A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 11

CHAPTER XI.

1480—1503.

• Restoration of the fortifications of Rhodes and recovery of the Grand-Master
• Preparations by Mahomet for a new siege
• His death, and the disputed succession to his empire
• Defeat of Djem and his flight to Rhodes
• Departure for France
• His residence there
• His removal to Rome and death
• Last days of Peter D’Aubusson
• His death and interment
• History of the relic of the hand of St. John the Baptist.

The embarkation of the pasha and his discomfited army was witnessed by the worn-out garrison of Rhodes with feelings of the most lively satisfaction. The inhabitants, after having been cooped up in the town for two months, were naturally overjoyed at finding themselves once more free to return to the homes from which they had been driven by the approach of the enemy. This satisfaction was somewhat damped by the dreary aspect which the surrounding district presented. The devastations committed by the Ottoman army had created a scene of desolation amongst the once happy homes of the Rhodian peasantry most distressing for them to contemplate. The danger from which they had just escaped had, however, been so imminent that their joy at the happy termination of the siege soon overpowered all feelings of grief at the destruction of their property.

Vast numbers of dead bad been left strewn upon the plain by the retreating Moslems, and the first step necessary for the health of the island was to remove these ghastly relics of the late warfare. The corpses were gathered together hi huge piles and burnt; the labour of burying them, owing to their number, being too heavy for the inhabitants to undertake. Dupuis records that on this occasion the women of Rhodes indulged in a little pardonable jocosity. Whilst •witnessing the process of broiling to which the corpses were being subjected, they observed that the Turks were like the “beccafichi,” or ortolans, and derived their plumpness from the quantity of figs they had devoured. The general joy was much increased when it became known that the Grand-Master, whose wounds had originally been pronounced mortal, was likely to recover; and when, after the lapse of a few weeks, he had so far advanced towards convalescence as to be present in person at the laying of the first stone of a church to celebrate the defence, their satisfaction was complete. This church was built at the extreme eastern horn of the crescent formed by the town, and was therefore nearly due north of, and not far from, the Jews’ quarter. It was dedicated to Notre Dame de la Victoire, and still exists. It is curious to observe the different reasons assigned by the historians on both sides for the unlooked-for result of this extraordinary siege. The Turkish writer Khodgia, who has given a very detailed and vivid account of it, coloured, naturally, by a strong partiality for his own nation, asserts that the sole cause of their failure was the avarice of Paleologus. He states that the pasha, after having excited the cupidity of his troops by promising to abandon the town to indiscriminate pillage, recalled that promise at the last moment, when they had established themselves on the Jews’ rampart, and proclaimed that the wealth of the city was to be reserved for the use of the sultan. From this moment, says Khodgia, the energy of the assailants declined visibly. Peeling themselves cheated of their promised prey at the very moment when its acquisition seemed secure, they were no longer in a frame of mind to withstand firmly the impetuous onset made by D’Aubusson and his knights. To this cause he attributes the panic, and consequent failure of the enterprise. Turkish historians have never scrupled to invent reasons for the non-success of their armies, and a little consideration will show the improbability of this story. It had been the invariable practice of Ottoman emperors and of their pashas to give over to pillage all towns taken by assault, as indeed has been the recognized custom of war amongst even Christian nations. It seems very unlikely that Paleologus, who was a man of naturally grand ideas, and who had used every device to make himself master of the town, should suddenly have taken a step so alien to his character and so menacing to his schemes.

The Christian historians, on their side, are equally at a loss to account for their success by the ordinary accidents of war. They therefore, as was common in those times and in their religion, sought to account for the happy issue of the struggle by the agency of a miraculous interposition. They record that at the most critical moment, when the Grand-Master was surrounded and well-nigh overcome by his assailants, there appeared in the heavens a cross of refulgent gold, by the side of which stood a beautiful woman clothed in dazzling white garments, a lance in her hand and a buckler on her arm; she was accompanied by a man clothed in goat skins, and followed by a band of heavenly warriors armed with flaming swords. They assert that this vision was seen not by the Christians but by the Turks, several of whom had been captured on the occasion of the last assault, and they base the statement on the narrative of these prisoners, who added that the panic caused by the extraordinary vision had been so great that many Moslems fell dead without a wound. Such a vision as this may well have terrified the barbarous hosts by whom it is supposed to have been witnessed, and as in matters religious, a ready credence was obtained in those times for the most marvellous tales, the statement was at once accepted. It soon became established as an acknowledged fact, that the safety of Rhodes was due to the personal and visible interposition of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. John the Baptist, the patron saint of the Order, supported by a chosen band of the celestial host.

To modem readers neither of these explanations seems satisfactory. It was to D’Aubusson, and to him alone, that must be attributed the success, not only of that day but also of the whole defence from the hour when the atabal of the infidel first sounded on the shores of Rhodes. His was the master spirit that had guided every effort; his was the eagle eye that had ever comprehended at a glance the exigencies of the situation in the most critical moments; his was the fertile brain whence issued those schemes and devices by which the designs of the enemy were frustrated and their insidious plots checkmated. He had throughout been the life and soul of the garrison. At one moment directing the construction of some new defence, at another wielding his sword in the thickest of the fight; now providing for the security of the feeble and defenceless inhabitants, whose safety was committed to his charge; and then again terrifying and overawing the wavering and disaffected; to each and every one he was the guide and support. Well was it for all that not until he had struck the death-blow of the army which was besieging them had he himself succumbed to the weapon of the enemy. Ferdinand, king of Naples, had despatched two galleys, freighted with succours, which arrived before the island at the very time when the pasha was embarking his forces. Paleologus perceived that if he could only capture these galleys the disgrace of his failure would not seem so complete. He therefore opened fire on them with some pieces of artillery which had not yet been shipped, and succeeded in dismasting one of them. The wind being contrary, they were unable to enter the harbour, and were forced to anchor outside, in which situation they were assailed by some of the ships of the Turkish squadron. These galleys had on board a number of knights of the Spanish and Italian langues who headed the defence, which was successfully made, to prevent their capture by boarding. No doubt the attack was made without much heartiness. The Turks were thoroughly weary of the struggle, and desired nothing more than to be permitted to retire from the island unmolested. The result was that Paleologus failed even in this his latest attempt to achieve something to cover his main disaster, and he moreover lost the services of his general of the galleys, who was killed at the head of the force.

With the exception of Ferdinand, no potentate had raised a hand to give any help to the beleaguered city. Now, however, when D’Aubusson had, with the aid of his gallant fraternity, hurled the discomfited Moslem with disgrace from his shores, a shout of exultation rang throughout Europe. The imminence of the danger once past, people began to realize its extent. Had the Ottoman emperor succeeded in planting his standard on the ramparts of Rhodes, the way to Italy would have been open to his advance, and his threat that it should wave over the Capitol at Rome might probably have been carried into effect. The energetic and successful resistance of D’Aubusson had thwarted that project, and Rome, rescued from her peril, was loud in her expressions of gratitude towards her deliverer, to whom she gave the high sounding title of “Buckler of Christianity.”

His first care, upon recovery from his wounds, was to restore the fortifications, which the constant battering had reduced to a state of complete ruin. He also distributed rewards and promotions to the knights who had so bravely supported him in the struggle. In one instance a justly merited degradation was inflicted. James Hetting (or Keating), the grand-prior of Ireland, had not only refused to join the ranks of his-fraternity at Rhodes at the hour of its peril, but had even neglected to forward the amount of responsions for which his priory was liable. D’Aubusson, therefore, now that he had leisure to deal with the question, deprived him of his office; and Marmaduke Lumley, an English knight, who had been desperately wounded in the siege, was nominated in his place. To the inhabitants of the island generally he gave free access to the public granaries, in consideration of the losses they had sustained by the ravages of the enemy. He also exempted them from all taxation for several years.

Until this time the people of Rhodes had been looked upon by the knights as an inferior race. Now that they had shown themselves not only staunch and faithful to their rulers, but also brave and devoted, even during the most trying arid critical moments, a feeling sprang up that they should be treated on terms somewhat more of equality. The first Rhodian nominated to a post of any importance in the government of the island was William Caoursin, who, although not a knight, was appointed vice-chancellor, and ambassador of the Order at the papal court. This dignitary has left to the world two documents, written in the most pompous and pedantic Latin, but which, nevertheless, form a very valuable and important addition to the history of his time. One is an account of the siege, collected from official sources, although, as he himself says, “The public acts were not recorded during the siege, but after the victory was gained its history was compiled by William Caoursin, vice-chancellor of the Order, which account has been divulged by the press all over the world, previous to which nothing had been recorded.” The other document is a history of the events which took place during the years immediately subsequent, including the romantic episode of the unfortunate prince Djem, or Zizim, of whom there will be occasion to speak shortly.^[1]

The Grand-Master himself also wrote a brief account of the siege, which he forwarded for the information of the emperor of Germany. This document, in its perspicuity, conciseness, and modesty will bear a favourable comparison with almost any despatch of later days.^[2] it is much to be regretted that no record has been kept of the strength of the garrison during the siege, or of the names or even the number of the killed. The archives only record those ‘who held official positions, a very small number out of the total who were present. The list framed from this data consists of ninety-two French commanders, thirty-five Spanish and Portuguese, thirty-five Italians, eight German, and five English, together with eighteen chaplains and servants-at-arms of the various langues holding the same dignity. Subsequent researches have raised the English list to fourteen, and even that number is supposed to fall far short of the reality. The names thus rescued from oblivion are as follow:—

John Vaquelin, commander of Carbouch, killed.
Marmaduke Lumley, dangerously wounded, made prior of Ireland, vice James Hetting deposed.
Thomas Bem, bailiff of the Eagle, killed.
Henry Haler, commander of Badsfort, killed.
Thomas Ploniton, killed.
Adam Tedbond, killed.

Facsimile of one of the woodcuts in Caoursin's "Obsidio Rhodie," shewing the form of the town.

[To face page 278.]

Henry Batasbi, killed.
Henry Anulai or D’Avalos, killed.
John Kendall, Turcopolier.
Thomas Docray, afterwards grand-prior of England.
Leonard de Tybertis.
Walter Viselberg.
John Rucht.
John Besoell, or Boswell. ^[3]

The losses of the Turks have been very variously stated, the most probable estimate being about 9,000 killed and 30,000 wounded. The great bulk of this fearful list of casualties occurred after the last repulse, when in their flight from the breath to the camp they were mown down by thousands without offering the slightest resistance. Paleologus pasha, after his humiliating discomfiture, could expect but a very unwelcome reception from his disappointed master. Indeed, in the first transport of his rage, the sultan ordered him to be bowstrung, together with several of the other principal leaders of the army. This stern decree was eventually mitigated into banishment in Gallipoli, where he remained in disgrace until the death of the emperor.

Mahomet consoled himself for the unfortunate issue of the enterprise with the idea that his own presence was necessary in order to insure the success of his arms. He immediately commenced preparations for the assembly of another and much larger army, with which he proposed to renew in person his attack upon the island. The news of the mighty equipment he was organizing for this purpose filled the minds of the fraternity with dismay. The ramparts behind which the knights had made so stubborn a resistance were in ruins, their treasury was exhausted, and their ranks thinned to a lamentable extent. They felt, therefore, that a new siege, if pressed upon them before they had time to recruit themselves, must end fatally to their cause.

At this critical juncture, as though to add to the calamities of their situation, Rhodes was visited by a succession of the most terrific earthquakes, accompanied by an inundation of the sea or tidal wave. The result of this convulsion of nature was the overthrow of several of the principal buildings in the town and of large portions of the ramparts, which had already been shaken and rendered insecure by the battering they had undergone. Many of the inhabitants called to mind the popular tradition, that the island had originally sprung suddenly from the sea during one of the volcanic upheavals so common in the Levant, and they began to fear that these earthquakes were but the precursors of an equally sudden disappearance. Such a complication of disasters might surely have dismayed the stoutest heart; it required all the fortitude which even the heroic D’Aubusson could summon to his aid to bear him through the dreadful crisis.

Desperate as the situation seemed to he, and hopeless as was the prospect of a successful resistance to the gigantic force which Mahomet was preparing, the Grand-Master nevertheless continued to press forward such restorations as his limited means and the shortness of time permitted. Had the sultan lived to carry his project into execution, he would have been met as boldly and resisted as firmly as his lieutenant was in the previous year. That such resistance could have been for the second time successful was, under the circumstances, hopeless, but he would have entered a city in ruins only over the lifeless body of the last of its defenders. Providentially for the knights, this sad catastrophe was averted. In his march across Asia Minor at the head of his forces Mahomet was taken suddenly ill of a colic, and died in the village of Nicomedia, on the 3rd of May, 1481. Great as had been his successes, and numerous his conquests, the haughty emperor scorned to enumerate their catalogue upon his tomb. Looking rather to the grand conceptions which were teeming within his ambitious brain than to the acquisitions he had actually made, he directed the following simple epitaph to be placed over his grave, “My intention was to have captured Rhodes and to have subjugated Italy.”

The death of the sultan was hailed with joy throughout Europe, and nowhere more so or with greater reason than at Rhodes. A sense of relief pervaded every bosom. Now that their potent and implacable enemy was no more, they felt that the crisis of their danger had passed away. From that moment, therefore, they prosecuted their labours of restoration with an energy much stimulated by the auspicious occurrence. Public thanksgivings were offered up in the conventual church for the death of the most formidable foe against whom the Order of St. John had ever been called on to combat. It was on that occasion recorded, with feelings of very natural exultation, that in spite of all his power and all his efforts this conqueror of so many provinces had never, during the whole course of his reign, succeeded in wresting one single island or even fort from the possession of the Hospitallers.

Mahomet’s sudden death brought with it the result so common in newly-organized empires, a disputed succession. He had originally been the father of three Sons, Mustapha, Bajazet, and Djem, Zaim, or Zisim, for by all three of these names has the youngest been called. His eldest son, Mustapha, had been strangled for having violated the wife of his favourite minister, Achmet pasha, thus leaving Bajazet and Diem to dispute the empire between them. Bajazet, the elder of the two, had been born prior to his father’s elevation to the imperial dignity. He was of quiet and sedate demeanour, mild in character, and gentle in disposition. For him the excitement of the camp and the tumult of war had no charms. Although sufficiently ambitious to be desirous of ascending his father’s throne, which he justly considered his birthright, his was not the mind to have contemplated any further extension of empire. Djem, on the contrary, young, ardent and ambitious, bred in a camp and delighting in war, sought to usurp his father’s sceptre, more that he might make it the instrument for further conquests than for the quiet enjoyment of its actual dignities. Although a Mahometan he was by no means bigoted, and having during his youth been thrown in contact with the knights of Rhodes whilst arranging a truce on behalf of his father, he had conceived a warm admiration for the fraternity, and more especially for its Grand-Master, D’Aubusson. As he was born after Mahomet’s assumption of the imperial crown he considered himself the legitimate heir, as being porphyrogenitus, or born in the purple. He was consequently prepared to dispute the succession with his elder brother. The career of this unfortunate prince is so interwoven with the later years of D’Aubusson’s rule that it will be necessary to enter into some detail concerning him, the more so since his fate has cast a most undeserved slur upon the fair fame of that Grand- Master.

The rivalry which had sprung up between the brothers caused a division amongst the magnates of the empire at Constantinople, where the relative claims of the two princes were warmly contested. Neither of the candidates was in the city at the time, but Bajazet’s faction succeeded in overruling the pretensions of the partisans of Djem, and crowned one of the sons of the former, a child named Coracut, as locurn tenens for his absent father. Bajazet, who, immediately upon hearing of the death of Mahomet had hurried to the scene of action, speedily arrived at Constantinople, where he assumed in person the imperial dignity, and his claim was peaceably admitted by the inhabitants.

The news of this event reached Djem whilst he was journeying from the seat of his government in Asia Minor towards Constantinople. Hastily collecting such troops as favoured his cause, he pushed forward to the town of Broussa, trusting by the force of arms to overthrow the government of his brother. Unfortunately for him the principal supporter of Bajazet’s claims was the renowned chieftain Achmet pasha, a man whose successful career and brilliant achievements had made him the idol of the army. He had during the lifetime of Mahomet captured the city of Otranto, where he placed a garrison capable, as he considered, of holding the place against all opponents. The Neapolitans, terrified at this advanced post of Islamism so near to Rome, were engaged in its siege at the time of the emperor’s death. Achmet was pushing forward to relieve the town with an army of 2ö,000 men, when the defenders, dismayed at the death of their sultan and ignorant of the approach of the pasha, surrendered to the duke of Calabria. Achmet was consequently compelled to retrace his steps and return to Constantinople. When he arrived the cabals of the rival factions were at their height. The weight of his influence, backed by a force of 25,000 men, thrown into the scale in favour of Bajazet, at once determined the result.

When the new sultan heard that his brother had raised the standard of revolt at Broussa he despatched Achmet with a strong force to oppose him. The first conflict terminated in favour of Djem, and he thereupon caused himself to be proclaimed as the new Ottoman ruler. On this, Bajazet arousing himself to meet the exigencies of the case, advanced in person against him. His forces being far superior both in numbers and discipline, completely overthrew Djem’s army, and the young prince himself was compelled to seek safety in flight. Accompanied by a very slender escort, he extricated himself from the field of battle and made good his escape into Egypt. There he was received with every demonstration of respect and hospitality. Encouraged by these friendly sentiments, he used his utmost exertions to induce the sultan Kaitbai to embrace his cause. In this ho was unsuccessful, the sultan not being willing to assist him in any other capacity than as a mediator with his brother.

Whilst fruitless negotiations were being carried on, Djem received an offer from Kasim Boy, the chief of Caramania, who had been despoiled of much territory by Mahomet, to assist him in securing the Ottoman throne provided that Djem would on his side pledge himself to restore to the Bey the captured provinces. The prince eagerly accepted these terms, and joining Kasim Bey, again strove to make headway against his brother. Achmet, however, advanced a second time against him, and the new levies melted away at the approach of the Ottoman army, Djem himself taking refuge amongst the mountain passes of the district. Feeling his cause hopeless in his own country, he despatched an embassy to Rhodes seeking to place himself under the protection of the fraternity, and demanding for that purpose a safe conduct from the Grand- Master. The propriety of acceding to this request was warmly debated in council at Rhodes, but the permission was eventually granted, and a safe conduct despatched to Djem by the hands of the grand-prior of Castile, Don Alvares do Zuniga. This envoy met the prince at Corycus, on the borders of Cilicia, and having given him the required guarantee, they returned together to Rhodes. ^[4]

Every preparation had there been made to receive the illustrious fugitive with due respect and honour. A bridge, eighteen feet in length, covered with rich tapestry, was thrown out into the harbour opposite St. Catherine’s gate, to enable him to land from his vessel on horseback. Upon the mole he met the Grand-Master mounted on his charger, accompanied by the bailiffs and other leading knights. Escorted by this chief in person he proceeded through the town to the auberge of the lngue of France, which had been prepared for his reception. The streets through which he passed were decorated with banners, flowers, and myrtle. Ladies in their gayest attire appeared in the balconies overlooking his route, and their beauty drew from the gallant Ottoman the observation that “it was with great justice that the Rhodians were considered the loveliest women in Asia.” The personal appearance of Djem was not prepossessing, if we may judge by the description of him given by Matthew Bosso, who was an eye-witness. He says he was a little over middle height, thickly built, broad shouldered, with very protuberant stomach, long and powerful arms, large head, his eyes squinting, the nose aquiline and much bent, his thick lips hidden by a large moustache, his general appearance giving the effect of barbarity and ferocity.

However unattractive his personal appearance may have been, it was a great triumph for the knights that within so short a time after their destruction had been decreed by the powerful sultan, they should be receiving his son as a helpless wanderer and a pensioner on their bounty. They were, however, far too chivalric to allow a trace of such feelings to appear in their behaviour towards the young prince. Djem found himself treated with the same deferential hospitality as though he had been a powerful monarch instead of a destitute fugitive. Every effort was made to render his stay agreeable to him. Tourneys, hunting parties, spectacles, and feasts followed one another in rapid succession; nothing was omitted which could serve to distract him from the gloomy thoughts natural to his position.

It was in vain, however, that they strove to divert his mind from the danger with which he felt he was surrounded even in the hospitable city of Rhodes. From the fraternity he knew well he had nothing to fear. Indeed, on the first day of his arrival the custom in European courts was carried out, of having every dish tasted before it was set on his table. He, as an Eastern, was not acquainted with the regulation, and was scandalized at the suspicion which the act implied; so much so that he insisted on partaking only of such dishes as had not been previously tasted. Still he felt that in spite of all the precautions D’Aubusson might take, he was surrounded by a population many of whom would not scruple at any act of treachery against his person. He was well aware that his brother Bajazet was only too ready to make use of any such tool as might present itself for the purpose, and that playing as he did for so magnificent a stake he would not grudge ample recompense to any one who could remove the fugitive from his path. Filled with dread of some such result, Djem suggested to the Grand-Master that he might receive permission to retire to France, putting forward the reasons which had led him to prefer the request.

D’Aubusson could not but recognize the justice of the plea; indeed he was himself tormented with a constant dread lest some calamity should befal the prince whilst under his protection. At the same time the proposed change of residence was a matter of so great moment that he did not feel justified in giving his permission without the sanction of the council. Here a very warm debate arose on the question. Those who regarded the presence of Djem merely in the light of a political weapon to be turned to the best advantage, strongly urged his retention in the island. They argued that as long as he remained within their power Bajazet would be kept in such a state of dread and uneasiness that he would never dare to undertake any operation to their prejudice, so that in their hands the young prince would prove a most valuable ally. Those, on the other hand, who were more disinterested, and who felt that the interests of their Order could never be permanently benefited by a breach of faith, were equally urgent that he should be permitted to follow his own inclinations. The danger which he hourly ran from the attempts of an assassin whilst at Rhodes was so imminent, and at the same time so dilficult to guard against, that they thought it most important he should be removed as soon as possible from the chance of such a contingency. This argument was warmly supported by D’Aubusaon, and ultimately prevailed in the council. Sanction was given to Djem to retire to France, and a suitable escort was appointed, under the command of two knights of high rank to act as a guard to himself and his retinue in the new home of his adoption.

At this juncture ambassadors from Constantinople, despatched by Achmet pasha on behalf of Bajazet, arrived at Rhodes with pacific overtures, and with a request that plenipotentiaries might be sent by the Grand-Master to arrange with the sultan the terms of a durable peace. There can be no doubt that the presence of Djem at Rhodes had much disquieted his brother. Bajazet felt that unless he could secure a treaty of peace with the fraternity he would be constantly liable to the risk of the rival claim which, supported by its arms, the prince might be tempted again to put forward. This embassy, so contrary to Mussulman pride, proved to Djem that his brother would leave no means untried to secure himself against aggression; he became, therefore, more than ever anxious to quit a spot in which he was surrounded by so many dangers.

On the 1st of September, 1482, he embarked with his retinue and escort on board one of the largest galleys in the fleet of the Order, and set sail for France. Before leaving, he placed in the hands of the Grand-Master three documents, the contents of which form an ample refutation to the calumnious assertion that Djem was sent to France as a prisoner in furtherance of the political views of the fraternity. In the first paper he gave full authority to the Grand-Master to treat with his brother in his behalf, and to secure for him such appanage as could be extorted from the Ottoman emperor. During his residence at Rhodes the expense of his entertainment had fallen entirely on the public treasury. His residence in France would also become chargeable to the same source, unless an allowance suited to his dignity could be obtained from his brother. The second document was a declaration, drawn up by himself, that his departure from the island and retirement to France were steps taken at his own express desire. The third contained the terms of a treaty of alliance between himself and the knights, which was to take effect should he ever ascend the Ottoman throne. By this he bound himself to pay them an annual contribution of 160,000 gold crowns, to throw open the ports of his empire to their trade, and to release annually 300 Christian slaves, who were to be transferred to Rhodes.

The scene between Djem and D’Aubusson at the moment of parting was touching in the extreme. Casting aside for the moment the proud reserve with which he had hitherto veiled his feelings, he fell at D’Aubusson’s feet in a paroxysm of grief, and bathed them with tears. The Grand-Master was not proof against this ebullition of tenderness and sorrow on the part of the young prince. Whether his keen and politic eye could trace in the dim future some foreshadowing of the miserable fate to which the unfortunate Djem was doomed, or whether his emotion arose merely froni a feeling of sympathy with the distress of his guest, certain it is, as an eye-witness has recorded, that D’Aubusson—the cairn, fearless, intrepid D’Aubusson— wept upon his neck tears of paternal affection. Was this the parting between a prisoner and his jailor? Was this a scene likely to have been enacted had Djem been leaving Rhodes on a compulsory journey to France, and had D’Auhusson been the traitor who was driving him to that step with a view of making for himself political capital with Bajazet? The whole scene has been depicted with such minuteness and detail by Caoursin as to leave no rational doubt on the mind of the unprejudiced reader as to the terms upon which the Ottoman prince and the Grand-Master bade their last adieu to one another.

The departure of Djem in no way affected the treaty of peace which was being arranged between Bajazet and the fraternity. D’Aubusson succeeded in securing for his protégé a revenue of 35,000 gold ducats (about £15,000 of English money). Bajazet further covenanted to pay the knights an annual sum of 10,000 ducats in compensation for the extraordinary expenses which they had incurred during the war with his father. Upon these terms, so highly favourable for the fraternity, peace was concluded. It has been alleged, as a reproach to D’Aubusson, that the allowance nominally made to Djem was in reality paid to the Order as an annual bribe for his safe custody. This was, however, not the case. The whole amount was regularly remitted to Djem, and expended by him partly in the maintenance of his household and partly in support of the envoys whom he was continually despatching to the various courts of Europe. Indeed, that the amount paid was not sufficient to meet his expenditure is clear from the fact that in the chapter-general held at Rhodes on the 10th September, 1489, it was decreed that D’Aubusson should be repaid out of the treasury the sum of 50,749 gold crowns which he had advanced to Djem over and above the annual income allowed him by his brother. There is but little doubt that the yearly payment of 10,000 ducats to the Order, although nominally supposed to be a repayment of expenses caused by Mahomet’s warlike operations, was in reality a tribute to prevent any hostile action being taken in support of Djem.

The young prince’s first intention on landing in France was to proceed at once to the court of the French king, and endeavour to enlist the sympathies of that monarch in his behalf. Charles VIII. was at the time about to undertake an expedition to Naples, and therefore felt very indisposed to embroil himself unnecessarily with the Ottoman sultan. The envoys whom Djem had despatched to him were received with the most studied coldness, a personal interview with the young prince was declined, and the king contented himself with vague offers of assistance, coupled with the impossible condition that Djem should embrace the Christian religion. Disheartened at the ill-success of his envoys the prince proceeded to the cornmandery of Bourgneuf, situated on the confines of Poitou and La Marche, the official residence of the grand-prior of Auvergne. Here he endeavoured to while away the time in such rural sports and amusements as the locality afforded.

He was, however, a personage of too much importance to the political interests of Europe to remain even there undisturbed. All the princes of Christendom gradually began to covet the possession of one whose name would prove such a powerful auxiliary in a war against the Turks. Plots were therefore set on foot in various quarters to withdraw him from the protection of the knights of St. John. At the same time designs of a baser nature were skilfully concocted, at the instigation of Bajazet, to deprive the young prince of his life. Vigilant indeed was the watth which his escort were compelled to maintain to protect their charge from the attempts both of friend and foe; and this precaution has been distorted into an accusation that Djem was all the time a prisoner. That he was carefully guarded is no doubt a fact; but that this was against his own wishes is at variance with all trustworthy contemporary evidence. In a letter which ho wrote to the Grand-Master from Rome on the 27th October, 1494, when he was no longer under the control of the fraternity, and when he could have had no object in disguising his sentiments towards it, he thus expresses himself on the subject of the protection afforded to him whilst at Bourgneuf:—“ Most kindly and faithfully have I been served by the said knights, without being able to testify my gratitude in the slightest degree by remunerating them in the manner which I should most ardently have desired. With the warmest and most affectionate cordiality I beg of your very reverend lordship kindly to look upon them all as persons peculiarly commended to you by your love for me. I will think every favour and benefit which you bestow upon them as conferred, through your condescension, on myself personally.”

During Djem’s residence at Rhodes the Grand-Master had written a letter to the Pope, in which lie defined very clearly the conditions under which the Order had consented to grant its protection to the prince. The safe conduct stipulated for by him was Tutus aditus exitusque, a safe entry into Rhodes, and an equally safe departure therefrom. D’Aubusson proceeds to say:—“ We have brilliant expectations, and are determined to do all that is in our power. If we succeed, well and good; but if not, we must consult the interests of our island, taking care to preserve our public faith, since this must be kept inviolably even towards our deadliest enemy, whatever may be his unbelief.” This was the line of conduct pursued by the fraternity throughout the trying period of Djem’s residence in Europe. He had been promised safe entry into, and departure from Rhodes, and this pledge had been redeemed. He left Rhodes voluntarily, and the risk incurred by the measure fell on his own responsibility. The knights, scorning to adhere to the bare letter of their guarantee, had continued their protection to the hapless prince for many years, without which it is not too much to say that he would soon have fallen a victim to either the open or secret attacks of his enemies. That this duty was performed in a manner honourable to themselves and beneficial to the prince is proved by the letter already quoted, which was written after his abandonment of the Order’s protection, and his removal to the papal court.

That event took place in the year 1488. The Pope had long been very urgent that Djem should be transferred into his own hands, inasmuch as he was organizing an expedition against Bajazet. He was aware of the support which the presence of the prince would afford him, and so tempted him to exchange the protection of the knights for his own by the offer of placing him on the Ottoman throne. D’Aubusson knew that it would have been safer for Djem to remain the guest of the fraternity; still he felt it was impossible for him to thwart the wishes of his ecclesiastical superior, when supported by the urgent desire of Diem himself. The transfer was effected with great splendour in the month of March, 1488, the king of France being a consenting party. It has been adduced as a proof of dishonourable dealing on the part of the Order, that the possession of the person of Djem was purchased by the Pope at the expense of numerous important concessions. Such concessions were undoubtedly made, but they appear to have been the result of the Pope’s gratitude to the fraternity for compliance with his wishes, tardy and reluctant though that consent had been. Moreover, a glance at the benefits conferred will show that they were only such as the knights had a right to claim as an act of justice, and not as a favour, being merely the abandonment of pretensions which had been usurped by the pontiff’s predecessors. He now pledged himself never again to interfere in the nomination to commanderies, even when vacated in his own dominions. He also merged the two effete Orders of St. Sepulchre and St. Lazarus into that of St. John. How far this union could be considered a boon to the latter is not very apparent, inasmuch as both in wealth and public estimation it was immeasurably superior to the two fraternities now incorporated with it.

It has also been stated that a cardinal’s hat was conferred on D’Aubusson as a mark of personal favour on the occasion. The fact is, that D’Aubusson was made a cardinal in 1485, three years before Djem was transferred to the court of Rome. That appointment was moreover an honour of a very questionable kind. The position which the Grand-Master enjoyed as the head of the Order of St. John and supreme ruler at Rhodes was not in any way enhanced by the acquisition of the red hat. It would, indeed, have been better for his reputation could the historian have recorded that he had rejected the bauble. The real reason for his investiture was that the Pope had need of his great diplomatic talents in dealing with the nations of the East. The cardinal’s hat was coupled with the title of papal legate, a post which insured for the service of Innocent one of the most efficient agents possible for the delicate task of intercourse with the Turkish court.

Before the Pope had matured any of those projects for the reconquest of the East which were teeming within his ambitious brain he died, and his place was filled by the infamous Alexander VI. During his sway the position of the unfortunate Djem was very different from what it had been in the lifetime of Innocent. The knights who had been permitted to reside with him at the papal court were summarily dismissed, and he was confined as a close prisoner in the castle of St. Angelo. The last vestige of control over the fate of the miserable prince was thus taken away from the fraternity, and it can in no way be held responsible for what followed. Alexander, feeling himself secure in the possession of his prize, at once opened up communications with Bajazet, who made an offer either to continue to the Pope the payment of the allowance hitherto made to Djem on condition of his keeping the prince in close confinement, or else to pay down the sum of 300,000 crowns if he would once for all make away with his prisoner.

Alexander’s notoriety as a poisoner was already spread over Europe; Bajazet, therefore, did not hesitate to propose in plain terms to the head of the Christian church the coldblooded murder of a defenceless refugee. The Pope would rather have retained Djem alive and a prisoner, preferring the annual payment to the sum offered for the murder; but the option did not long remain open. The steps which Alexander had taken caused the most lively indignation not only to D’Aubusson, who was powerless to interfere in the matter, but also to the king of France, who was in a very different position. It had never entered into his calculations that the Pope should retain the Turkish prince a close prisoner merely for his own pecuniary benefit. Advancing, therefore, at the head of a considerable force which he had assembled for the purpose of an attack on the kingdom of Naples, he appeared at the gates of Rome before Alexander had been able to make any preparations to resist him.

The iniquities of the Pope’s career had become a public scandal, and everywhere his deposition was ardently desired; at this moment those wishes seemed certain to be gratified, and his doom appeared inevitable. Alexander, however, was a very expert politician. By means of lavish bribes he bought over the most trusted advisers of the young king, and a treaty was concluded which secured him in his pontificate. One of the clauses of this treaty bound him to surrender Djem into the hands of Charles. Vainly did he resist the insertion of this condition, but the king was inexorable. The presence of the Turkish prince was necessary for the prosecution of his enterprise, and provided he carried that point lie cared but little for the other iniquities of which Alexander had been guilty. The annual stipend paid by Bajazet was now clearly lost to the Pope for ever. The time had therefore arrived to earn the 300,000 crowns for the murder of Djem. The age in which Borgia lived was notorious for the perfection to which the art of poisoning had been brought, and that pontiff had earned for himself the reputation of being a most skilful adept in the practice. In the present case his talents were brought to bear with his usual cunning upon the prson of the unfortunate prisoner. Djem, at the moment when he was handed over to Charles, bore within his frame the venom which was slowiy but surely compassing his end. So skilfully had the potion been administered, that it was not until the king had arrived with his protégé at Terracina that the crisis developed itself. Every finger at once pointed to the murderer, nor has any serious attempt ever been made to refute the charge.

A sad fate, indeed, was that for which the unfortunate prince had been reserved. After a sojourn of thirteen years in strange lands, far away from his native country, and at the very moment when his prospects appeared to brighten, he was smitten by the hand of the secret poisoner, from whose fell grasp he had just been torn. In subsequent years we find his son Amurath, who had been left in Egypt as an infant, residing at Rhodes under the protection of the fraternity, and receiving from its treasury a pension of 36,000 forms a year. This young prince had abandoned the faith of his father and become a Christian, for which reason he was held in great esteem by the Order.

The miserable end of Djem caused the most poignant anguish to D’Aubusson, to whom he had endeared himself through many years of kindly feeling and affectionate correspondence. The disgrace which this foul murder had cast upon Christianity affected the Grand-Master deeply, and his utter inability to avenge the dastardly act added weight to his grief. Age, too, had been creeping upon him, and was rendering him less able to bear up against his sorrow. It is from this time that we may date the commencement of that decline which ere long brought the noble old man to his grave. Throughout the remaining years of his life his position was one much to be envied. Universally admitted to be the greatest soldier and first statesman of his age, he bore a part in the politics of Europe far more influential than his rank would have apparently warranted. When Alexander, anxious to remove the stigma cast upon him by the murder of Djem, had organized a league against the Turks, composed of all the leading powers of Europe, D’Aubusson was unanimously selected for the chief command of the combined forces. The league, it is true, effected nothing; the numerous conflicting interests of its members, the inertness of some and the obstinacy of others, all combined to render barren an enterprise which might have had the most vital consequences for Europe. Doubtless, had it been persevered in, it would at least have saved the island of Rhodes from the sad fate which was impending. Still, the nomination of D’Aubusson as its chief marks the high estimation in which he was held; nor can its futile termination be in any way attributed to him. Indeed, before accepting the command, he had foretold, with that keen sagacity for which he was famed, that it would prove utterly useless.

In the year 1499 an envoy was sent t.o Rhodes from Henry VII., king of England, with a very flattering letter to the Grand-Master, accompanied by a present of horses of a breed much prized for their pure blood and extreme docility. They were stated in the letter to have been reared in the island of Ireland, and to have been called Eburi. The king at the same time sent several pieces of artillery for the defence of Rhodes, which he requested might be given into the charge of the English knights, to be placed on that part of the fortress which was in their guardianship.

In these later years no less than five chapters-general had been convoked, in which many enactments highly beneficial to the discipline of the convent were passed. Reforms of the most searching kind were introduced, and the island was weeded of numerous unworthy characters from amidst the Greek population with which it had previously swarmed. The only drawback to the peaceful end which D’Aubusson felt approaching arose from the conduct of the Pope, who, heedless of the pledge of his predecessor, bestowed on members of his own family all the more important offices of the Order as they fell vacant. Remonstrances were utterly disregarded, and D’Aubusson was powerless for any more effectual action. In the midst of the acrimonious correspondence engendered by these illegal acts, he breathed his last on the 30th June, 1503, at the ripe age of eighty years.

His loss was keenly felt by the members of the fraternity, nor was he less regretted by the inhabitants of Rhodes generally, to whom he had endeared himself by the undeviating justice of his rule and the liberal policy he invariably maintained towards them. He had held the baton of Grand-Master for a period of twenty-seven years, and this lengthened rule was marked by the magnanimity, piety, and heroic deeds with which it was adorned. Beloved by his Order; revered by all the princes of Europe; respected and dreaded by the enemies whom he had either worsted in the field or baffled in the council chamber; munificent in his public acts, as the numerous buildings, foundations, and other charities which he established amply prove; affable and gracious in his demeanour towards those with whom he was brought in contact; lie was a man who had no enemies save those whose misdeeds had merited his chastisement, or in whose jaundiced eyes the mere existence of such virtues was in itself an offence.

The day of his funeral was one of general mourning. His body lay in state in the council hall, beneath a canopy covered with cloth of gold. It was dressed in the robes of his office, with gloves of silk and shoes of golden cloth. On his breast lay a crucifix of gold; at his right hand were the emblems of his cardinal’s rank; on the left were his armour, lance, and sword, the latter the same he had used on the occasion of the last Turkish assault on the Jews’ quarter, and which was still covered with the Moslem blood in which it had been bathed on that memorable day. Around the body stood seven knights dressed in deep mourning, one of whom bore his cardinal’s hat, another his legate’s cross, a third the standard of the league of which he had been appointed generalissimo, whilst the others carried banners on which were emblazoned the arms of his family,^[5] quartered with those of the Order.

When the hour of interment arrived, the whole population followed their late prince to the tomb. First in the procession came the religious fraternities of Rhodes, next the Greek patriarch with his clergy, then the Latin clerics of the convent followed by 200 of the principal citizens of Rhodes, dressed in black and carrying lighted torches; after these the knights bearing his banners, which they now trailed upon the ground; then came the bier with the corpse, borne on the shoulders of grand-crosses, none others being allowed that privilege. Immediately following the body came the members of the Order generally, whose extended files completed, the melancholy procession. As the revered remains were lowered into their last resting place, the baton of his office and the gold spurs of his knighthood were broken over the grave by the officers appointed for that purpose. After a long look at all that now remained of one who had gained the. love of so many hearts, and achieved so much for the welfare of his brethren, the grave was slowly and sadly closed, and the touching ceremonial brought to an end. He was gone out of their sight, and another would shortly occupy the place he had so worthily filled, but his memory was to remain green and unfading. Wherever the annals of the Order are recorded there will ever be found, high amongst those who even in that fraternity of chivalry and renown had raised themselves above their fellows, the name of Peter D’Aubusson.

It was during his rule that the relic so highly prized by the knights was first brought to Rhodes. After D’Aubusson had succeeded in arranging the treaty with Bajazet, that monarch, anxious to testify his gratitude, presented the Grand-Master with the right hand of St. John the Baptist, which had fallen into the possession of his father at the capture of Constantinople. This relic, which was enclosed in a magnificent casket of Cyprus wood lined with crimson velvet and richly studded with precious stones, was addressed to D’Aubusson in the following terms:—“Bajazet, king of Asia and emperor of emperors, to the very wise and illustrious Grand-Master of Rhodes, Peter D’Aubusson, most generous prince and father of a very glorious empire.”

Few of the relies which during the middle ages were scattered throughout Europe can have their authenticity traced with such minuteness of detail as the one thus presented to the Grand-Master. Its history runs as follows:—The body of St. John the Baptist had been buried in the town of Sebasta after his execution by Herod. St. Luke the Evangelist is stated to have been very desirous of removing the holy corpse. Joining with some of the other disciples of St. John, they together opened the grave under cover of night, but dreading the risk of discovery should they attempt the removal of the whole body, they severed the right hand, which they considered• the most sacred portion, as having been employed in the baptism of our Lord. St. Luke carried the hand to Antioch, and when he left that city to preach the gospel in Bithynia, he placed the precious relic in charge of the church he had established there. The hand remained at Antioch until the reign of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who, as a devout catholic, was extremely desirous of transferring it to the city of Constantinople. Any open attempt on his part would have been in vain, for the people of Antioch prized their treasure highly, and guarded it most carefully. Constantine, in his religious zeal, had no delicate scruples as to the means he employed for the attainment of his purpose. He bribed a deacon of the church of Antioch to steal the hand and to bring it to Constantinople, where as soon as it arrived it was placed in the church of St. John. It remained there until the capture of the city by Mahomet, when, owing to the value of its casket, it was placed in the imperial treasury, whence it was withdrawn by Bajazet for presentation to D’Aubusson.

The following account has been given by an old chronicler of the ceremony of translation of this precious relic to the cathedral of St. John:—“ On the 25th May, 1484, the anniversary of the disembarkation of the Turks at Rhodes, the clergy, the monks, and the people started in procession from the church of St. John to the chapel of the palace, where the Grand-Master awaited them with the dignitaries of the Order. D’Aubusson presented the precious hand to the prior of the church, and from there they marched in solemn procession to the square, where a platform had been erected covered with a dais, in the form of a throne or altar, upon which the holy relic was deposited, enclosed in a casket of ivory enriched with precious stones and placed under glass, through which the hand of the saint was visible. An Augustine monk delivered a sermon on the occasion, after which the prior of the church took the Malta. hand and elevated it for the adoration of the people. It was then carried with the same ceremony to the church of St. John, where, after it had been kissed by the Grand-Master, the knights, and others, the prior deposited it on the grand altar, chanting psalms to the accompaniment of musical instruments.”

1. These treatises are illustrated by a series of woodcuts, thirty in number, some explanatory of the siege itself, and the others of the adventures of Prince Djem. They are dated in 1496, and are excellent specimens of the woodcutting of the time. The author has selected the one which gives the best idea of the city of Rhodes, of which a facsimile is here given.
2. Vide Appendix No. 7.
3. It may here be noted that as all the records of the fraternity are in foreign languages—either French, Italian, or Latin—the spelling of the English names is very obscure, and often misleading.
4. The story recounted by all the older historians of the Order of the letter which Djem wrote on this occasion to his brother is quite apocryphal. It is by them stated that he attached the letter to an arrow, which he shot into the midst of the spahis who were in pursuit of him. In this document he is supposed to have reproached his brother in such touching terms as to draw tears from that prince. No mention is made of such a missive by any of the Oriental historians of the period.
5. It is somewhat curious that his arms bore an eight-pointed cross, in form not unlike that of the Order, but blazoned gules on a fluid or.