as dārās wife, ā́pas water; the numeral dva two, is dual only; and, as in other languages, many words are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular.
265. As to the uses of the numerals, it needs only to be remarked that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, çivé te dyā́vāpṛthivī́ ubhé stām may heaven and earth both be propitious to thee! dāivaṁ ca mānuṣaṁ ca hotārāu vṛtvā having chosen both the divine and the human sacrificers; pathor devayānasya pitṛyāṇasya ca of the two paths leading respectively to the gods and to the Fathers.
a. The dual is used alone (without dva two) properly when the duality of the objects indicated is well understood; thus, açvínāu the two Açvins; índrasya hárī Indra's two bays; but tasya dvāv açvāu staḥ he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly: thus, vedaṁ vedāu vedān vā one Veda or two or more than two; ekaṣaṣṭe çate two hundred and sixty-one.
266. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight: nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, and vocative.
a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the nominative is called prathamā first, the accusative dvitīyā second, the genitive ṣaṣṭhī sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i.e. case), etc. The object sought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases which are to a greater or less extent, in one or another number, identical in form; and, putting the nominative first, as leading case, there is no other order by which that object could be attained. The vocative is not considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest; in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever distinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the series of cases.
A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in the following paragraphs:
267. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the subject, whether attributively, in apposition, or as predicate.
268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice:
a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling one’s self: thus, sómam manyate papivā́n (RV.) he thinks he has been drinking soma; sá manyeta purāṇavít (AV.) he may regard himself as wise in ancient things; durgā́d vā́ āhartā́ ’vocathāḥ (MS.) thou hast claimed to be a savior out of trouble; índro brāhmaṇó brúvāṇaḥ (TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavādī (R.) thou boasted thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rūpaṁ kṛ: thus, kṛṣṇó rūpáṁ kṛtvā́ (TS.) taking on a black form (i.e. making shape for himself as one that is black).
b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is ordinarily nominative: thus, svargó loká íti yáṁ vádanti (AV.) what they call the heavenly world: tam agniṣṭoma ity ācakṣate (AB.) it they style agniṣṭoma; vidarbharājatanayāṁ damayantī ’ti viddhi mām (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king’s daughter, Damayantī by name. Both constructions are combined in ajñaṁ hi bālam ity āhuḥ pite ’ty eva tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorant man they give the name of ‘child’, but that of ‘father’ to one who imparts the sacred texts.
c. A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to a vocative by ca and: thus, índraç ca sómam pibatam bṛhaspate (RV.) together with Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Bṛhaspati! víçve devā yájamānaç ca sīdatā (TS.) O ye All-Gods, and the sacrificer, take seats!
269. Uses of the Accusative. The accusative is especially the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predicate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its participles and infinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character, and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few prepositions are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as adjunct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accusative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of the same verb.
270. The use of the accusative as direct object of a transitive verb and of its infinitives and participles hardly needs illustration; an example or two are: agním īḍe I praise Agni; námo bhárantaḥ bringing homage; bhū́yo dā́tum arhasi thou shouldst give more. Of predicate words qualifying the object, an example is tám ugráṁ kṛṇomi táṁ bráhmāṇam (RV.) him I make formidable, him a priest.
271. Of verbal derivatives having so far a participial character that they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable: thus —
a. Derivatives in u from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the character of present participles: thus, damayantīm abhīpsavaḥ (MBh.) desiring to win Damayantī; didṛkṣur janakātmajām (R.) desiring to see Janaka’s daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in ā from such a root: thus, svargam abhikān̄kṣayā (R.) with desire of paradise.
b. So-called primary derivatives in in have the same character: thus, mā́ṁ kāmínī (AV.) loving me; enam abhibhāṣiṇī (MBh.) addressing him. Even the obviously secondary garbhín has in ÇB. the same construction: thus, sárvāṇi bhūtā́ni garbhy àbhavat he became pregnant with all beings.
c. Derivations in aka, in the later language: as, bhavantam abhivādakaḥ (MBh.) intending to salute you; mithilām avarodhakaḥ (R.) besieging Mithilā.
d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as periphrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, hántā yó vṛtráṁ sánito ’tá vā́jaṁ dā́tā maghā́ni (RV.) who slayeth the dragon, winneth booty, bestoweth largesses; tāu hī ’daṁ sarvaṁ hartārāu (JB.) for they seize on this universe; tyaktāraḥ saṁyuge prāṇān (MBh.) risking life in battle.
e. The root itself, in the older language, used with the value of a present participle at the end of a compound: thus, yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási (RV.) what offering thou surroundest (protectest); áhim apáḥ pariṣṭhā́m (RV.) the dragon confining the waters. Also a superlative of a root-stem (468, 471): thus, tváṁ vásu devayaté vániṣṭhaḥ (RV.) thou art chief winner of wealth for the pious; tā́ sómaṁ somapā́tamā (RV.) they two are the greatest drinkers of soma.
f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in the older language: thus, babhrír vájram papíḥ sómaṁ dadír gā́ḥ (RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the soma, bestowing kine; yajñáṁ ātániḥ (RV.) extending the sacrifice.
g. Derivatives in uka, very frequently in the Brāhmaṇa language: thus, vatsā́ṅç ca ghā́tuko vṛ́kaḥ (AV.) and the wolf destroys his calves; véduko vā́so bhavati (TS.) he wins a garment; kā́mukā enaṁ stríyo bhavanti (MS.) the women fall in love with him.
h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as índro dṛḍhā́ cid ārujáḥ (RV.) Indra breaks up even what is fast; nāi ’vā ’rhaḥ pāitṛkaṁ riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father’s estate; — in atnu, as vīḍú cid ārujatnúbhiḥ (RV.) with the breakers of whatever is strong; — in atha, as yajáthāya devā́n (RV.) to make offering to the gods; — in ana, as taṁ nivāraṇe (MBh.) in restraining him; svamāṅsam iva bhojane (R.) as if in eating one’s own flesh; — in ani, as samátsu turváṇiḥ pṛtanyū́n (RV.) overcoming foes in combats; — in ti, as ná táṁ dhūrtíḥ (RV.) there is no injuring him; — in van, as ápaçcāddaghvā́ ’nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come short of food; — in snu, as sthirā́ cin namayiṣṇavaḥ (RV.) bowing even firm things.
272. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary noun or adjective are only occasional: such words as ánuvrata faithful to, prátirūpa corresponding to, abhidhṛṣṇu daring to cope with, pratyáñc opposite to, may be regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they contain; also ánuka, as ánukā devā́ váruṇam (MS.) the gods are inferior to Varuna. RV. has táṁ antárvatīḥ pregnant with him; and AV. has mā́ṁ kā́mena through loving me.
273. The direct construction of cases with prepositions is comparatively restricted in Sanskrit (1123 ff.). With the accusative are oftenest found prati, opposite to, in reference to, etc.; also anu after, in the course of; antar or antarā between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; and others (1129). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value are also often used with the accusative: as antareṇa, uttareṇa, dakṣiṇena, avareṇa, ūrdhvam, ṛte.
274. The accusative is very often found also as object of verbs which in the related languages are not transitive.
a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going, bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhān agaman (MBh.) they went to Vidarbha; divaṁ yayuḥ (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagulmān dhāvantaḥ (MBh.) running to woods and bushes; apó dívam úd vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devā́n yaje (AV.) I make offering to the gods.
b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction; and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases of becoming: thus, samatām eti he goes to equality (i.e. becomes equal); sa gacched badhyatām mama (MBh.) he shall become liable to be slain by me; sa pañcatvam āgataḥ (H.) he was resolved into the five elements (underwent dissolution, died).
c. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tam abravīt he said to him; prākroçad uccāir nāiṣadham (MBh.) she cried out loudly to the Nishadhan; yás tvo ’vā́ca (AV.) who spoke to thee.
d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase in which is strictly of intransitive character: thus, sáhasā prā́ ’sy anyā́n (RV.) in might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others, devā́ vāí bráhma sám avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were talking together) brahman; antár vāí mā yajñā́d yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting me off (lit. are going between) from the offering; tā́ṁ sám babhūva (ÇB.) he had intercourse with her.
275. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied object, are not infrequent: thus, tápas tapyāmahe (AV.) we do penance; té hāi ’tā́m edhatúm edhā́ṁ cakrire (ÇB.) they prospered with that prosperity; uṣitvā sukhavāsam (R.) abiding happily.
276. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions. Thus:
a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojanaçataṁ gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues[errata 1]; ṣaḍ ucchrito yojanāni (MBh.) six leagues high.
b. Much more often, to denote measure or duration of time: thus, sá saṁvatsarám ūrdhvò ‘tiṣṭhat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisró rā́trīr dīkṣitáḥ syāt (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatvā trīn ahorātrān (MBh.) having traveled three complete days.
c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus, yā́m asya díçaṁ dásyuḥ syā́t (ÇB.) whatever region his enemy may be in; ténāi ’tā́ṁ rā́triṁ sahā́” jagāma (ÇB.) he arrived that night with him; imāṁ rajanīṁ vyuṣṭām (MBh.) this current night.
d. Very often, to denote manner or accompanying circumstance. Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound (1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarians have made of them a special adverbial class (1313).
e. Special cases are occasionally met with: thus, brahmacáryam uvāsa (ÇB.) he kept a term of studentship; phalám pacyánte (MS.) they ripen their fruit; gā́ṁ dīvyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow.
277. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to limit the same verb, as the sense requires. And whenever it is usable with a verb in two different constructions, the verb may take two accusatives, one in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent in Sanskrit. Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as, apó yācāmi bheṣajám (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tvām ahaṁ satyam icchāmi (R.) I desire truth from thee; tvāṁ vayaṁ çaraṇaṁ gatāḥ (MBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bringing, sending, following, imparting, saying: as, gurutvaṁ naraṁ nayanti (H.) they bring a man to respectability; sītā cā ’nvetu māṁ vanam (R.) and let Sītā accompany me to the forest; supéçasam mā́ ’va sṛjanty ástam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned; tām idam abravīt (MBh.) this he said to her; — and in other less common cases: as, vṛkṣám pakvám phálaṁ dhūnuhi (RV.) shake ripe fruit from the tree; tā́ṁ viṣám evā́ ’dhok (AV.) poison he milked from her; jitvā rājyaṁ nalam (MBh.) having won the kingdom from Nala; ámuṣṇītam paṇíṁ gā́ḥ (RV.) ye robbed the Paṇi of the kine; draṣṭum icchāvaḥ putram paçcimadarçanam (R.) we wish to see our son for the last time.
a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accusative objects: thus, devā́ṅ uçatáḥ pāyayā havíḥ (RV.) make the eager gods drink the oblation; óṣadhīr evá phálaṁ grāhayati (MS.) he makes the plants bear fruit; vaṇijo dāpayet karān (M.) he should cause the merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instrumental instead of a second accusative: see 282 b.
278. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is originally the with-case: it denotes adjacency, accompaniment, association — passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions with and by.
a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult.
279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment: thus, agnír devébhir ā́ gamat (RV.) may Agni come hither along with the gods; marúdbhī rudráṁ huvema (RV.) we would call Rudra with the Maruts; dvāpareṇa sahāyena kva yāsyasi (MBh.) whither wilt thou go, with Dvāpara for companion? kathayan nāiṣadhena (MBh.) talking with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more often helped to plainer expression by prepositions (saha etc.: 284).
280. The instrumental of means or instrument or agent is yet more frequent: thus, bhadráṁ kárṇebhiḥ çṛṇuyāma (RV.) may we hear with our ears what is propitious; çastreṇa nidhanam (MBh.) death by the sword; kecit padbhyāṁ hatā gajāiḥ (MBh.) some were slain by the elephants with their feet; pṛthak pāṇibhyāṁ darbhataruṇakāir navanītenā ’n̄guṣṭhopakaniṣṭhikābhyām akṣiṇī ājya (AGS.) anointing their eyes with fresh butter, by help of the bunches of darbha-grass, with the thumb and ring-finger, using the two hands successively. And this passes easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which the ablative is more frequent): thus, kṛpayā through pity; tena satyena in virtue of that truth.
281. Of special applications, the following may be noticed:
a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, samáṁ jyótiḥ sū́ryeṇa (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun; yeṣām ahaṁ na pādarajasā tulyaḥ (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal.
b. Price (by which obtained): thus, daçábhiḥ krīṇāti dhenúbhiḥ (RV.) he buys with ten kine; gavāṁ çatasahasreṇa dīyatāṁ çabalā mama (R.) let Çabalā be given me for a hundred thousand cows; sa te ‘kṣahṛdayaṁ dātā rājā[errata 1] ’çvahṛdayena vāi (MBh.) the king will give thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses.
c. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed: thus, udnā́ ná nā́vam anayanta (RV.) they brought [him] as it were a ship by water; é ’há yātam pathíbhir devayā́nāiḥ (RV.) come hither by god-traveled paths; jagmur vihāyasā (MBh.) they went off through the air.
d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought about: thus, vidarbhān yātum icchāmy ekāhnā (MBh.) I wish to go to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te ca kālena mahatā yāuvanam pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra kālena jāyante mānavā dīrghajīvinaḥ (M.) there in time are born men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of the locative and ablative.
e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne is usually expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkuraḥ skandheno ’hyate (H.) a dog is carried on the shoulder; and this construction is extended to such cases as tulayā kṛtam (H.) put on (i.e. so as to be carried by) a balance.
f. Not infrequent are such phrases as bahunā kim pralāpena (R.) 'what is the use of (i.e. is gained by) much talking? ko nu me jīvitenā ’rthaḥ (MBh.) what object is life to me? nīrujas tu kim āuṣadhāiḥ (H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines?
g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvayā ’tra mayā ’vasthitena kā ’pi cintā kāryā (Pañc.) with me at hand, thou need’st feel no anxiety whatever on this point.
282. a. The construction of a passive verb (or participle) with an instrumental of the agent is common from the earliest period, and becomes decidedly more so later, the passive participle with instrumental taking to no small extent the place of an active verb with its subject. Thus, yaména dattáḥ (RV.) given by Yama; ṛ́ṣibhir ī́ḍyaḥ (RV.) to be praised by sages; vyādhena jālaṁ vistīrṇam (H.) by the hunter a net [was] spread; tac chrutvā jaradgaveno ’ktam (H.) Jaradgava, hearing this, said; mayā gantavyam (H.) I shall go. A predicate to the instrumental subject of such a construction is, of course, also in the instrumental: thus, adhunā tavā ’nucareṇa mayā sarvathā bhavitavyam (H.) henceforth I shall always be thy companion; avahitāir bhavitavyam bhavadbhiḥ (Vikr.) you must be attentive.
b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an accusative as second object: thus, tāṁ çvabhiḥ khādayed rājā (M.) the king should have her devoured by dogs; tā́ váruṇenā ’grāhayat (MS.) he caused Varuṇa to seize them.
283. Many instrumental constructions are such as call in translation for other prepositions than with or by; yet the true instrumental relation is usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words be carefully considered.
a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsāír víyutāḥ (RV.) separated from their calves; mā́ ’hám ātmánā ví rādhiṣi (AV.) let me not be severed from the breath of life; sa tayā vyayujyata (MBh.) he was parted from her; pāpmánāi ’vāí ’naṁ ví punanti (MS.) they cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The same meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied by saha with: thus, bhartrā saha viyogaḥ (MBh.) separation from her husband.
284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1127) are those signifying with and the like: thus, saha, with the adverbial words containing sa as an element, as sākam, sārdham, saratham; — and, in general, a word compounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regular and natural complement. But also the preposition vinā without takes sometimes the instrumental (cf. 283 a).
285. Uses of the Dative. The dative is the case of the indirect object — or that toward or in the direction of or in order to or for which anything is or is done (either intransitively or to a direct object).
a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those of the accusative (the more proper to-case), and the two are sometimes interchangeable; but the general value of the dative as the toward- or for-case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced.
286. Thus, the dative is used with —
a. Words signifying give, share out, assign, and the like: thus, yó ná dádāti sákhye (RV.) who gives not to a friend; yácchā ’smāi çárma (RV.) bestow upon him protection.
b. Words signifying show, announce, declare, and the like: thus, dhanur darçaya rāmāya (R.) show the bow to Rāma; āvír ebhyo abhavat sū́ryaḥ (RV.) the sun was manifested to them; ṛtuparṇam bhīmāya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparṇa to Bhīma; tebhyaḥ pratijñāya (MBh.) having promised to them.
c. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire, and the like: thus, niveçāya mano dadhuḥ (MBh.) they set their minds upon encamping; māté ’va putrébhyo mṛḍa (AV.) be gracious as a mother to her sons; kím asmábhyaṁ hṛṇīṣe (RV.) why art thou angry at us? kāmāya spṛhayaty ātmā (Spr.) the soul longs for love.
d. Words signifying please, suit, conduce, and the like: thus, yadyad rocate viprebhyaḥ (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans; tad ānantyāya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality.
e. Words signifying inclination, obeisance, and the like: thus, máhyaṁ namantām pradíçaç cátasraḥ (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves to me; devebhyo namaskṛtya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods.
f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as yéna dūḍā́çe ásyasi (AV.) with which thou hurlest at the impious.
g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also used: see below.
287. In its more distinctive sense, as signifying for, for the benefit of, with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in a great variety of constructions. And this use passes over into that of the dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, íṣuṁ kṛṇvānā́ ásanāya (AV.) making an arrow for hurling; gṛhṇā́mi te sāubhagatvā́ya hástam (RV.) I take thy hand in order to happiness; rāṣṭrā́ya máhyam badhyatāṁ sapátnebhyaḥ parābhúve (AV.) be it bound on in order to royalty for me, in order to destruction for my enemies.
a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the copula omitted), in the sense of makes for, tends toward; also is intended for, and so must; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, upadeço mūrkhāṇām prakopāya na çāntaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation, not the conciliation, of fools; sa ca tasyāḥ saṁtoṣāya nā ’bhavat (H.) and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopā́ asi ná dábhāya (RV.) thou art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (i.e. not to be cheated).
b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illustrated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982.
288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124).
289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the from-case, in the various senses of that preposition; it is used to express removal, separation, distinction, issue, and the like.
290. The ablative is used where expulsion, removal, distinction, release, defense, and other kindred relations are expressed: thus, té sedhanti pathó vṛ́kam (AV.) they drive away the wolf from the path; mā́ prá gāma patháḥ (RV.) may we not go away from the path; éti vā́ eṣá yajñamukhā́t (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice; āré asmád astu hetíḥ (AV.) far from us be your missile; pātáṁ no vṛ́kāt (RV.) save us from the wolf; ástabhnād dyā́m avasrásaḥ (RV.) he kept (lit. made firm) the sky from falling.
291. The ablative is used where procedure or issue from something as from a source or starting-point is signified: thus, çukrā́ kṛṣṇā́d ajaniṣṭa (RV.) the bright one has been born from the black one; lobhāt krodhaḥ prabhavati (MBh.) passion arises from greed; vā́tāt te prāṇám avidam (AV.) I have won thy life-breath from the wind; yé prā́cyā diçó abhidā́santy asmā́n (AV.) who attack us from the eastern quarter; tac chrutvā sakhigaṇāt (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends; vāyur antarikṣād abhāṣata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky.
a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by the ablative: this is especially frequent in the later language, and in technical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental constructions. Thus, vájrasya çúṣṇād dadāra (RV.) from (by reason of) the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya daṇḍabhayāt sarve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are constant to duty; akāramiçritatvād ekārasya (Tribh.) because e contains an element of a.
b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agacchann ahorātrāt tīrtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day; ṭakārāt sakāre takāreṇa (APr.) after ṭ, before s, is inserted t.
292. One or two special applications of the ablative construction are to be noticed:
a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from): thus, tásyā jātā́yāḥ sárvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at her birth; yásmād réjanta kṛṣṭáyaḥ (RV.) at whom mortals tremble; yuṣmád bhiyā́ (RV.) through fear of you; yasmān no ’dvijate lokaḥ (BhG.) of whom the world is not afraid.
b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from): thus, prá ririce divá índraḥ pṛthivyā́ḥ (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the ablative is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, svādóḥ svā́dīyaḥ (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kiṁ tasmād duḥkhataram (MBh.) what is more painful than that? ko mitrād anyaḥ (H.) who else than a friend; gā avṛṇīthā mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the kine rather than me; ajñebhyo granthinaḥ çreṣṭhā granthibhyo dhāriṇo varāḥ (M.) possessors of texts are better than ignorant men; rememberers are better than possessors; tád anyátra tván ní dadhmasi (AV.) we set this down elsewhere (away) from thee; pū́rvā víçvasmād bhúvanāt (RV.) earlier than all beings.
c. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the comparative; or an instrumental (as in a comparison of equality): thus, nā ’sti dhanyataro mama (R.) there is no one more fortunate than I (i.e. my superior in fortune); putram mama prāṇāir garīyasam (MBh.) a son dearer than my life.
d. Occasionally, an ablative is used instead of a partitive genitive: thus, mithunād ekaṁ jaghāna (R.) he slew one out of the pair; tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them.
293. The ablative is used with a variety of prepositions and words sharing a prepositional character (1128); but all these have rather an adverbial value, as strengthening or defining the from-relation, than any proper governing force. We may notice here:
a. In the Veda, ádhi and pári are much used as directing and strengthening adjuncts with the ablative: as, jātó himávatas pári (AV.) born from the Himalaya (forth); samudrā́d ádhi jajñiṣe (AV.) thou art born from the ocean; cárantam pári tasthúṣaḥ (RV.) moving forth from that which stands fast.
b. Also purā́ (and purás), in the sense of forward from, and hence before: as, purā́ járasaḥ (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with words of protection and the like, from: as çaçamānáḥ purā́ nidáḥ (RV.) securing from ill-will.
c. Also ā́, in the sense of hither from, all the way from: as, ā́ mū́lād ánu çuṣyatu (AV.) let it dry completely up from the root; tásmād ā́ nadyò nā́ma stha (AV.) since that time ye are called rivers. But usually, and especially in the later language, the measurement of interval implied in ā́ is reversed in direction, and the construction means all the way to, until: as, yatī́ giríbhya ā́ samudrā́t (RV.) going from the mountains to the ocean; ā́ ’syá yajñásyo ’dṛ́caḥ (VS.) until the end of this sacrifice; ā ṣoḍaçāt (M.) till the sixteenth year; ā pradānāt (Ç.) until her marriage.
294. Uses of the Genitive. a. The proper value of the genitive is adjectival; it belongs to and qualifies a noun, designating something relating to the latter in a manner which the nature of the case, or the connection, defines more nearly. Other genitive constructions, with adjective or verb or preposition, appear to arise out of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection.
b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, especially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears the aspect of being a substitute for other cases — as dative, instrumental, ablative, locative.
295. The genitive in its normal adjective construction with a noun or pronoun is classifiable into the usual varieties: as, genitive of possession or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relation — this is, as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; the subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or equivalence (city of Rome), and of characteristic (man of honor), do not occur, and hardly that of material (house of wood). Examples are: índrasya vájraḥ Indra's thunderbolt; pitā putrāṇām father of sons; putraḥ pituḥ son of the father; pituḥ kāmaḥ putrasya the father's love of the son; ke naḥ which of us; çataṁ dāsīnām a hundred female slaves.
a. The expression of possession etc. on the part of pronouns is made almost entirely by the genitive case, and not by a derived possessive adjective (516).
b. Exceptional cases like nagarasya mārgaḥ the road to the city (cf. le chemin de Paris), yasyā ’haṁ dūta īpsitaḥ (MBh.) as messenger to whom I am wanted, are occasionally met with.
296. The genitive is dependent on an adjective:
a. A so-called partitive genitive with a superlative, or another word of similar substantival value: thus, çreṣṭhaṁ vīrāṇām best of heroes; vīrúdhāṁ vīryàvatī (AV.) of plants the mighty (mightiest) one.
b. Very often, by a transfer of the possessive genitive from noun to adjective, the adjective being treated as if it had noun-value: thus, tasya samaḥ or anurūpaḥ or sadṛçaḥ resembling him (i. e. his like); tasya priyā dear to him (his dear one); tasyā ’viditam unknown to him (his unknown thing); hávyaç carṣaṇīnā́m (RV.) to be sacrificed to by mortals (their object of sacrifice); īpsito naranārīṇām (MBh.) desired of men and women (their object of desire); yasya kasya prasūtaḥ (H.) of whomsoever born (his son); hantavyo ‘smi na te (MBh.) I am not to be slain of thee; kim arthināṁ vañcayitavyam asti (H.) why should there be a deceiving[errata 1] of suppliants?
c. In part, by a construction similar to that of verbs which take a genitive object: thus, abhijñā rājadharmāṇām (R.) understanding the duties of a king.
297. The genitive as object of a verb is:
a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant construction, with verbs signifying give, impart, communicate, and the like: thus, varān pradāyā ’sya (MBh.) having bestowed gifts upon him (made them his by bestowal); rājño niveditam (H.) it was made known to the king (made his by knowledge); yad anyasya pratijñāya punar anyasya dīyate (M.) that after being promised to one she is given to another. This construction, by which the genitive becomes substitute for a dative or locative, abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic and difficult cases.
b. A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete or less absolute object than an accusative: thus, with verbs meaning partake (eat, drink, etc.), as píba sutásya (AV.) drink (of) the soma; mádhvaḥ pāyaya (RV.) cause to drink the sweet draught; — with verbs meaning impart[errata 1] (of the thing imparted) etc., as dádāta no amṛ́tasya (RV.) bestow upon us immortality; — with verbs meaning enjoy, be satisfied or filled with: as, mátsy ándhasaḥ (RV.) do thou enjoy the juice; ājyasya pūrayanti (S.) they fill with butter; — with verbs meaning perceive[errata 2], note, care for, regard with feeling of various kinds: as, vásiṣṭhasya stuvatá índro açrot (RV.) Indra listened to Vasishtha who was praising him; yáthā máma smárāt (AV.) that he may think of me; tasya cukopa (MBh.) he was angry at him.
c. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or have authority: as, tvám īçiṣe vásūnām (RV.) thou art lord of good things; yáthā ’hám eṣā́ṁ virā́jāni (AV.) that I may rule over them; katham mṛtyuḥ prabhavati vedaçāstravidām (M.) how has death power over those who know the Vedas and treatises?
d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found used with a verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing: thus, yo rājñaḥ pratigṛhṇāti lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift from a greedy king; çṛṇu me (MBh.) learn from me; bibhīmas tava (MBh.) we are afraid of thee.
298. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predicate, and not seldom with the copula omitted: thus, yáthā́ ’so máma kévalaḥ (AV.) that thou mayest be wholly mine; sarvāḥ sampattayas tasya saṁtuṣṭaṁ yasya mānasam (H.) all good fortunes are his who has a contented mind; — as objective predicate, bhartuḥ putraṁ vijānanti (M.) they recognise a son as the husband's.
299. a. The prepositional constructions of the genitive (1130) are for the most part with such prepositions as are really noun-cases and have the government of such: thus, agre, arthe, kṛte, and the like; also with other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the genitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions take the genitive: either usually, like upári above, or occasionally, like adhás, antár, áti.
b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an adverb, either of place or of time: thus, yátra kvà ca kurukṣetrásya (ÇB.) in whatever part of Kurukshetra; yátra tú bhū́mer jā́yeta (MS.) on what spot of earth he may be born; idā́nīm áhnaḥ (RV.) at this time of the day; yásyā rā́tryāḥ prātáḥ (MS.) on the morn of what night; dviḥ saṁvatsarasya (K.) twice a year. Such expressions as the last occur also later.
300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives of time occur in the older language: as, aktos by night, vastos by day; and there are found later such cases as kasya cit kālasya (Ç.) after a certain time; tataḥ kālasya mahataḥ prayayāu (R.) then after a long time he went forth.
b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown earlier) to be used absolutely, with an agreeing participle, or quite rarely an adjective. From such cases as the following — paçyato bakamūrkhasya nakulāir bhakṣitāḥ sutāḥ (H.) of the foolish heron, while he looked on, the young were eaten by the ichneumons, or gato ‘rdharātraḥ kathāḥ kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed in telling stories, or kartavyasya karmaṇaḥ kṣipram akriyamāṇasya kālaḥ pibati tadrasam (H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time quickly drinks up its essence — come into currency, by increasing independence of the genitive, such other cases as: divaṁ jagāma munīnām paçyatāṁ tadā (R.) he went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on; evaṁ lālapatas tasya devadūtas tadā ’bhyetya vākyam āha (MBh.) as he thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him; iti vādina evā ’sya dhenur āvavṛte vanāt (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow came from the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the former. The construction is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevailingly.
301. Uses of the Locative. a. The locative is properly the in-case, the case expressing situation or location; but its sphere of use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitute.
b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid or among, on, and at. Of course, also, situation in time as well as place is indicated by the case; and it is applied to yet less physical relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the frequent use of the locative as the case absolute.
c. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion (into or on to instead of in or on; German in with accusative instead of dative: compare English there for thither).
302. a. The locative of situation in space hardly needs illustration. An example or two are: yé devā́ diví sthá (AV.) which of you gods are in heaven; na deveṣu na yakṣeṣu tādṛk (MBh.) not among gods or Yakshas is such a one; párvatasya pṛṣṭhé (RV.) on the ridge of the mountain; vidáthe santu devā́ḥ (RV.) may the gods be at the assembly; daçame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step.
b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything takes place: thus, asyā́ uṣáso vyùṣṭāu (RV.) at the shining forth of this dawn; etasminn eva kāle (MBh.) at just that time; dvādaçe varṣe (MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the accusative is occasionally used in this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 c).
c. The person with whom, instead of the place at which, one is or remains is put in the locative: thus, tíṣṭhanty asmin paçávaḥ (MS.) animals abide with him; gurāu vasan (M.) living at a teacher's; and, pregnantly, tāvat tvayi bhaviṣyāmi (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.
303. The locative of sphere or condition or circumstance is of very frequent use: thus, máde áhim índro jaghāna (RV.) in fury Indra slew the dragon; mitrásya sumatāú syāma (RV.) may we be in the favor of Mitra; te vacane ratam (MBh.) delighted in thy words.
a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expression for in the matter or case of; or with reference to, respecting, and takes in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genitive and dative constructions: thus é ’mám bhaja grā́me áçveṣu góṣu (AV.) be generous to him in retainers, in horses, in cattle; tám ít sakhitvá īmahe (RV.) him we beg for friendship; upāyo ‘yam mayā dṛṣṭa ānayane tava (MBh.) this means was devised by me for (with reference to) bringing thee hither; satītve kāraṇaṁ striyāḥ (H.) the cause of (in the case of) a woman's chastity; na çakto ‘bhavan nivāraṇe (MBh.) he was not capable of preventing.
b. On the other hand, the expression by the locative of a condition of things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying circumstance, passes over into a well-marked absolute construction, which is known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent later. Transitional examples are: háve tvā sū́ra údite háve madhyáṁdine diváḥ (RV.) I call to thee at the arisen sun (when the sun has risen), I call at midtime of the day; aparādhe kṛte ‘pi ca na me kopaḥ (MBh.) and even in the case of an offense committed, there is no anger on my part.
c. The normal condition of the absolute construction is with a participle accompanying the noun: thus, stīrṇé barhíṣi samidhāné agnāú (RV.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled; kāle çubhe prāpte (MBh.) a propitious time having arrived; avasannāyāṁ rātrāv astācalacūḍāvalambini candramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a close, and the moon resting on the summit of the western mountain.
d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial substitute (as evam, tathā, iti): thus, varṣati when it rains; [sūrye] astamite after sunset; ādityasya dṛçyamāne (S.) while there is seen [some part] of the sun; ity ardhokte (Ç.) with these words half uttered; asmābhiḥ samanujñāte (MBh.) it being fully assented to by us; evam ukte kalinā (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tathā ’nuṣṭhite (H.) it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participle may be wanting (a copula sati or the like having to be supplied): thus, dūre bhaye the cause of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle sati etc. is sometimes redundantly added to the other participle: thus, tathā kṛte sati it being thus done.
e. The locative is frequently used adverbially or prepositionally (1116): thus, -arthe or -kṛte in the manner of, for the sake of; agre in front of; ṛte without; samīpe near.
304. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to express the goal or object of motion or action or feeling exercised is not uncommon from the earliest time. It is by no means to be sharply distinguished from the ordinary construction; the two pass into one another, with a doubtful territory between. It occurs:
a. Especially with verbs, as of arriving, sending, placing, communicating, bestowing, and many others, in situations where an accusative or a dative (or a genitive, 297 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with them: thus, sá íd devéṣu gacchati (RV.) that, truly, goes to (to be among) the gods; imáṁ no yajñám amṛ́teṣu dhehi (RV.) set this offering of ours among the immortals; yá āsiñcánti rásam óṣadhīṣu (AV.) who pour in the juice into the plants (or, the juice that is in the plants); mā prayacche ”çvare dhanam (H.) do not offer wealth to a lord; papāta medinyām (MBh.) he fell to (so as to be upon) the earth; skandhe kṛtvā (H.) putting on the shoulder; saṁçrutya pūrvam asmāsu (MBh.) having before promised us.
b. Often also with nouns and adjectives in similar constructions (the instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning with reference to: above, 303 a): thus, dayā sarvabhūteṣu compassion toward all creatures; anurāgaṁ nāiṣadhe (MBh.) affection for the Nishadhan; rājā samyag vṛttaḥ sadā tvayi (MBh.) the king has always behaved properly toward thee.
305. The prepositions construed with the locative (1126) stand to it only in the relation of adverbial elements strengthening and directing its meaning.
306. Declensional forms are made by the addition of endings to the stem, or base of inflection.
a. The stem itself, however, in many words and classes of words, is liable to variation, especially as assuming a stronger form in some cases and a weaker in others.
b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of the language, have the aspect of being such).
c. Respecting all of these points, the details of treatment, as exhibited by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following chapters. Here, however, it is desirable to present a brief general view of them.
307. Endings: Singular. a. In the nominative, the usual masc. and fem. ending is s — which, however, is wanting in derivative ā and ī-stems; it is also euphonically lost (150) by consonant-stems. Neuters in general have no ending, but show in this case the bare stem; a-stems alone add m (as in the accus. masc.). Among the pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (and is found even in du. and pl.); and neuters show a form in d.
b. In the accusative, m or am is the masc. and fem. ending — am being added after a consonant and ṛ, and after ī and ū in the radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neuter accusative is like the nominative.
c. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is ā. With final i- and u-vowels, the ā is variously combined, and in the older language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a make the case end in ena (sometimes enā in V.), and those in ā make it end in ayā; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate addition of ā to both a and ā.
d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems are quite irregular in this case, making it end in āya — excepted is the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to -smāi. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam).
e. A fuller ending āi (like gen.-abl. ās and loc. ām: see below) belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by the great class of those in derivative ā; also by those in derivative ī, and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative ū. And later it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical ī and ū, and even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of āi for abl.-gen. ās, see below, h.
f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems, masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the personal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending at in the pl., and even, in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere else, the ablative is identical with the genitive.
g. The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem, amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are considerable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old language), added with interposed n, or fused to es and os respectively. With ṛ (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169 b).
h. The fuller ās is taken by feminine stems precisely as āi is taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras, the dative-ending āi is regularly and commonly used instead of ās, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d.
i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and ṛ and a-stems (fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in āu; but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?] and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives from i-stems end also in ā and ī. The pronominal element -sma makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative.
j. The ending ām is the locative correspondent to dat. āi and abl.-gen. ās, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above.
k. The vocative (unless by accent: 314) is distinguished from the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and so also in most consonant-stems; but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest language has sometimes a vocative in s from stems in nt and ṅs. Stems in ṛ change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, the case ends respectively in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i or u. Stems in ā change ā to e; derivative ī and ū are shortened; radical stems in long vowels use the nominative form.
308. Dual. a. The dual has — except so far as the vocative is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a difference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for nom., accus., and voc.; one for instr., dat. and abl.; and one for gen. and loc.
b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language distinguish five dual cases: see 492 b.
c. The masc. and fem. ending for nom.-accus.-voc. is in the later language usually āu; but instead of this the Veda has prevailingly ā. Stems in ā make the case end in e. Stems in i and u, masc. and fem., lengthen those vowels; and derivative ī in the Veda remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds āu. The neuter ending is only ī; with final a this combines to e.
d. The universal ending for the instr.-dat.-abl. is bhyām, before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be read as two syllables, bhiām.
e. The universal ending of gen.-loc. is os; before this, a and ā alike become e (ai).
309. Plural. a. In the nominative, the general masculine and feminine ending is as. The old language, however, often makes the case in āsas instead of ās from a-stems, and in a few examples also from ā-stems. From derivative ī-stems, īs instead of yas is the regular and usual Vedic form. Pronominal a-stems make the mas. nom. in e.
b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general i; and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But in the Veda the hence resulting forms in āni, īni, ūni are frequently abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening of the preceding vowel.
c. The accusative ending is also as in consonant-stems and in the radical division of ī- and ū-stems (and in the old language even elsewhere). Stems in short vowels lengthen those vowels and add in the masculine n (for ns, of which abundant traces remain), and in the feminine s. In the neuter, this case is like the nominative.
d. In the instrumental, the case-ending is everywhere bhis except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends in āis, but in the earlier either in ais or the more regular ebhis (ābhis in the two personal pronouns; and the pronominal stem a [501] makes ebhis only).
e. The dative and ablative have in the plural the same form, with the ending bhyas (in Veda often bhias), before which only a is altered, becoming e. But the two personal pronouns distinguish the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as above pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bhyam (almost never in Veda bhiam), which they extend also into the singular.
f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is ām; which (except optionally after radical ī and ū, and in a few scattering Vedic instances) takes after the final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pronominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is lengthened; before s, a becomes e. In the Veda, it is frequently to be pronounced in two syllables, as a-am.
g. The locative ending is su, without any exceptions, and the only change before it is that of a to e.
h. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from the nominative only by its accent.
310. The normal scheme of endings, as recognized by the native grammarians (and conveniently to be assumed as the basis of special descriptions), is this:
| Singular | Dual. | Plural. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. f. | n. | m. f. | n. | m. f. | n. | |
| N. | s | — | āu | ī | as | i |
| A. | am | — | āu | ī | as | i |
| I. | ā | bhyām | bhis | |||
| D. | e | bhyām | bhyas | |||
| Ab. | as | bhyām | bhyas | |||
| G. | as | os | ām | |||
| L. | i | os | su | |||
a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the radical divisions of ī- and ū-stems; by other vowel-stems, with more or less considerable variations and modifications. The endings which have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes, are bhyām and os of the dual, and bhis, bhyas, ām, and su of the plural.
311. Variations of Stem. a. By far the most important matter under this head is the distinction made in large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants) between strong and weak stem-forms — a distinction standing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent. In the nom. and accus. sing. and du. and the nom. pl., (the five cases whose endings are never accented: 316 a), the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the rest: thus, for example (424), राजानम् rājān-am, राजानौ rājān-āu, राजानस् rājān-as, against राज्ञा rājñ-ā and राजभिस् rājabhis; or (450 b) महान्तम् mahā́nt-am and (447) अदन्तम् adánt-am against महता mahat-ā́ and अदता adat-ā́. These five, therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly, the strong cases; and the rest are called the cases with weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases, again, are in some classes of words to be distinguished into cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings beginning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing.; gen.-loc. du.; gen. pl.); the latter, with a consonant (inst.-dat.-abl. du; instr., dat.-abl., and loc. pl.).
b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection, the only strong cases are the nom.-acc. pl.; while, in those stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form, the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.-acc. sing. to the middle: thus, for example, compare (408) प्रत्यञ्चि pratyáñc-i, nom.-acc. pl. neut., and प्रत्यञ्चस् pratyáñc-as, nom. pl. masc.; प्रतीची pratīc-ī́, nom.-acc. du. neut., and प्रतीचोस् pratīc-ós, gen.-loc. du.; प्रत्यक् pratyák, nom.-acc. sing. neut., and प्रत्यग्भिस् pratyág-bhis, instr. pl.
312. Other variations concern chiefly the final vowel of a stem, and may be mainly left to be pointed out in detail below. Of consequence enough to mention here is only the guṇa-strengthening of a final i or u, which in the later language is always made before as of nom. pl. and e of dat. sing. in masc. and fem.; in the Veda, it does not always take place; nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimes in loc. sing. Final ṛ has guṇa-strengthening in loc. sing.
313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems, an added n often makes its appearance before an ending. The appendage is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pl. neut., where the interchange in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and in-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Elsewhere, it is most widely and firmly established in the gen. pl., where in the great mass of cases, and from the earliest period, the ending is virtually nām after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the instr. sing. of masc. and neut. is separated by its presence from the fem., and it is in the other weakest cases made a usual distinction of neuter forms from masculine; but the aspect of the matter in the Veda is very different: there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the feminine. In the ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predominating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable transformation of original shape.
a. The place of n before gen. pl. ām is taken by s in pronominal a- and ā-stems.
b. The y after ā before the endings āi, ās, and ām is most probably an insertion, such as is made elsewhere (258).
Accent in Declension.
314. a. As a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented at all, is accented on the first syllable.
b. And in the Veda (the case is a rare one), whenever a syllable written as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel form, the first element only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as written is circumflex (83–4): thus, dyāùs (i.e. díāus) when dissyllabic, but dyāús when monosyllabic; jyā̀ke when for jíāke.
c. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the beginning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a metrical division or pāda; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus, ágne yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási (RV.) O Agni! whatever offering thou protectest; but úpa tvā ’gna é ’masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni, we come.
d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — usually an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the genitive (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is concerned, a unity with the vocative: thus (all the examples from RV.), at the beginning of a pāda, with first syllable of the combination accented, índra bhrātaḥ O brother Indra! rā́jan soma O king Soma! yáviṣṭha dūta most youthful messenger! hótar yaviṣṭha sukrato most youthful skilled officer! ū́rjo napāt sahasvan mighty son of strength! — in the interior of a pāda, without accent, sómāsa indra girvaṇaḥ the somas, O song-loving Indra! tā́v açvinā bhadrahastā supāṇī ye, O Açvins of propitious and beautiful hands! ā́ rājānā maha ṛtasya gopā hither, ye two kingly guardians of great order!
e. On the other hand, two or more independent or coördinate vocatives at the beginning of a pāda are regularly and usually both accented: thus, pítar mā́taḥ O father! O mother! ágna índra váruṇa mítra dévāḥ Agni! Indra! Varuṇa! Mitra! gods! çátamūte çátakrato thou of a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! vásiṣṭha çúkra dī́divaḥ pā́vaka best, bright, shining, cleansing one! ū́rjo napād bhádraçoce son of strength, propitiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular exceptions both to this and to the preceding rule.
f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the paradigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different.
315. As regards the other cases, rules for change of accent in declension have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of more than one syllable which are accented on the final; for, if a stem be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as is sárpant, vā́ri, bhágavant, sumánas, sahásravāja — the accent remains upon that syllable through the whole inflection (except in the vocative, as explained in the preceding paragraph).
a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems: see 483.
316. Stems accented on the final (including monosyllables) are subject to variation of accent in declension chiefly in virtue of the fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have in less degree, a tendency themselves to take the accent. Thus:
a. The endings of nominative and accusative singular and dual and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the ending are blended together into a single vowel or diphthong. Thus, from dattá come dattāú (= dattá + āu) and dattā́s (= dattá + as); but from nadī́ come nadyāù (= nadī́ + āu) and nadyàs (= nadī́ + as).
b. All the other endings sometimes take the accent; but those beginning with a vowel (i.e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than those beginning with a consonant (i.e. of the middle cases: 311). Thus, from nāús come nāvā́ and nāubhís; from mahánt, however, come mahatā́ but mahádbhis.
The general rules of accent, then, may be thus stated:
317. In the declension of monosyllabic stems, the accent falls upon the ending in all the weak cases (without distinction of middle and weakest): thus, nāvā́, nāubhyā́m, nāvā́m, nāuṣú; vācí, vāgbhís, vācā́m, vākṣú.
a. But some monosyllabic stems retain the accent throughout: thus, góbhis, gávām, góṣu. For such cases, see below, 350, 361 c, d, 372, 390, 427. And in the acc. pl. the stem is even oftener accented than the ending, some words also admitting either accentuation.
318. Of polysyllabic stems ending in consonants, only a few shift the accent to the ending, and that in the weakest (not the middle) cases. Such are:
a. Present participles in ánt or át: thus, from tudánt, tudatā́ and tudatós and tudatā́m; but tudádbhyām and tudátsu.
b. A few adjectives having the form of such participles, as mahatā́, bṛhatás.
c. Stems of which the accented final loses its syllable character by syncopation of the vowel: thus, majjñā́, mūrdhné, dāmnás (from majján etc.: 423).
d. Other sporadic cases will be noticed under the different declensions.
e. Case-forms used adverbially sometimes show a changed accent: see 1110 ff.
319. Of polysyllabic stems ending in accented short vowels, the final of the stem retains the accent if it retains its syllabic identity: thus, datténa and dattā́ya from dattá; agnínā and agnáye from agní; and also dattébhyas, agníbhis, and so on. Otherwise, the accent is on the ending: and that, whether the final and the ending are combined into one, as in dattāís, dhenāú, agnī́n, dhenū́s, and so on; or whether the final is changed into a semivowel before the ending: thus, dhenvā́, pitrā́, jāmyós, bāhvós, etc.
a. But ām of the gen. pl. from stems in í and ú and ṛ́ may, and in the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n from the stem: thus, agnīnā́m, dhenūnā́m, pitṝṇā́m. In RV., even derivative ī-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bahvīnā́m. Of stems in á, only numerals (483 a) follow this rule: thus, saptānā́m, daçānā́m.
320. Root-words in ī and ū as final members of compounds retain the accent throughout, not shifting it to any of the endings. And in the older language there are polysyllable words in long final vowels which follow in this respect as in others the analogy of the root-declension (below, 355 ff.). Apart from these, the treatment of stems in derivative long vowels is, as regards accent, the same as those in short vowels — save that the tone is not thrown forward upon the ending in gen. plural.