History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 12

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XII.

THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE

1526.

Altamirano Sent to Bring Cortés — His Arrival at Medellin — Demonstrative Reception — Reform Measures — A Juez de Residencia Sent to New Spain — Ponce de Leon and his Instructions — How Cortés Received the Blow — The Banquet — A Scheming Friar — Ponce de Leon Assumes the Government — The Residencia of Cortés — Death of Ponce de Leon — Aguilar Succeeds Him — His Unfitness and Death.

However promising the new administration might have been, it could never be regarded even by the most confident of the adherents of Cortés as anything but temporary. Cortés alone would be able to restore order and save the country. The efforts to accomplish his return were therefore continued, and while some wrote to Pedro de Alvarado to go in search of him, others persuaded to the same end Father Diego Altamirano, cousin of the great captain, and a man of sagacity, who had also followed the profession of arms. Family interests did much to prevail upon the cousin, and chartering a vessel at Medellin he reached Honduras, there to find his kinsman absorbed in glowing visions of conquest. Kindly, yet firmly, he remonstrated with him for abandoning actual possessions and neglecting his duty to family, friends, and sovereign, for shadowy gains. Interference with governments already conferred on others would surely meet with condemnation, and further injure his tottering interests at court. He had already achieved as conqueror of Mexico a reputation far above that of any man in America, and he must not imperil it by doubtful projects. He must return, assume the dignity due to his position, and exact reverence from subordinates and recognition from his king.

The sagacious Altamirano succeeded in every particular, and Cortés embarked at Trujillo on the 25th of April, 1526, with a few followers and a number of natives.^[1] When off Yucatan a gale compelled him to seek a not distasteful refuge at Habana, where several days were passed in the society of former comrades. A voyage of eight days brought him on the 24th of May to the port of San Juan, whence he proceeded on foot to Medellin.^[2] It was midnight when he reached the spot, and all had retired; but the door of the church stood open, and the weary wanderers entered to give thanks for their safe return. The sacristan had heard their heavy tread, however, and rushed forth to alarm the settlers, who soon appeared in a body. Hardships and fever had so changed their chief that he was not known until his voice revealed him. Then all crowded round him to kiss his hand, overjoyed at his presence. He was escorted in triumph to the best house in the town, where night was turned into day with lights and bustle. Messengers were immediately despatched to carry the news, and in a special letter to the town council of Mexico Cortés commended their adhesion to Estrada and Albornoz, and requested that in view of the unquiet condition of the country none should leave the city to meet him, except perhaps when he approached it.^[3]

Great as was the joy among the colonists at his arrival, that of the natives appeared to surpass all bounds. Malinche was cherished by them, not alone for his brilliant qualities as a military leader, so alluring to any race, especially to a people constituted as were the Mexicans; but he had endeared himself by what they regarded as magnanimous acts in a conqueror, and by his efforts to protect them from the more cruel soldiers. These efforts acquired an even brighter color under the late oppressive administration, until the persecuted beings began to invest their hero with the divine attributes of an omnipotent savior, a messiah, who must come and deliver them. From afar they flocked into Medellin to pay him homage, bringing presents of food, fabrics, feathers, and gold, and offering their services against his enemies. They were willing to die for Malinche, they said. This well-known influence over them, greater than any one ever has since wielded, combined with the devotion of soldiers and friars, was the foundation of the suspicions that Cortés might place himself at their head and found a kingdom for himself.

At Medellin even he found evidence of wrongs against him by the removal of its chief interests and settlers to Vera Cruz, by order of Salazar.^[4] After a sojourn of eleven days he proceeded by slow stages toward Mexico. It was a triumphal march worthy of the conqueror and governor, and in accordance with the lordly dignity that Altamirano had prevailed upon him to adopt. Pomp, indeed, came naturally to him, and complacently he received the title of senoría from the deeply bowing suite. It was one series of demonstrations, by settlers and natives, who congregated from every direction at the stations, laden with presents and burdened with complaints. The natives swept the road and even strewed it with flowers, as if indeed a monarch were advancing; and in the desert they erected shelter, with food and water.^[5] accorded him and his companion, Prince Ixtlilxochitl, the lord of the province.^[6] Still more imposing was the procession headed by Estrada, which came forth from Mexico. It included nearly every Spaniard in the city and suburbs, all arrayed in gala-dress. Natives innumerable lined the roads and covered the lake in their canoes, presenting a brilliant spectacle in their variegated devices, flowing plumage, and glittering paraphernalia. Music sounded in every direction, accompanied by the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon, and at night there were bonfires and illumination, with feasting, singing, and dancing. The return of so small a proportion of the native warriors and princes who had shared in the Honduras expedition does not appear to have diminished the general joy among the natives. Cortés proceeded directly to the convent to render thanks; and there he spent a week, partly in religious meditation, partly in consulting the friars and others about needful reforms. The place was constantly thronged with visitors and participants in the solemn praise services in honor of his return. Presents and complaints flowed in, even from distant provinces and native courts. Many chiefs came to clear themselves of the suspicions cast upon them and their vassals during the late troubles, and to renew their homage. Inquiries were made into the recent abuses and disorders, and wrongs were righted by the restoration of estates and offices, several new appointments being also made,^[7] notably that of Alonso de Grado as inspector-general of the Indians, with a view to remedy their grievances. He was instructed to make a tour of all settlements in New Spain, with full power to release the wrongfully enslaved, to enforce good treatment for others, and to arraign civilly or criminally all offenders against the laws for protection of natives. In order to bind him more closely to his new sphere of duty he received for wife the beautiful Tecuichpo, widow of Quauhtemotzin, enriched on the same occasion with a dowry of several large encomiendas.^[8]

In measures like these, not entered upon for effect only, but with earnest intent, we may find qualities elevating the hero to the plane of true greatness. They were the crowning deeds of his life; atonements they might be called, as he was the primary instrument in the grievances calling for redress. No wonder that the name of Malinche, if at first fear-inspiring, gradually became hallowed among the natives with grateful remembrances, exalted by simple contrast with others. Yet during the republican frenzy of a later century all seemed to be forgotten, save the abhorrent fact that he had led the first of the hordes which descended upon the country like birds of prey.

Cortés was less prompt and determined in regard to his own interests. Salazar and Chirinos, who had tarnished his memory, persecuted his friends, despoiled his estates, and well nigh overthrown his life's work by endangering possession of the country — these men were left unharmed, regardless of the importunate cries of the supporters of Paz, and his own desire. So sure did he feel of their condemnation before a tribunal, that he preferred not to figure as judge in his own case, especially against royal officials. Nor was he wholly free from the fear of Cobos which pervaded all who had interests to sustain at court.^[9] He was greatly blamed for this leniency, even by members of the Council of the Indies, it is said, and the common opinion was that no serious exceptions would have been taken had he executed them.^[10] Whatever may be the opinion regarding his cautious policy, he certainly was no longer the same determined, self-reliant commander that had achieved the conquest. The hardships and attendant sickness of the journey to Honduras had evidently left an indelible impression, as shown by his puerile regard for omens there, and his vacillating attention to different counsels.

 

We have seen how the duke of Béjar and other influential friends of Cortés had prevailed upon the king not to condemn him unheard. Nevertheless the complaints of his enemies were too serious and the interests involved too weighty to permit the matter to rest. It was decided to send a judge to take a residencia on the spot, in accordance with the laws of Spain, and involving no actual indignity, as the government was naturally expected to give heed to the complaints of its subjects. It was an admirable arrangement of Spain to place this salutary curb on the ambition and avarice of its governors, though, like many similar enactments, it was liable to abuse.^[11] In view of the interests at stake and the merits of the accused, a person of quality and learning was selected for judge, in the person of Licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon, a relative of the Conde de Alcaudete, and acting for him as corregidor in Toledo.^[12] Though comparatively young he enjoyed quite a reputation as a well read man of admirable judgment. Both to sustain him in case of resistance, and in pursuance of the new policy to limit the power and domains of governors, the Pánuco region was granted to Nuño de Guzman, who nevertheless failed to present himself at his post for a long time. Further aids were provided in Comendador Diego Hernandez de Proaño, as alguacil mayor, and Pedro de Salazar de la Pedrada, as commandant at Mexico, with Lope de Samaniego, as lieutenant.^[13] He was also empowered to call upon the audiencia at Santo Domingo and authorities for assistance, and letters were given him, addressed to the leading colonists and native chiefs, ordering them to support him.

In his instructions, dated November 4, 1525, Ponce was directed to forward the letters to Cortés and the royal officials immediately on landing at Vera Cruz, and to follow without delay, evidently with a view to give no time for placing obstacles in the way. He must communicate with the officials, select confidants, and while assuming the governorship and taking the residencia of Cortés, he must ask his opinion in all matters, so as to render less irritating the necessary measures for reducing any dangerous or undue control over vassals, soldiers, officers, and military machinery. The charges to be investigated embraced those already enumerated in the letters of the royal officials, notably the disregard of orders from Spain, the assumption of regal privileges, the proposal to withdraw the country from the crown, the possession of vast rent-rolls, and the appropriation of immense treasures belonging partly to the king, partly to members of the expedition; also the causes for the death of Garay and Olid.^[14] The three months of residencia passed, Ponce should send in his report and opinion. If Cortés proved disloyal he should be given a letter of recall from the king, who therein expressed a wish to consult him. If this was disregarded he should be forcibly embarked. In case the charges proved to be false, on the other hand, he should be given the commission of adelantado, with the title of Don,^[15] and further honors would follow, according to the royal letter addressed to Cortés.^[16]

Whether the charges against Cortés were false or not, the management and demeanor of the royal officials should be investigated.^[17] A report should be prepared on the condition, features, and resources of the country, particularly the mines, with suggestions for needed measures and reforms. Alloyed gold was forbidden, and new bullion stamps were provided.^[18] Particular attention should be given to investigating the condition of the natives, to assure their good treatment; and the question must be settled whether they should remain in encomiendas, be placed as feudal vassals, or on the same footing as tax-payers in Spain. The well-being of the colonists was also remembered. The interests of early settlers and participants in the conquest should be accorded the preference in the bestowal of land and Indians; at the same time their vices and irregularities must be repressed.^[19]

Ponce left San Lúcar on the 2d of February 1526, for Santo Domingo, there to wait two months for a vessel to New Spain. The delay caused him little anxiety, however, on learning of the expedition to Honduras, where Cortés was still supposed to be. On leaving the island, Ponce took with him Licenciate Marcos de Aguilar, who had for some years gathered experience in colonial administration as alcalde mayor.^[20] A number of Dominicans under Father Ortiz came on the same vessel, which carried about one hundred passengers. On arriving at San Juan, Samaniego was at once despatched with the letters of notification, but swifter messengers from the lieutenant on the coast brought the news to Mexico a day in advance.^[21]

Cortés was probably little affected, for his friends in Spain must before this have warned him of the machinations which at one time threatened to bring about his removal. His prolonged meditations at the convent may have been due to such information, and intended to prepare him for any blow. Calm and dignified he assisted on the following day, St John's, at the public bull-fight, and while there Samaniego was introduced.^[22] He placed the royal letter devoutly on his head, then kissed it, and after reading exclaimed, "I am glad the king has sent some one to learn the truth."^[23] He had already despatched messengers to welcome the royal representative, and to ascertain what route he preferred to take, so that suitable preparations might be made. They met him pushing his way to Mexico in all haste, and declining their services. He had gone to Medellin with the intention to rest there after the fatigues of the voyage, but evil-disposed persons were at hand, stating among other things that Salazar and Chirinos would be executed unless he hastened to interfere. Thoroughly alarmed both for them and himself he set out immediately by the longest and most settled road, as the safest.

Informed of this, Cortés sent Tapia with presents to tender him a reception at Iztapalapan. Ponce declined the gift, but accepted a banquet, chiefly for the sake of his suite. Tired and hungry, and for a long time unused to good fare, the new-comers ate heartily, and imbibed the iced liquids in large quantities. Father Ortiz alone was abstemious and seemed to eye the dishes suspiciously. At last came a custard, and Tapia asked permission to serve him. "Not of this or any other dish I" was the curt reply. The rest partook, however, but hardly had they finished when Ponce was seized with vomiting. The friar immediately asserted his belief that he had been poisoned by that last dish which he himself had prudently avoided, and others were quite prepared to echo so authoritative a statement, regardless of the evident cause, excessive indulgence in rich food and iced drinks.^[24]

The following morning Ponce left Iztapalapan at an early hour, apparently in good health. His object was to avoid a public reception, but fully advised of his movements, Cortés met him at the entrance to the capital, attended by a long train of cavaliers. Both were most profuse with courtesies,^[25] and as they advanced side by side toward the monastery, Ponce expressed his surprise at the greatness of the general's achievements in conquering so large and populous a country, with so many strong cities. After mass Ponce was conducted to his residence, which had been arranged with all possible elegance. Indeed the judge was quite delighted both with the house and host, and declared that the latter must long have been used to the life of a lord. Cortés spoke freely about the charges against him, and explained his acts so clearly that the other expressed himself convinced of his loyalty, and politely postponed the transfer of authority.

That same day the meddling friar, Ortiz, called on Cortés and mysteriously intimated that Ponce had power to behead him, and this might be done unless he took precautions. It is supposed that the can, who bore the reputation of being both untrustworthy and scheming, had an eye to the influence and profits which must be his if he once succeeded in becoming the confidant and mediator of one reputed so wealthy and powerful. Cortés opened neither his heart nor his purse, and the friar departed, his declared enemy.^[26]

The following morning, after mass, before a general gathering in the church, Ponce exhibited his commissions, which were reverently kissed by the authorities in turn, with the promise to obey them. He thereupon received all the staffs of office, returning them immediately, however, save that of Cortés, to whom he said with great politeness, "Your worship, his Majesty desires me to retain this." No change was made in the captain-generalship, including the control of Indians, as it was deemed unsafe to disturb the influence of Cortés.^[27] The residencia was thereupon proclaimed against the suspended governor and his officers, and shortly afterward the new commandant and alguacil mayor were installed.

A few days later Ponce was seized with fever, accompanied by delirium, which lasted for three days. It soon became evident that he could not live, and the sacrament was administered. Nevertheless he remained cheerful during the lucid interval that followed, and one afternoon he demanded some favorite airs on the guitar, to which he kept time with feet and humming. When the music ceased, his power of speech was gone and he died during the night, the 20th of July.^[28] The body was deposited with great pomp in the church of St Joseph.^[29] Cortés donned deep mourning, as for a father, and most of his followers shared his sincere grief; for the geniality, clear judgment, and impartiality of the deceased had filled them all with the hope of obtaining justice and the desired reward for their services. Cortés in particular had longed for the disprovement of the charges against him, and for a public vindication of his loyalty and good services. He reveals his bitter dissapointment to the king. For seventeen days, he declared, the residencia had been proclaimed, without bringing forth a single demand against him.^[30] This was on account of intimidation, his enemies saId. The charges against him were chiefly rumor. Cortés took the opportunity, however, to review them in a letter to the king, and demonstrate the absurdity of some of them. Whatever the riches acquired by him, he had expended far more for the advancement of the royal interests, so much so that he was now in debt to the extent of half a million of pesos de oro. The domains he had gained for the king were greater in wealth and extent than any so far conquered by others. As a proof of his comparative disinterestedness, he offered to surrender all he possessed, including the rumored two hundred rent-rolls, for a score — ay, half a score — of moderate rentals in Spain.^[31]

Ponce's death so soon after his arrival revived the charge of poisoning, although the doctors under oath declared malignant fever the cause. The disease was even regarded as a pest, for a large number of those who came with Ponce died from the same malady, and also several settlers.^[32]

A. few days before his death Ponce had summoned the town council and substituted Marcos de Aguilar as alcalde mayor in place of Ortega, with instructions that he should be recognized as his successor. This recognition was made on the 30th of July;^[33] but immediately after, the adherents of Cortés raised the question whether the late judge had a right to transfer his power as governor, and the council, together with the delegates from the other towns, formally called upon Cortés to reassume the post till the king could decide. He refused, however, to take a step that might imperil the opinion of his obedience, and he even counselled Sandoval to decline the proposal to associate him with Aguilar. The latter was accordingly received as governor the 26th of August,^[34] and

Cortés now made a formal demand upon him to continue the residencia, but received answer that he possessed merely the power of a ruler.^[35]

Cortés still retained the office of captain-general, with the administration of Indians, as the most experienced and needful person for the position, and in this capacity he issued a decree promoting the good treatment of his charge. Certain clauses were deemed objectionable by his opponents,^[36] and quite an outcry was raised. Galled by the recent opposition to his appointment, and encouraged by success, Aguilar readily listened to the proposal to curtail the power of his rival. As a preliminary step he conveyed the imprisoned Salazar from the house of Cortés to the regular prison. This created a certain commotion, and a number of armed adherents presented themselves to support the remonstances of their chief. The governor now issued an order forbidding armed assemblies, and then called on Cortés to show cause for retaining the office of captain-general, or to resign. Finding his opponents intent on creating trouble, which under the circumstances might affect his interests at court, Cortés surrendered the office, under protest.^[37] One reason for this arbitrary action of

Aguilar was the approach of Pedro de Alvarado, with a large force of Cortés' soldiers, who had taken the land route in returning from Honduras. It was feared that their presence would render the power of Cortés too imposing, and so the measure was precipitated. It would have little availed the opposite faction, however, had Cortés chosen to lay aside for a moment his prudence, and give the signal to his adherents.^[38]

Aguilar was hardly the man to hold the reins of government during times so troublesome, and it was owing chiefly to the forbearance of his opponent that affairs progressed as they dId. He was not only aged, but so enfeebled by diseases resulting from bad habits that his flickering life could be sustained only by suckling.^[39] The task and worry of office had its effect, and a fever came on which induced him to appoint a deputy in the person of Gerdónimo de Medina.^[40] On his sick-bed, however, February 23d, he appointed Estrada as successor. Again the right of transferring power was disputed, and Cortés was called upon to assume the control; but he adhered to his former decision. The council and delegates thereupon insisted that he should at least manage the Indian and war department, while Sandoval, his sworn friend, should be associated with Estrada as governor.^[41]

 

 

1. For details, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 580-2, this series.
2. Bernal Diaz writes that they met a pack-train en route with passengers for San Juan. This carried them to Medellin. Hist. Verdad., 215. But Cortés states that he walked the four leagues to the town. Cartas, 479.
3. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 117-19; Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 102-6.
4. Álvaro de Saavedra, who suffered great loss by this removal, was at the instance of Cortés granted compensatory interests in Vera Cruz, by royal order. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. viii., dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. 1.
5. On approaching Tezcuco he was met by Albornoz with a large following, and a brilliant reception was Inns existed in several places along the route, as shown by the record of grants in Libro de Cabildo, MS., Nov. 28, 1525.
6. This prince recovered little of the property squandered by his faithless lieutenant, and sank into comparative obscurity, neglected even by Cortés, for whom he had sacrificed family, country, honor. He married in 1526 the widow of Emperor Cuitlahuatzin, and henceforth cultivated chiefly the society of the friars, whose sympathy formed a consolation. His last notable act was to set his subjects the example of carrying stones for the church building of San Francisco, at Mexico. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 447, etc. After his death, in about 1529, Yocontzin succeeded to the lordship. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., ii. 277; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 124-5.
7. The Libro de Cabildo, MS., 121-2, reveals several changes in the council, alcaldes Francisco de Dávila and Juan de la Torre being replaced by Juan Xaramillo, the husband of Marina, and Cristóbal Flores and a number of alcaldes following the example.
8. Granted her as the daughter of Montezuma. See Hist. Mex., i. 459, this series. Grado's instructions are given in the Libro de Cabildo, MS., June 28, 1526. In Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 95-102, is the fragment of a regulation for treatment of Indians, issued soon after, probably. Ocaña, who picks out only the faults in the new measures, mentions the assumption of the señoria title, the sale of the office of notary at a low price to a friend, and so forth. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 528-30. This very Ocaña and the troublosome Ocampo were arrested by Cortés. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 216.
9. As Gomara himself intimates, Hist, Mex., 247; Cortés, Cartas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 482. In his letter from Medellin Cortés had sent the assurance that he would chastise none save those guilty of 'lese majestatis,' or offence against third parties who complain. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 118
10. So Bernal Diaz, ubi sup., expresses it.
11. In a letter to Cortés announcing the resolution the king takes pains to impress this necessity. He had every confidence in his loyalty, and was pleased with his services, and felt sure that the residencia would reveal the purity of both. Cédula, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 101-2.
12. Oviedo, iii. 494. 'Alcalde Mayor de Toledo, siendo Corregidor el Conde.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 119. Both of the ducal house of Arcos. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 229. A cousin of the count, says Bernal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 193. His pay was 3,000 ducats a year while on this service. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 135.
13. Cortés complained sharply to the king at this reckless grant of important offices to the first applicant, to this boy Samaniego, a mere servant of Albornoz. Escritos Sueltos, 114-15. Salazar is written Salvador in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxiii. 371; Mex., Extractos de Cédulas, MS., 5.
14. Disregard for God and king; preparing native warriors and war material for setting aside royal authority; autocratic measures; claiming for himself 40 provinces, extending over an area of 300 leagues, with over a million and a half of vassals, and 200 rent-rolls, of which one alone yielded 50,000 castellanos per day; the appropriation of Montezuma's treasures and 4,000,000 of money from the country, and shipping them to safe places with the vessels built on the South Sea; the exaction of a fifth of all treasures for himself; withholding the royal revenue; seizing the royal treasures saved during the escape from Mexico, while pretending that they had been lost; taking 60,000 castellanos from the treasury under shallow pretences. The alleged appropriation by Gil Gonzalez of 130,000 pesos de oro from Córdoba's party in Honduras must also be investigated.
15. Ponce must have been favorably impressed with Cortés' loyalty from the day of meeting him, for in the official act of surrendering the governorship the latter is already styled Don. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi., 223-4. The king also addresses him as Don in cédulas of 1526. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 440. Herrera states that a commission of captain-general was also to be given, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xv., but this he already enjoyed. According to the arrangement with Ribera in the spring of 1525, the office of adelantado conveyed also the title of Don. Nothing is said about the habit of Santiago, then conferred.
16. 1n this, or an accompanying letter, the king refers to the charges that Cortés had appropriated the best and greater number of provinces and pueblos for himself, leaving only a small part for the crown. His services deserved reward, but this must not exceed a just moderation. He asked him to excuse the seizure of his remittances to Spain; it was merely a loan. <A governor had been appointed over Honduras, so that he must send no agents there. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 101-2.
17. By cédula of Nov. 9, 1526, they were directed to send in a yearly statement of the royal rental. Puga, Cedulario, 20.
18. 'Con la diuisa de su Magestad, q͏ȃ era el Plus vitra.' Herrera, loc. cit. A mint would be provided, if needed.
19. Such as gambling excesses. Their exemption from tithes on gold must apply only to mined metal. Instructions to Ponce, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxiii. 368 et seq.; Puga, Cedulario, 15-18.
20. He came as inquisitor for the Indies, says Cortés. Escritos Sueltos, 110. He was a native of Ecija, and after serving as alcalde he left for Española in 1508, with Diego Colon, as alcalde mayor. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. viii., etc; Oviedo, iii. 519, Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219, allows him to be merely a bachiller.
21. 'En dos dias por postas que auia puestas de hõbres.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 276.
22. Yet Bernal Diaz says: 'al tiempo . . . queria recibir el Cuerpo de Nuestro Señor.' Hist. Verdad., 217.
23. 'I rejoice,' he writes to the king, 'at the immense favor Y. S. M. has done to me in seeking to learn my services and faults, and in signifying the intention to reward me. For one and the other I kiss a hundred thousand times the royal feet of Y. C. M.' Cartas, 481. But for the well known loyalty of Cortes some terms in the letter might be considered ironical. In Cortés, Residencia, i. 254 et seq., is testimony to the effect that several adherents urged him to exclude Ponce by force. Later developments will show that he could not have listened to them for a moment.
24. Proaño ate from the same plate and felt no inconvenience, yet several vomited, 'Y juntamente con el bomito tuuieron camaras.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 16-7. Only one became sick according to Bernal Diaz. Tapia's presence was chief cause for the suspicions. Hist. Verdad., 217. Lúcas testified afterward that he heard Tapia say to a friend, he would give Ponce a banquet, and if that sufficed not, another! Samaniego declared that he warned Ponce not to eat at the banquet, for rumors were abroad of intended poisoning. Proaño's plate was taken from him with the remark that a better part would be given him. This roused Ortiz' suspicions, and he immediately went out to reject the food, urging Proaño and Ponce to do the same. The latter could not, and he afterward told the witness that he believed the cream was poisoned. Zarate tells an equally damaging story. Cortés, Residencia, i. 161, ii. 316-20. Any one who examines the testimony during this residencia must admire the promptness with which witnesses swore to anything their memory had treasured from vague rumor.
25. Ponce excused himself for a long time from taking the proffered hand of Cortés, till the latter insisted. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
26. Such is Cortés' own statement, though he writes more strongly: 'me aconsejaba que para lo remediar, yo no recibiese al dicho Luis Ponce.' He even implored him, and the Franciscans also. Carta, January 12, 1527, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 124. Bernal Diaz, ubi sup., places the occurrence a day or two later.
27. The official report of the proceedings in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 195-8, shows the surrender of the 'vara de la Xusticia' alone; yet, in the proclamation for the residencias, Cortés is alluded to as Don Hernando, late captain-general and governor. Cortés himself mentions that he retained the office. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 118. And a royal cédula of June 1526 calls him both governor and captain-general, since he was merely suspended. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 440.
28. Libro de Cabildo, MS. After seven days of sickness, says Oviedo; nine days, according to Bernal Diaz.
29. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6. Bernal Diaz states, and testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 290, intimates, the San Francisco convent, but this mistake may be due to the close proximity of the temples, and the assistance of the friars at the ceremony.
30. Cartas, 482. 'Entre algunas fortunas contrarias . . . una de las mas adversas para mi ha sido la muerte de Luis Ponce.' Carta, September 11, 1526, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 110.
31. Much land and gold have I received in truth,' he says, in substance, 'but more have I expended, till I am indebted for 500,000 pesos de oro, without a castellano to pay with; all expended to increase the domains of Y. M. My books show more than 300,000 pesos de oro of my own estate expended on conquests, in which my life and health have also been ventured. From these conquests Y. M. has received larger returns than from all other lands so far subjugated.' He thereupon recounts what he has done, and what he proposes to do. 'From Montezuma's treasures I and my men assigned more than the fifth due to Y. M. They say that I possess 200 rent-rolls. I am willing to surrender all I have for 20 [on the next page he says 10] rent-rolls in Spain and go to serve Y. M. there, where none can accuse me of securing further revenues.' If this is not agreed to, he begs permission to keep what he has for himself and his heirs, so that he may not be obliged to go to Spain and beg his bread, the purity of his motives being proven. Letter of September 3, 1526, in Cartas, 482-9.
32. Writing in the beginning of September, Cortés states that 30 of Ponce's companions had died, including two friars and two settlers, a large number of both classes being still in a critical condition. Cartas, 482. Bernal Diaz places the mortality about three times higher. Hist. Verdad., 219. The alcalde, Pedrada, was among the dead. Gomara states that most of Ponce's travelling companions died. Hist. Mex., 277. It was assumed by those who testified to the belief in poisoning that the custard at the banquet brought about the death. Cortés, Residencia, i. 161, 239, 288-90, 442. The charge was revived in 1543-5. See Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxviii. 245-80. The doctors who attended Ponce and gave a statement of the nature, progress, and treatment of the disease, were Ojeda and Licentiate Pedro Lopez, protomédico of Mexico, who presented his appointment as such on January 1], 1527. Libro de Cabildo, MS. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro, i. 7, wrongly claims the protomédico title for Doctor Olivaras, who came with a royal license dated July 8, 1524, as he says. The belief in a murder was sustained to some extent by malicious verses sung in Mexico. Peralta, Not. Hist., 138.
33. Libro de Cabildo, MS. His appointment as alcalde mayor was made on July 16th. Ocaña writes that he had offered to assure him 10,000 pesos de oro a year as lawyer; but when the royal interest demanded his services he threw aside this brilliant prospect. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 529.
34. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 111; Libro de Cabildo, MS. The negotiations for Cortés' reassumption of office are given in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 256-80. Ocaña seeks to show that the recognition of Aguilar was due to the persuasion of Estrada and Albornoz. Carta, in Icazbalceta, i. 530.
35. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 235-7. Bernal Diaz assumes that Cortés was driven to make the demand by the clamor of his enemies. Hist. Verdad., 219; but he is probably wrong.
36. Spaniards were ordered not to leave the towns wherein they were settled without his permission, nor to sell their grain — lest their dependents suffer want, it would appear. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 294. It was said that he wished to sell his own stock of grain, and make the people dependent on him.
37. Which is recorded in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 241-6. In case of Indian troubles he was to resume the office, says Estrada, Carta, in dd., xiii. 85, who appears to have used his persuasion in favor of Aguilar. Ocaña, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 533-4, does not fail to cast imputations on Cortés. Blank orders should be sent to arrest him and his adherents so that witnesses may freely testify against them. Cortés pours his complaints over these outrages committed by an incompetent judge. He demands that the residencia be taken so that his loyalty may be manifested. Carta, in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 118-22. One reason for the outcry against the decree had been the use of the title governor, which Cortés claimed that he could use in virtue of recent royal letters being so addressed to him.
38. Ocaña, ubi sup., alludes to the fears concerning Alvarado. Bernal Diaz, who came with the Honduras force, joined others in an appeal to Aguilar for a change of encomiendas, but received the answer that he had no power in the case. Hist. Verdad., 221.
39. He suckled a woman and also goats. 'Caducana, y estaua tullido de bubas, y era de poca autoridad . . . y hetico.' Id., 219. His son had recently died from the same disease as Ponce. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 278-9.
40. December 10, 1526. Libro de Cabildo, MS. Cortés was again accused of using poison, and in the later residencia witnesses declared that he sent Aguilar some flemish-cured meat which nearly caused the death of an indulging attendant. Cortés, Residencia, i. 297-8; ii. 288-9.
41. Their installation took place on March 1, 1527. Libro de Cabildo, MS. On the day of Aguilar's death, a Friday, Cortés' friends had sought in vain to prevail on the sinking governor to appoint him. Cortés, Residencia, i. 300-1. Some declare that Estrada had no objection to Sandoval, but rather desired him for a son-in-law, to whom the government might then have fallen. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221.