History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 11

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XI.

SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.

1525-1526.

Overthrow of Paz — H is Terrible Fate — Persecution of the Friends of Cortés — Alvarado Considers the Matter — Search for Cortés — His Funeral Honors — Spoliation of his Property — Lashing a Wife — Tyrannical Proceedings of Salazar — It Leads to Revolt — General Alarm — Expeditions against Rebels — Chirinos' Fiasco — The Friars Hurl Anathemas — The Governors Humbled — The Mysterious Messenger — Rising of the Men of Cortés — Election of Estrada and Albornoz — Assault on the Government House — Salazar Encaged — Conspiracy to Release Him.

After aiding Salazar in the achievement of his plots, Paz was no longer indispensable; indeed, he was an obstacle to the free sway of the lieutenants. Their longing for uncontrolled action was fostered partly by rumors of disasters to Cortés, borne from the natives of the south, and all the more alarming in the absence of news from him. The ruling faction did not hesitate to magnify these reports and to circulate fantastic stories about Cortés, Marina, and Sandoval having been seen burning in vivid flames in the Tlateluco church-yard.^[1] Machinations against the immediate adherents of Cortés could accordingly be ventured upon, but their leader must above all be removed. An additional incentive existed in the wealth of the captain-general, of which Paz was the guardian, and in the enmity of Chirinos, who had lost to him at the gambling-table the greater part of his fortune.^[2] In futherance of the design, the devoted friends of Cortés had been gradually replaced by more pliable members. An able adviser and promoter of these machinations existed in Diego de Ocaña, who had lately arrived as royal notary, probably at the recommendation of Cobos, the powerful patron of his principals.^[3]

 

Paz had given umbrage to the Franciscans by a neglect of religious duties and want of respect for the friars, a proceeding which was aggravated by his passionate and reckless nature. Salazar represented this to Father Valencia, the custodian, and agent for the Inquisition, and proposed that authority be given to seize and arraign him. The friar replied that the anger of the church had been propitiated by humble penitence, and that Paz stood absolved. This answer may have been dictated partly by a repugnance toward the applicant, whose every proposal seemed to cover some deep-laid plot, and whose reverence for the cloth was by no means conspicuous. Thus foiled, Salazar turned to another quarter.

After the treatment received from Paz, neither Estrada or Albornoz could be expected to harbor any good-will for him, and they were readily induced to join in the not altogether improper demand upon the mayordomo of Cortés to exhibit what treasures his master had sent to Spain, so that the royal fifth might be collected where still due; and further, since Cortés was evidently dead, to repay to the treasury the sixty thousand pesos de oro taken by him. Paz naturally objected, and his refusal was made to appear as contempt for the officials of the king, strongly indicative of treason. With loud words about the necessity for protecting the royal interests, Salazar and Chirinos began to summon men to their support, promising repartimientos and other favors to some, and assuring others that no harm should come to Paz himself. Observing this movement, the latter also began to muster for defence. A proclamation was issued forbidding any one under heavy penalties to resist the royal cause. Nevertheless, when the lieutenant-governors appeared before his house on the 19th of August, Paz had quite a force within. Estrada now spoke to him, and, representing the treasonable appearance and danger of resisting royal officials in discharge of their duty, he prevailed upon him to yield, after receiving the solemn oath of Salazar and Chirinos that his person should be respected.^[4]

After disarming and dismissing the opposing force, and sending Paz to the arsenal, the four royal officers took possession of the residence of Cortés. An examination of the premises followed, and a number of valuables at once disappeared, while the native princesses and ladies of noble birth there living as wards were grossly insulted, to the deep humiliation of their people. The belief was that vast treasures lay hidden in or beneath the palace, and Estrada and Albornoz were directed to retire so that the lieutenants might have no official witness to their further search. The better to promote their designs these worthies caused themselves on the 22d of August to be sworn in as lieutenant-governors for the king, till his Majesty should decide, with the same power as that possessed by Cortés in his offices of chief justice and captain-general.^[5] A devoted adherent named Antonio de Villaroel was at the same time installed as alguacil mayor, in place of Paz, and the subservient council was made to issue permission to the new governors to take an inventory of the property of Cortés.

The search for treasures proved comparatively barren, though every corner was examined and the ground dug up beneath and around the palace. They were fully convinced, however, that treasures existed somewhere, for a belief in the wealth of Cortés was too wide-spread not to be true, and it seemed incredible that he should have neglected his opportunities to enrich himself. The only question was about the hiding-place. Paz must know, and must be made to speak. Regardless of their oath they submitted him to torture, applying among other means boiling oil to his feet, which were then slowly roasted before a fire. In his agony he declared that Cortés had taken his treasures with him: he knew of none. This answer was not accepted, and the torturing continued till the toes fell off, and the feet. were charred to the ankles.^[6]

Regarding it as unsafe to leave alive an enemy so terribly outraged, to bear convicting evidence against them, the governors concocted fresh charges against him, notably that he intended to excite an insurrection, and condemned him to death. The popular feeling was strongly in favor of the prisoner, and efforts were made to enforce the appeals against the sentence; but the safety of his persecutors demanded its execution, and effective precautions had been taken to cloak the proceedings in the royal name, and support them with a considerable force, while stringent orders existed against armed gatherings on the part of ordinary citizens. Still hoping to extort a confession, Salazar held out to Paz the delusive promise of pardon if he would reveal the treasures. "I have none," replied the outraged victim, "and I implore Cortés to pardon me for saying in my agony that he had taken them away; it is not true." Unable to walk he was carried to the square on an ass, and hanged.^[7] What a fall was this of the haughty leader of a faction which but a few weeks before controlled the destinies of an empire! How far removed were such proceedings from those of savages? It is a singular coincidence that the representative of Cortés should have suffered the same torture for the same end as Quauhtemotzin, and have been hanged about the same time as this prince, under a similar pretext.^[8]

Pedro, the brother of Paz, was seized to please Albornoz, but he escaped from prison and took refuge in the sanctuary of San Francisco, followed by a number of adherents of Cortés, such as Jorge de Alvarado and Andrés de Tapia, for none knew where the tyrants would stop, or whom they had marked for their next victim. The desire was now paramount to find Cortés if peradventure he still lived, as the only one who could save them and the country. Aware of this feeling, the governors ordered the sails of vessels at the gulf ports to be removed, so that none might go without their knowledge.^[9] Efforts were made, however, to send intelligence through Guatemala, and Pedro de Alvarado was urged to come to the rescue and assume the government. The proposition fell on no heedless ears, for this leader was only too willing to figure as the savior of a country he had assisted to conquer, and if Cortés proved to be dead it was necessary to foster his own pretensions to independent sway in Guatemala. He accordingly prepared to set out with a small escort. At the last moment, however, the trip was abandoned, partly because it became apparent that a larger force was needed for the project than could be spared from Guatemala, and partly because his interests at court might be imperilled by an armed demonstration against officials cloaked in royal authority and protected by the powerful Cobos.^[10]

 

Shortly before this, Diego de Ordaz had arrived from Spain, proudly bearing the new coat of arms commemorating his famous ascent of the Popocatepetl volcano. He was naturally interested in the fate of his former chief, and rumors coming from Xicalanco of the death of Cortés in that region Salazar agreed that he should sail down the coast with two vessels to investigate. On reaching the Usumacinta he obtained confused versions of disaster to the forces both by land and water, the latter under Cuenca and Medina having been destroyed near the coast. Among those captured was Medina who met a fearful death as a sacrifice to the idols. Wooden splinters were stuck into his body, and fired. Thus bristling with torches he was made to walk in solemn pace round a hole, till he dropped from agony and exhaustion, and was then burned to death. ^[11] This story by no means encouraged Ordaz to penetrate the country, and ascertain the truth of the reports that Cortés and his land party had been killed some seven moons before at a city in the interior.^[12] He contented himself with accepting the reports, and returned to curry favor with the new ruler, who rewarded his devotion with the office of alcalde mayor^[13]

Salazar and Chirinos eagerly circulated his statements with the authoritative declaration that Cortés was indeed dead. To impress this upon the people solemn funeral honors were ordered by the local authorities to be held throughout the country. The sermons on the occasion were duly tempered in deference to the hostile feeling of the ruling faction. At Mexico a monument was erected in the parish church, and a sum of money was assigned from the estate of Cortés to pay for masses.^[14]

The evident effort to enforce the acceptance of this view, and by men of Salazar's intriguing nature, excited doubts among many. Such suspicions were regarded as mischievous to their projects, and the governors forbade their expression under heavy penalty. Juana Ruiz de Marcilla, wife of Valiente, secretary to Cortés, not only criticised the permission to marry granted to women whose husbands had left on the Honduras expedition,^[15] but loudly declared that the followers of Cortés were not such poltroons as the soldiers of Chirinos, to allow a horde of natives to cut them down. This contumacy must not be tolerated. Regardless of her sex, position, and wealth, she was ordered to be publicly lashed, as a warning to others.^[16]

A certain portion of the estate of Cortés which could not well be secretly appropriated by the despoilers had been placed in the depository for the property of deceased persons. Salazar now ventured to have this sold at any price, and appropriated the proceeds to the payment of real or fictitious claims by himself and friends, also cancelling any of their indebtedness to the estate. So rapidly did the property disappear that when the royal treasurer made his claim for the suns which had served as pretext for the spoliation, there was not enough left to pay them.^[17] When remonstrated with for this reckless management both of private and royal interests, he declared that the king did not know what orders were issued, nor the Council of the Indies what was observed. Besides, he had authority to seize Cortés, should he ever return, and might even hang him, a piece of bombast which tended to intimidate quite a number.^[18]

Not only the estates of Cortés, but the offices, lands, and Indians of his followers, were appropriated for the benefit of the governor's friends, and many who had failed to take refuge in the sanctuary were arrested. This created a further dispersion, and not a few fled to the mountain regions, preferring to trust themselves among the half-revolted Indians rather than to the tender mercies of the executioners of Paz. In this persecution Casas and Gil Gonzalez were not overlooked, the former indeed being too dangerous. They were arraigned for the murder of Olid and condemned to death; to decapitation in this instance, since the culprits were by their rank exempt from the ignoble noose. Their appeal to the sovereign was at first disregarded, but their friends were sufficiently influential to prevail upon the governors to modify the decision and order their removal to Spain for judgment.^[19]

By the vessel in which Gonzalez embarked, the ea sent a paltry remittance to the king, and a arge number of costly presents\^[20] for friends and their patron, whose favor and efforts in their behalf would be more effective than any services they could perform for the crown. The fate of the chivalrous Vasco Nuñiez, and the success of the nefarious schemes of the tyrant Pedrarias had proved a lesson to many another besides Salazar, and the sovereign suffered deservedly for listening to partisans to the discouragement of loyal and zealous servants. For support of their pretensions the governors convoked the delegates of the Spanish settlements in the country, as well as the own council of Mexico, and by subterfuge and intimidation compelled them to sign a representation to the king recommending their confirmation as governors in lieu of the defunct Cortés.^[21] The same persons were made to elect as agents or procuradores in Spain two of Salazar's friends, Bernardino Vazquez de Tapia and Antonio de Villaroel, to replace those appointed by Cortés. They reached Spain, though the vessel was wrecked on Fayal Island with the loss of the treasure and most of the documents, including the process against Casas and Gonzalez.^[22]

 

With a view to render themselves secure, the governors fortified their residence with artillery and arms from the arsenal, appointing Luis de Guzman captain of the battery, and several others as captains of their guard and house.^[23] The apparent devotion of their followers made them quite overweening in their confidence, and they ventured to sneer even at demands and regulations connected with the royal interest, declaring that any royal judge who might arrive and presume to interfere with them would find it difficult.^[24] They hampered the treasurer and contador in their duties, and transferred crown lands and diverted revenues into different channels whereby they and their friends might profit, going even so far as to appropriate them partly as presents to influential friends at court.^[25] In this process of enrichment the defenceless natives were subjected to every extortion. Salazar's agents scoured the provinces, and entering the houses of all who appeared rich, carried off every object of value, maltreating those who failed to satisfy their expectations. Many caciques out of fear or self-interest assisted to extort property from their wealthy subjects. Itzcuincuani, the lieutenant at Tezcuco, aided to sack the palaces of his royal master Ixtlilxochitl, absent on the Honduras expedition, and to persecute his family, distributing, besides, his lands and revenues, in the belief that he must be dead.^[26] All this greatly excited the natives, and in a number of districts the feeling led to serious demonstrations. Yet a general revolt was prevented through the numerous matrimonial alliances established with the conquerors and colonists, and through rivalry between tribes, classes, and caciques, for the hostile feeling of provincial peoples against those of the lake valleys was still bitter, the former clinging to the white leaders who had guided them to the long-desired victory, or vying for the favors which flowed through them alone. The frairs also had acquired great influence, and knew how to apply their warnings and counsel, informed as they were by the children, of the projects of their elders.^[27]

As it was, the natives did rise in several directions, notably in Oajaca, Goazacoalco, and Pánuco regions, attacking the Spaniards not only on the road and in the mines, where isolated, but in the settlements. Quite a number were killed, and many under the most atrocious tortures that gradually accumulated wrongs could exact or invent. Some were kept without food until famished; then one of their legs or arms was cut off and cooked and eaten before their eyes. Some were flayed alive, or roasted over slow fires; others were used as targets.^[28]

The absence with Cortés of so many of the influential conquerors tended to increase the alarm, and the colonists retired to the larger settlements, particularly to Mexico, to prepare for what might happen.^[29] As it would not answer to encourage the natives by a neutral or vacillating policy, several expeditions were formed to chastise the revolted districts, and to keep the others in awe. One party of sixty men, under Captain Vallecillo, proceeded in the direction of Tabasco, there to encounter great hardships, the leader among others becoming incapacitated for active service. Under these distressing circumstances, one man, Juan de Lepe, ventured to find his way to Medellin alone, and thence to Mexico, where his appeals were responded to with a fresh force, under Captain Baltasar de Gallegos, bearing extra supplies and arms. The conquest was now completed; the country was divided among the soldiers, and near the spot where Cortés had gained his first victory in New Spain a town was founded under the commemorative name of Nuestra Señora de la Victoria.^[30] The chief expedition sent out in consequence of the revolt was directed to Oajaca, where the most serious slaughter of colonists had taken place,^[31] in the Coatlan Mountains. The party consisted of about two hundred men,^[32] commanded by Chirinos, who prided himself on his military qualities, and preferred to figure as captain-general, while Salazar was only too glad to rule as sole governor. In these inclinations and qualities of the worthy pair, respectively soldier and diplomat, may be found an explanation for their continued harmony, when all other bonds were disregarded. Chirinos had evidently been content to cede the first place to his partner in civil matters, receiving in turn supreme control in the military department. A still stronger bond was perhaps that both were protégés of the king's secretary, to whom they owed everything. The leading men in Mexico attributed the present elaborate expedition chiefly to the prospect of an encounter with Pedro de Alvarado, who was also supposed to have incited the revolt in Oajaca.^[33] However this may have been, Chirinos found occupation enough with the rebels, who, unable to face him on the plains, took refuge in the hills with their treasures, and finally concentrated on the peñol Coatlan, This was impregnable, or nearly so, and the party was obliged to invest it. The siege continued, with gambling and feasting in the camp, until the natives were almost forgotten. The besieged were more watchful, and one night they surprised the camp and killed a number of men before they were driven back. Shortly afterward the Spaniards awoke to find the peñol evacuated, and all the effects, including a serpent of pure gold, carried away. Circumstances now compelled Chirinos to take a hasty departure, leaving in command Andrés de Monjaraz, who had lately arrived with reënforcements.^[34]

 

Affairs had been gradually assuming a different aspect at Mexico, where the overweening confidence and attendant excesses of the usurping rulers were preparing the way for their downfall. Particularly unpleasant to their sight were the refugees m the San Francisco sanctuary, whose mere presence there seemed a defiance of their power, against which they were known to be plotting. Repeated orders were issued for them to leave the temple and return to their homes, but this demand implied in itself some nefarious project, and after the disregard shown by the authorities for solemn oaths, none could trust himself in their hands. The obsequious council now assisted in condemning the refugees as traitors, with confiscation of property.^[35] In his bitterness Salazar even went so far as to forcibly take them from the sanctuary.^[36] Friar Valencia, the custodian, protested against this desecration, and no heed being given to his words, he laid the whole city under excommunication, and departed from it with his Franciscans, carrying away also the sacred vessels and other paraphernalia. Imagine the excitement created by this withdrawal of the divine favor! The church was no longer so omnipotent as in the days of Hildebrand, who compelled the mighty Henry to creep for mercy at his feet, yet among the Latin races it still appeared as an arbiter invested with superhuman attributes, by whose decree a world was partitioned, and by whose servants millions of souls were redeemed from paganism. Men who had tamely submitted to Salazar, even yielding their leader to his executioner, now dared to raise their voices, so that his adherents wavered and fell back. Comparatively free from the passion of the others, the governor had failed to weigh the effect of his step. It dawned upon him with the first protest; but he was too proud to retract. Now he must yield, however, and with curses on his lips he bent to implore forgiveness of the friars. The prisoners were restored, and he received absolution.^[37]

This humiliation of the tyrant brought about a revulsion of feeling, as he probably had feared, for the result of the excommunication revealed how slight was his hold on the community, despite his seemingly unbounded sway. Men who had hitherto shunned their neighbors with suspicious fear now began to reveal their feelings, encouraged also by the mute support of the friars. Opinions were revived that Cortés was alive, and these appear to have been based not alone on hope, or a longing for relief, but on a letter from Pedro de Alvarado, and probably on reports from the Islands, whither Cortés had despatched vessels from Honduras, in the early part of the summer.^[38] The friends of Cortés grew confident again, and began to collect arms and discuss the best means for removing the usurpers, whether by the hand of an assassin, or by declaring open war. Salazar became alarmed, and proportionately profuse with favors and promises to his adherents. So serious did he regard the movement that he convoked a meeting of citizens to consider repressive measures, and sought at the same time to propitiate them by tendering an entertainment at his gardens, a league from Mexico, whither he led them with great pomp.^[39]

In the midst of this turmoil, on the night of Sunday, the 28th of January, 1526,^[40] a man in laborer's attire, knocked at the gate of San Francisco convent, and was admitted. In a close conference with the inmates he revealed himself as a messenger from Cortés. He related how poignant had been his master's grief and anger on receiving from the exiled Zuazo an account of the outrages and misrule in Mexico;^[41] how he had prepared to come in person to restore order, but had been deterred by a succession of mishaps wherein he perceived the desire of God for him to remain and achieve the conquest of Honduras.^[42] He had accordingly contented himself with sending instructions by the hand of his groom, Martin de Orantes, a man of great intelligence, who left Trujillo during the new-year celebrations, accompanied by several cavaliers and chiefs, through whom the statement of the messenger might be verified. The captain and pilots of his vessel had been well paid to observe every precaution, and Orantes was landed alone, some distance above Vera Cruz, while his companions sailed onward to the safer district of Pánuco. Disguising himself as a workingman, in bushy beard, with the despatches concealed round his body, he proceeded to Mexico on foot, avoiding Spaniards as much as possible. The despatches which he now exhibited revoked the existing gubernatorial commissions, and invested Casas with the supreme command. In case of his absence, Pedro de Alvarado should govern. If neither appeared, Orantes was to institute inquiries, guided by the friars, in whose judgment and devotion Cortés reposed great faith, and if Estrada and Alborappeared in accord and trustworthy, to surrender to them the despatches and command.^[43]

The treasurer and contador were summoned, together with the refugees of the Cortés party, among whom Andrés de Tapia and Jorge de Alvarado were the leading spirits. These two immediately summoned the less hostile members of the council and the reputed adherents of their party, and sent to traders and friends for lances and other arms. A sufficient number having gathered, including thirty horsemen, Alvarado led them through the city in the moonlight, shouting Viva el rey! and calling upon the citizens to assemble at the convent in the service of the king. The news had spread by this time, and large crowd was gathered. As Tapia read soon a the letters of Cortés, cheers upon cheers rent the air, revealing clearly enough the popular feeling. He thereupon reviewed the usurpation and despotic rule of the incumbents, now and indicated his wishes in the appointment of Estrada with Albornoz, who had governed so acceptably before. This selection was of a large number; but the evident wishes of Cortés must be respected; and it would have been difficult to find one more for the condition of affairs demanded a man of influence, like the leading royal official, upon whom the dispossessed by their chief, by no means to the liking fitting for the position than Estrada; for the condition of affairs demanded a man of influence, like the leading royal official, upon whom the majority could unite without the reproach or jealousy which might have tended to division and consequent failure if any of the refugees had been chosen. The objections centred probably in Albornoz, and the feeling was not diminished when he was met shortly after, coming from the house of Salazar, whom he had hastened to warn of what was brewing, promising to take no active part against him. Not possessing sufficient confidence in the strength of the new party, even to voluntarily accept the position then offered of joint governor, he insisted that they should take him prisoner, so as to give an appearance of compulsion to his election.^[44]

The meeting before the convent having declared in favor of Estrador and Albornoz, and having promised to assist in overthrowing the usurpers, Tapia, Alvarado, and Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, a cousin of Cortés, were chosen captains to plan the operation and lead the party. While a portion scoured the city to obtain fresh arms and supporters, Tapia proceeded with the rest to the house of Regidor Luis de la Torre, to which the council members had been already summoned. Having nothing more to gain from Salazar, the majority of these were readily induced to listen to a deputation so numerous and well armed, appearing, besides, under the auspices of the mighty Cortés. The two candidates were accordingly sworn in as lieutenants of the real governor and captain-general,^[45] and they in turn strengthened their position and rewarded supporters by appointing Bachiller Juan de Ortega alcalde mayor of the country, Andrés de Tapia, alguacil mayor, Jorge de Alvarado, alcalde of the arsenal, and Saavedra Ceron, lieutenant at Vera Cruz and adjoining ports, while the council was strengthened with two new men to take the place of obstreperous members, Comendador Cervantes being promoted to joint alcalde with Juan de la Torre.^[46]

On leaving the council, the party joined the gathered citizens, now about five hundred strong, and marched to the residence of Salazar. The new governors were kept in the centre, Tapia and Alvarado led the van, and a notary and a crier attended to attest and announce the new order of affairs. On reaching the house they found it held by some two hundred men, protected by a strong battery.^[47] After arranging for the distribution of his force, Tapia demanded a parley. Although he and his comrades had been deeply injured, they bore no malice, but desired peace. Salazar had declared himself empowered to arrest Cortés. Let him exhibit this and other orders from the authorities in Spain, and they would obey him. If he possessed no such anthority, it behooved all loyal men to adhere to Cortés, or his substitute, as the legal representative of the king. Salazar replied that he had no such orders, but had acted as he thought best under the circumstances. He would continue to rule or perish in the attempt. "Gentlemen, you hear!" cried Tapia to those attending Salazar. "Seize him, for you cannot afford to be traitors to your king!" "Be still, or I will fire!" shouted the other, at the same time taking up a match. No less resolute, Tapia gave the signal for attack, whereupon his opponent applied the match, calling on all to rally round him. The men of Cortés had watched the movement, and had opened a path along the range of the cannon, so that the ball sped harmless into the church wall. The next moment they rushed forward amidst ringing cheers. Little resistance was offered, for no sooner had the wavering supporters of the usurper observed the number and determination of the assailants than they threw their arms right and left and turned to escape, a large proportion joining the opposite party. Among the first to desert was Guzman, captain of the artillery, whose example was followed by some other leading men, hitherto vying with one another for the favors of their chief, now jostling at the windows for an exit, or scrambling for the roof. Only about a dozen followers remained true, with whom Salazar retired to a less exposed position, only to delay for a brief moment the inevitable capture, yet not till Tapia had received a sharp reminder in the form of a stone-throw, which knocked him down, though not permanently injuring him.^[48]

The feeling against the resolute captive was intense, and but for the protection afforded him by the new governors and leaders he would have been killed. There was no restriction as to abuse, however, which flowed in endless tirade as he was led through the streets by a chain. Nor did it stop with that day, for he was not conducted to the regular prison, but was placed in a cage of strong timbers, under two keys and a faithful guard, there to be submitted like a wild beast to public gaze and jeers. To this ordeal his associate Chirinos had also to submit. This leader had hastened from Oajaca at the first report of troubles to aid Salazar, but learning the result, he fled to Tlascala and took refuge in the monastery. This being still in the hands of the builder, his pursuers declared that it could not be regarded as sacred protection, and carried off the refugee, placing him in a cage adjoining that of his ally. Not long after it was decided to restore him to the monastery.^[49]

The citizens repeatedly demanded the condemnation to death of the two prisoners for their treatment of Paz, and for other offences, and Estrada does not seem to have been averse, but Albornoz had a wholesome respect for their powerful patron at court, and so they were allowed to live. He resolved not to commit himself in behalf of a man with such precarious favor at court as Cortés, for whose downfall he himself had ardently labored.

Notwithstanding the obstacles interposed by this man, several reforms were carried out. The officials of Cortés were in many instances restored, among them the procuradores in Spain, and sequestrated property was released, while that of despoilers passed into the hands of trustees. During this spoliation the governors did not fail to profit by the example of their predecessors in striving to obtain the lion's share of offices and wealth for themselves and their friends. Their tenure of power might not last long, a fear which to the disgusted adherents of Cortés became a hope.

So fierce was the raid against the late party that a revulsion set in among them, strongly in sympathy with their liberal chiefs. Indeed, a conspiracy was formed to restore them to power. With this object the ruling men were to be killed, including Ortega, who as alcalde mayor had shown a pronounced zeal for the interests of Cortés, and the caged leaders released so that they might assist in carrying the movement to a successful issue. Since the cages could not well be broken, keys were needed, and application was made to a locksmith named Guzman,^[50] a supposed adherent of Salazar, but above all devoted to his own interests. With expressions of sympathy he secured their confidence, and on the easter eve set for the attack revealed the plot. A. number of the conspirators were arrested, largely composed of deserters from Guatemala, and seven of the ringleaders suffered death, the rest being lashed and exiled, with loss of property.^[51] iii. 589-93; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 593: Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 233-52, 327-57; Armin, Alte Mex., 362-6; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 340-54; Bustamante, Gab. Mex., ii. 46; Escosura, Conjuracion, 1. pp. v.-xcvi.; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., pt. xxxill, 452-3; Mendoza and Romo, Nociones Cronológ., 287-8; Mex. Not. Ciudad, 264-6; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 235-9; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 188-9; Gottfried, Reysen, iv.; Museo Mex., iv. 454-63; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ti. 215-18; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, xi. 8-21, 59-65, 94-104; Granados, Tardes Am., 274-8; Domenech, Hist. Mex., i. 241-9; Voyages, Selection of Curious, 661.

 

 

1. The man who saw it became sick with horror. Their ghosts were seen also at Tezcuco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 210.
2. Some 20,000 pesos de oro. Estrada assumes this to have been the principal cause for the plots against Paz. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 510-20.
3. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 524-37, is printed a letter of this person, addressed probably to officials of the Casa de la Contratacion, with which he seems to have been connected. It is full of malicious charges and insinuations against Cortés and his party, and reveals him as a base hypocrite, as old in wickedness as in age, whereof he claimed over sixty years.
4. This oath, termed pleito homenage, was tendered before several cavaliers and friars in the presence of Jorge de Alvarado and Andrés de Tapia. Both of these being afterward proscribed, Salazar may have considered the oath less valId. Gil Gonzalez was among those who persuaded Paz to yield, says the Memoria, in Id., 520.
5. The council swore to obey them as 'Tenientes de Capitan General é Gobernador y Justicia mayor de esta N. E. por SSMM.' Libro de Cabildo, MS., 70-6. 'Till Cortés should return,' was one of the clauses. Henceforth they are spoken of as governors, though the record title remained lientenant-governors.
6. 'Diéronle grandes tormentos de agua é de cordeles é de fuego.' Memoria, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.,i. 521. This authority believes the treasures to have been sent away before Paz came to serve Cortés, a year previous. 'Con hierro, y fuego le atormētaro͏̄.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii. 'De que no podia vivir.' Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 34.
7. 'Estuvo en piernas é desnudo é un pañio sucio tocado en la cabeza . . . todo un dia.' Memoria, loc. cit. During his imprisonment of a month and a half his property was appropriated by Salazar and Chirinos, partly to repay the gambling losses of the latter. Albornoz, who had been left as his heir, says Herrera, ubisup., with little probability, failed to receive any of the property. Villaroel claimed 12,000 pesos of it won from him at the gambling-table. Paz was evidently fortunate on the green cloth.
8. Patriotic Mexicans did not fail to recognize in this occurrence, and in the spoliation of his estates, the divine vengeance for the torture and execution of the Aztec emperor by Cortés.
9. Gomara writes that Casas had done a similar thing, shortly before, to prevent Salazar from sending false reports to Spain, or transmit royal moneys in his own name. Hist. Mex., 248. Bernal Diaz states something similar, and adds that it was mainly this that drew upon him the persecution of the governors. Hist. Verdad., 210.
10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that a great outcry was raised against his Ceparture, but the municipal records show nothing of the kind, an escort being actually offered him on October 4, 1525. Arévalo, Actas, Ayunt., Guat., 15. See also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit., writes that he returned on receiving fresh news of Salazar's despotic measures and evident strength. Chirinos' expedition against Oajaca about this time is supposed to have been intended chiefly to intercept him. Testimonio Mez., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 40.
11. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 247, relates that he met his fate when going in search of Cortés. See also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164. But Medina was of Cortés' party, as shown by hia companion Bernal Diaz. Hist, Cent. Am., i. 543-4, this series.
12. Albornoz gives the report with detail. Cortés had maltreated the lord of Cuzamelco, a lake city, seven days' journey from the coast — evidently Itza — and the natives had resolved to be avenged. At the next camp they fell upon the sleeping forces with sword and fire, and slew the greater number. The remainder, including Cortés, were sacrificed, not a man escaping. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 485-6.
13. Libro de Cabildo, MS., November 2, 1525. 'Afirmó que era muerto y trajo ciertos Indios que lo decian.' Ocaña, Carta, in Id., 526. He swore before Cortés afterward that he never affirmed the death of his party; he merely reported the native rumors. He sailed on to Cuba. Hist. Verdad., 221. Herrera intimates that Ordaz pretended to have made greater investigations than he did, in order not to be regarded as intimidated by the natives. He comments on Salazar's neglect to properly search for a party engaged on royal service. dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xi.
14. When Cortés sued for the recovery of this and other funds, Juan de Cáceres nicknamed the rich, bought the masses for his benefit! Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
15. Chiefly with a view for the governors to obtain possession of two of these women. Their new husbands were given repartimientos, and conveniently withdrew from the city. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii.
16. January 4, 1526. She received 100 lashes, according to her own formal complaint presented on the return of the husband. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 198-223. Cortés made amends by carrying her in procession on his horse, followed by all the cavaliers of the city, and by ever afterward giving her the noble title of Doña. Rhymster scoffingly alluded to this ennoblement. 'Dixeron por alla q͏̄ le auian sacado el don de las espaldas, como narizes del braco.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 248. Bernal Diaz states that Estrada made this amend. He relates that Gonzalo Hernandez of Goazacoalco narrowly escaped hanging for expressing a doubt. On humbly declaring this a falsehood told to console a sorrowing widow he was rewarded, but made to leave the city. Hist. Verdad., 211. Cortés was later accused of having assumed the privilege to confer knighthood on several followers. Cortés, Residencia, i. 163-4; ii. 119.
17. This is Estrada's formal declaration, yet the obsequious Albornoz intimates that the royal claims could be covered by the real estate yet remaining, valued at 200,000 castellanos. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 503. Cortés estimates his losses through the spoliation at 300,000 ducados. el, Servicios, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 224-6. Salazar borrowed large sums, which were sent to a safe place in Spain, says Zumárraga. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 113. Certain gold deposited by Cortés in the coffers of the sanctuary was also seized. Herrera, ubi sup.
18. 'Aunque Fernando Cortés fuese vivo, y bolviese, no le recibirian, sino que lo avian de ahorcar.' Torquemada, i. 593. Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 35. He came not only as factor, but to seize Cortés, and would have done so had he not departed for Honduras. Zumárraga, ubi sup.
19. Gonzalez gave bonds on November 22, 1525, as knight of Santiago, to embark. Concerning his fate, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 534, this series. Although most authorities assume that Casas also embarked, this is doubtful, for he is said to have been with Cortés shortly after his return in the middle of 1526. Testimony, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 310, etc. He probably remained in hiding on his estates in Oajaca. Herrera includes Hurtado de Mendoza in the condemnation.
20. These went in charge of Juan de la Peña, with instructions how best to promote the governors' interests, The remittance to the king was merely 12,000 ducados says Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 523. Albornoz enumerates two remittances of 20,000 and 21,000 castellanos in gold, and 102 marcos of silver, sent in August and December by way of Española. He remarks on the insignificance of even these amounts, due to reigning disorder. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 501-2.
21. Francisco Cortés and other procuradores of settlements swore that they never affixed their signature to the document for their appointment as governors. Ortega, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxix. 93. The authorities of Mexico in their representation to the king, February 1526, declare that they were obliged to sign documents without learning their contents. Testimonio Mex., in Id., xiii. 36-8. Though confirmed by the delegates as governors for the king, the municipal acts allude to them as lieutenant-governors. Libro de Cabildo, MS., December 16, 1525, ete. In January, however, the absent Chirinos is called simply by his royal office of veedor, while Salazar figures as the 'gobernador.'
22. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii. Yet Loaisa, loc. cit., states, 'salvóse eloro.'. The agents were further secured with large salaries and fees, Villaroel recovering 12,000 pesos of gambling losses from the estates of Paz, says Herrera. His office of alguacil mayor was conferred on Ordaz.
23. Arteaga was made captain of the guard, Ginés Nortes received another important trust, etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211.
24. Alcalde Bonal of Villa Rica declared that he had orders from Salazar to arrest any royal judge who might arrive, and send him back to Spain. Herrera, ubi sup.
25. Some treasures discovered in a certain building, and properly claimed for the king, were appropriated by Salazar on the ground that the house adjoined his own. Id. Estrada presents a doleful complaint against the criminal mismanagement and treasonable conduct of these rulers. They are prepared to do anything against the king. Memora, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 522-3. Ocaña defends their management, as may be expected. Id., 526.
26. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 446.
27. The lingering doubt about the death of Cortés had also an effect. 'Mas esperauan que Quahutimoc se lo embiasse a dizir,' says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 250, in allusion to the proposed revolt of this prince during the march to Honduras.
28. In Tututepec region, toward the North Sea, a number of captives were placed in a yard enclosed by a stone wall, and goaded with pointed poles, like bulls. Some climbed the walls to receive a quicker death; others knelt in resignation. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164. Fifteen were killed at one town. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii.; Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 39.
29. Torquemada, iii. 57, assumes that before the influx Mexico contained but 200 defenders, but this is evidently too low a figure, as will be seen.
30. One league from the sea, where vessels could load close to the bank. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. iii, The name applied by Cortés to the native town here appears to have been slightly changed. See Hist. Mex., i. 92, this series. Bernal Diaz names Baltasar Ossorio, an hidalgo of Seville, as the leader sent by Aguilar to settle Tabasco. Hist. Verdad., 221. Aguilar ruled after July 1526.
31. Fifty Spaniards and from 8,000 to 10,000 slaves being killed in the mines. Oviedo, 11. 518. It is more likely that the 10,000 slaves killed the 50 taskmasters. Gomara places the incident in Huaxacac and Zoatlan. Hist. Mex., 247.
32. Oviedo, iii. 514. The Testimonio Mex. has '60 infantry and 50 cavalry,' which may be the force taken from Mexico city alone, as Herrera places the total at 300, of which 100 were horsemen.
33. Su principal motivo fué ir á resistir el capitan Pero de Albarado.' Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 40.
34. The news of Cortés being alive contributed to their reduction soon after. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 215; Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 524; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. viii.
35. Their houses would be torn down and salt scattered upon the site. Libro de Cabildo, MS., December 16, 1525.
36. To despatch them to Spain, says Herrera; yet it is probable that some were intended for a worse fate.
37. 'Con poca reverencia de la Iglesia, diciendo muchas injurious.' Torquemada, i. 593; iii. 57-8. The friars had gone to Tlascala. He and other chroniclers comment on the frequent service the friars rendered by their interference, but he forgets that this very meddling frequently allured the best men from the determined action demanded against nefarious schemes. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 20-1.
38. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571-2, this series.
39. On January 19, 1526, several gardens were granted by the council to Chirinos, Salazar, and other prominent persons, those of the former lying at San Cosme. Libro de Cabildo, MS.
40. Salazar's own letter gives it with great precision as 3 A. M. on Monday. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxix. 95.
41. 'Dixo: Al ruin ponelde en mando, y vereys quienes.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 270.
42. For a full account of these singular mishaps and their result, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 573-6, this series.
43. Such is the intimation of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 213, and of Gomara, Hist. Mex., 248-9, both of whom must have known the facts; yet Herrera writes that Andrés de Tapia and Jorge de Alvarado received the confidence and despatches of Orantes, and that Tapia in particular managed to impress upon the adherents of Cortés summoned to the sanctuary the necessity for choosing Estrada and Albornoz as rulers, since Casas was absent. dec. ii. lib viii. cap. v. This is probably taken from the memoirs of Tapia, to judge by the prominence given him for several pages. Zuazo had not failed to speak favorably of his fellow-sufferers Estrada and Albornoz, whose government had progressed smoothly till Salazar overthrew them, and although he preferred such able military men as Casas and Alvarado under the circumstances, yet there could have been no reason for him to set aside these royal officials. The acts of the town council allude to no appointee save Casas, but Cortés could not have failed to signify several selections, by which the council must have been guided.
44. 'Para que si la parte contraria vençiesse, pudiesse deçir que yba forçado.' Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 524.
45. The members who elected them were: Alcalde Juan de la Torre, and regidores García Holguin, the captor of Emperor Quauhtemotzin, Comendador Leon de Cervantes, Hernan Lopez de Ávila, Luis de la Torre, and Francisco Verdugo. The new governors appointed Cervantes alcalde in place of the hostile Diego de Valdenebro, Rodrigo Rangel receiving his vacated office of regidor, and Andrés de Barrios that of an obstreperous regidor named Carbajal. Arriaga and Tirado, the procurador and mayordomo of the city, were removed in favor of Miguel Diaz and Hernando de Villanueva, and the irascible notary Ocaña was dispossessed in favor of Hernan Perez, while his garden was given to Orantes. Libro de Cabildo, MS., Jan. 29, Feb. 3, 9, 1526, The plea for the election of the governors was that they had held the office before, by the appointment of Cortés, and that the choice would obviate disorders.
46. Tapia claims to have been invested with the office of captain-general, or rather with the control, under the governors, of the military department. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. v. Ortega was afterward arraigned for accepting the office of alcalde mayor. He was a graduate of Salamanca University and about 50 years of age. Ortega, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxx. 7. Ocaña, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 527, and witnesses in Cortés, Residencia, i. 81, stamp the changes made by the new movement as effected by intimidation and force. According to them two regidores and one of the alcaldes were placed under arrest. One of these regidores was Mejía, probably an alternate, who figures shortly after among the loyal ones in directing a statement to the king against Salazar. Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 34-45.
47. Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 525. Herrera raises the number to 1,000, with 12 cannon.
48. Bernal Diaz names a few of those who remained with Salazar. He assumes that Salazar was seized before he could fire the gun. Hist. Verdad., 214. Zamárraga implies a considerable resistance, by saying that the adherents of Cortés had to force an entrance with artillery. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 114. During the parley, or immediately before, Guzman withdrew his artillery into the building to prevent its capture. Herrera, loc. cit.; Oviedo, iii. 518, 524; Cortés, Residencia, 1. 171.
49. Their safety was intrusted to Villafuerte whom they had kept under arrest. Ocaña, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 528. Cortés claims that he restored to sanctuaries several persons taken forth by Estrada, and this he did to avoid the imputation of passionate judgment in his own interest. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 482. Commenting on the evil of these turmoils, Zumárraga observes: 'Tanto escándalo, alboroto y riesgo, que en no perderse aquel dia la tierra parece á los que lo vieron cosa miraculosa, porque . . . los indios estavan tan alborotados.' Carta, in Id., xiii. 115. Carpenter Torres received seven pesos de oro for work.on the cages. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 191. The abuse of sanctuary immunity was considerably reduced in accordance with an appeal from the crown to the ecclesiastics, dated March 29, 1532. By law of April 12, 1592, the privilege was further restricted. Recop. de Indias, i. 35.
50. Son of a Seville Jew, who took this name from his godfather. He was an adept in making cross-bows and locks. Oviedo, iii. 525.
51. In Ortega, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxix. 6-45, three hidalgos are named as the leaders, who were beheaded; three others were hanged, and one was dragged to death. More would have been executed but for the arrival of Cortés. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 244. Bernal Diaz states that Albornoz knew of the revolt, and had an interest in it, according to the confession of prisoners. Estrada therefore arrested the culprits without informing him. Hist. Verdad., 214. But this may be but rumor. In addition to the authorities already quoted in this chapter, I may mention Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 387-8; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 318-403, 486; xiii. 32-49, 70-1, 109-1], 368-9, 394-400; xxix. 95-6; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 20-1, 470-537; Puga, Cedulario, 16, 20; Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 105, 224-6; Archivo Mex. Doc., 1. 75-82, 147, 177-8, 215-18, 244, et seq.; ii. 16, 208, et seq.; Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 101-2; ii. 378-9; iv. 227; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 13, 164; Oviedo, i. 542; iii. 468, 510-25, 549; Recop., de Indias, i. 35; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Anitiq., ix. 435-46; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 31-56, 70-1; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 7-19, 47-50; Chimalpain, Hist. Cong., i. 115-25, 147-54, 181; Torquemada, i. 524-6, 569, 588-96; Ramirez, Doc., MS., 275-89; Alaman, Disert., i, 172, 194-5, 222-45, app. 24-6, 162-214; 1. 51, 312, app. 3-14; Solis, Hist. Mex. (Madrid ed. 1843), 471-8; Prescott's Mex., iii. 300-6; also notes in Mex. eds.; Helps' Cortés, ii. 330-41; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 706-22; Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 318-23, 393-7, 416-26; Montemayor, Svmarios, 11, 12; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 118-19; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 45; ''Id., Gob. Mex., i. 19-22; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult.,