History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 13

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XIII.

ESTRADA'S RULE — CORTÉS DRIVEN TO SEEK JUSTICE IN SPAIN.

1527.

Campaign in Zapotecapan — Spice Island Projects — Loaisa's Expedition — Guevara Finds the Wat to Zacatula — Saavedra's Voyage to the Moluccas — Cortés Slighted — He is Exiled from the Capital — Reconciliation with Estrada — Guzman Appointed Governor of Pánuco — Finding No Gold, He Turns Oppressor — Encroachments on Mexico — Raid into Las Palmas Region — Slave-trade Horrors — Cortés to Plead before the Sovereign — Fears that He will Revolt — Preparing for the Voyage to Spain.

Under Aguilar's rule a number of expeditions had been sent out to open new districts, and to assure the subjugation of others. One force of nearly three hundred men prepared to disclose the mysteries of the region to the north, between Michoacan and the gulf soon to be famed for its mineral wealth. This project, intended as the precursor to an entry to the Rio de las Palmas region, was carried out only m part,^[1] owing to changes m the plans of Cortés, but others were developed, involving the occupation of Tabasco and Chiapas, and the continuation of the campaign against the Zapotecs and Mijes, connected with the late Coatlan revolt.^[2] In order to render this campaign more effective, two expeditions were sent to operate on the south and north sides respectively. The southern consisting of somewhat over one hundred men, with a dozen horses, was placed under command of Diego de Figueroa, a friend of Estrada. On reaching the border he summoned Alonso de Herrera, the captain in charge, to place himself under his command, giving orders in such a tone as to offend the fiery Herrera, and soon a quarrel arose wherein Figueroa and several others were wounded. Neither commander nor men were accustomed to Indian warfare, and the toil of mountain marches was by no means to their taste. Finding that the graves of chiefs contained large treasures, they directed their attention rather to ghoulish raids, varied by occasional descents upon settlements for the purpose of extorting contributions. After accumulating about a hundred thousand pesos de oro, Figueroa, with a few friends, abandoned the district, now more disturbed than ever, and hastened to Mexico to prepare for the voyage home. They had hardly left Vera Cruz before a gale wrecked their vessel, and buried fifteen of them, together with the yield of their desecrations.

The northern expedition, similar in strength and quality of men, had a more soldierly captain, Barrios by name, who had seen service in Italy, and bore a reputation for bravery. He had little experience in native warfare, however, and one night the warriors surprised his camp, slew the leader and a number of his followers, and pursued the rest till they gained refuge in a friendly town. "Thus served these doughty captains from Europe," exclaims Bernal Diaz, "leaving us conquerors to remedy their failures.^[3] Cortés had evidently nothing to do with the appointments for the Zapotec campaign, since his selection of officers was usually admirable, and the result better where he attended to the management. He was fully occupied.

Not content to explore the vast regions adjoining their new conquest, and there unfold the wealth which at a later period poured forth in streams to enrich the enterprising, the fancies of the colonists were ever leaping far beyond to remoter points, invested by rumor with readier treasures. Toward the west in particular, the gilded path of the-departing sun seemed ever to revive the ancient Hesperides, and attract visionaries. Not that all was a dream; for had not Magellan's fleet in that direction disclosed a series of alluring lands, among them the long-sought islands of spices, whose produce was esteemed equal to almost any treasure? More and richer islands must surely exist. At any rate, something new had been found, and attention was directed thither with absorbing interest.

During Cortés' absence in Honduras, Albornoz among others had pictured this feeling in a letter to the king, and suggested that the fleet in process of construction at Zacatula should be sent in search of the Spice Islands, which were thought to be quite near, and of other isles, "rich in pearls and precious stones, and undoubtedly in gold, since they lie to the south." The existence of these isles was asserted by natives on the Zacatula coast, who said that in the time of their forefathers large pirogues came from them at intervals to trade.^[4] On his return, Cortés took up the idea with enthusiasm, and formed the project, not alone to win fresh laurels, but to increase the value of his actual conquest by annexing to it the Moluccas and any other islands on the way, and making it the pathway for the prospective flow of wealth. In a letter to the king he offers to conquer and settle these islands free of all cost, and to hold them against any other claimant.^[5]

This offer was formulated to a great extent by the report of an expedition lately sent from Spain to develop the results of Magellan's discoveries. The people in Europe were also quite interested in the Spice Islands project, and in pursuance of an agreement formed with Portugal, at Badajoz, a fleet of half a dozen vessels was despatched in August 1525, under the knight Garcií Jofre de Loaisa, with instructions to establish a settlement, without encroaching on the Portuguese, or endangering possession by hazardous operations. Loaisa was to remain on the islands as governor, assisted by a full staff of officials, and superintend the collection of spices for the annual fleet which should follow the present return shipment. The expedition encountered several mishaps: Loaisa died during the voyage, together with a large number of officials and other members of the party, including Sebastian del Cano, the first circumnavigator, and only one of the vessels reached the Moluccas, there to form a precarious settlement.^[6] A second expedition was despatched in the same direction in April 1526, under Sebastian Cabot, who, on reaching Rio Plata in South America, was so captivated by the rumors of its wealth that he remained there to establish Spanish sovereignty.

Not content with these measures the king instructed Cortés to send his Zacatula vessels to open a route to the Moluccas, searching at the same time for Magellan's missing vessel, inquiring into the movements of Cabot, and joining Loaisa's fleet.^[7] The captain-general hastened to carry out an order so much in consonance with his own wishes, and so needful for the royal service, since news of disaster to Loaisa's expedition had already reached New Spain. Among its scattered vessels was a small craft under command of Santiago de Guevara. Unable to sight the consorts, and ill-provided with supplies, he concluded to seek one of the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast of America. After great hardships, to which the captain among others succumbed, the vessel was brought into Cihuatlan harbor, in Zacatula province.^[8]

Aided by the advice of her officer, Cortés began to prepare for his expedition, but neither Aguilar nor the royal officers were disposed to promote the aims of a rival, even when duty pointed the way, and he was obliged to meet not only the whole expense but the opposition of the officials.^[9] The fleet consisted of the flag-ship Florida, the Santiago of nearly the same size, and the small brigantine Espíritu Santo, all well armed, and carrying provisions for a year. The command was intrusted to a cousin of Cortés, Álvaro de Saavedra Ceron, with the title of captain-general.^[10]

After a few days' trip up the coast by the brigantine, to a port named Santiago, the expedition left Cihuatlanejo on the 31st of October 1527. The two smaller vessels were soon lost to sight, never to be heard of again, and the flag-ship continued her course alone, reaching the Moluccas in safety, after discovering on the way a group which was named Islas de los Reyes."^[11]Saavedra found the remnant of Loaisa's party, under command of Hernando de la Torre, engaged in a struggle with the Portuguese, and was able to render some aid. He thereupon repaired his vessel, loaded a quantity of cloves, and after several mishaps, and cruises along New Guinea and other islands, he was able to depart for New Spain in May 1529. Two groups were discovered on the way, named respectively Los Pintados and Los Buenos Jardines,^[12] and shortly afterward, when fully half-way across the Pacific, the commander died, whereupon the crew returned to the Moluccas, only to fall into Portuguese prisons. ^[13] Even had Saavedra succeeded in opening the route to New Spain, nothing would have resulted from it, for intermarriage between the royal families of Spain and Portugal, and other circumstances, caused Charles to abandon his Molucca schemes, and they were not revived for nearly half a century.

After a few months' rule under the triumvirate of which Estrada was evidently the head, a despatch arrived confirming Aguilar, or any appointee of his, as ruler, but without power to take residencia or to interfere in matters outside of the government. This order was owing chiefly to the efforts of Albornoz, who had left for Spain shortly after Ponce's death, chiefly to promote the interests of the anti-Cortés faction, and the aspirations of certain friends, while posing himself before the court as an officer wholly devoted to the sovereign. He did not fail to give his views of transatlantic affairs, and to urge measures which were many of them admirable; but he also predisposed the crown against Cortés, whose interference in government ought not to be tolerated. Estrada, who had personally complained of the associates forced upon him, was greatly elated, and presenting the royal decree, he was received, August 22, 1527, as sole ruler.^[14]

This was not the only slight suffered by Cortés at the royal hands. Albornoz had been induced to befriend Salazar and Chirinos, and so well did he plead their cause, under the auspices of Secretary Cobos, that their release was ordered, though their sequestrated property remained in charge of guardians.^[15]

Cortés felt this act deeply. He saw all hope fading for redress of the bitter wrongs suffered at their hands, wrongs which he could so readily have avenged, and which seemed too clear to escape punishment. As if to impress the infliction upon his rival, Estrada formed a sort of alliance with the two released officials, with a view to strengthen his own party against one of whose influence he was both jealous and afraId. The extreme to which he carried this feeling threatened on one occasion to produce most serious results. Figueroa of Zapotec fame had returned to Mexico with his spoils, and meeting one of Cortés' adherents named Cortijo, an altercation ensued from which the former retired with a wound to attest a complaint to his friend Estrada. Such an outrage on one of his adherents by a follower of his rival could not be endured, and without listening to any defence the governor ordered the man's hand to be cut off.^[16] Cortés, who seems to have retired to his beloved Cuernavaca, since the appointment of the treasurer for sole ruler, hastened to interfere, but came too late, and gave vent to his indignation in bitter words. Quite alarmed, Estrada summoned the royal officials and his friends to sustain him, and was counselled to exile his opponent from the city, as the only means to maintain order. There was every justification for such a step against a man who had dared to threaten the king's governor, and the temptation to humiliate the rival was too great to be withstood.^[17]

"It is well," said Cortés, when notified of the measure, "that persons unfit to hold office should be allowed to exile me from the spot which I and my brave followers acquired for the king at the cost of so much toil and blood.^[18] But after all Estrada may have overreached himself, for now Cortés would proceed to Spain and pray for justice against a man so ungrateful for the many favors conferred.

Great was the commotion when this measure became known, and many regarded a recourse to arms as inevitable; but Cortés silenced his angry adherents, and withdrew, though a motion of his finger would have sufficed to overthrow his opponents. "For thy king and thy law must thou die," was an oft-used saying of his which he evidently resolved to uphold.^[19] Estrada's wife,^[20] among others, censured the governor for this treatment of a man who had so greatly favored him with appointments and grants, and warned him of the consequences. At this time arrived Fray Julian Garcés, bishop of Tlascala, and attention was diverted somewhat by the demonstrations attending the reception of the first prelate in the country.^[21] His first task was to reconcile Estrada and his injured opponents. The former had already repented of his haste, and the bishop followed Cortés to Coyuhuacan to prevail upon him.

The first impulse of resentment passed, Cortés admitted that unjust as the governor might have been, the expulsion was brought about chiefly by his own hasty utterance. Not that this recognition alone would have induced him to relent, but potent agencies were the fear of imperilling his cherished prestige among the natives, and the need of Estrada's favor for certain projects. The good prelate therefore succeeded in his mission, and Cortes relented so far as to stand godfather to the governor's infant son.^[22] Estrada was not so base and selfish as his advisers, and repentance for his ingratitude had moved him to some extent, as well as a politic regard for the great conqueror's influence over the natives whom it would be difficult to control in case they were roused. Still another motive may have influenced him: the presence of a formidable enemy in the coast provinces, whose threatening attitude against both him and Cortés served to form a bond between them.

 

More than a year previous, Nuño de Guzman had been appointed governor of Pánuco, in accordance with the royal policy of restricting the power of officials, and with a view to support Ponce de Leon, in case of need, to obtain control at Mexico. He was a cavalier of good connection, from Guadalajara, who had long resided at Puerto de Plata, in Española, as encomendero; but beyond the claim as colonist, and a knowledge of law, he appears to have possessed no experience or merit for service rendered that could have warranted the bestowal of so important a portion of New Spain, conquered and settled by more deserving men. The preferment was due chiefly to the influence of the Velazquez party, who, regardless of the many zealous adherents in Mexico, chose to support a member of the ruling clique.^[23] He was known, however, as a man possessed of the talent and resolution necessary to support Ponce and to face the dreaded Cortés in his own field.

Sickness and preparations detained him from his post for over a year, and he did not reach his capital of San Estévan del Puerto until May 20, 1527.^[24] His entry was celebrated with processions, triumphal arches, and other demonstrations attending the inauguration of a new government from which conciliatory reforms and favors are expected. These hopes were not unreasonable, for Guzman was most engaging in manners, pleasant in converse, and of evident culture; and only time revealed the haughty disposition, the cruel nature, and the unprincipled ambition of the self-sufficient autocrat.^[25] His domains extended in a broad belt from the coast inward, under the name of Pénuco and Victoria Garayana,^[26] penetrating a region as yet almost unknown, and looked upon as rich in gold, so much so that the authorities had issued special reculations securing the crown dues thereon.^[27] All this had raised the hopes of Guzman, only to be brought low when he beheld the comparatively poverty-stricken expanse before him. He was resolved to make the most of it, however, and in particular to exercise the newly acquired dignity in a manner befitting his training as slave-owner on the Islands. Sweeping changes were made in offices and regulations, and agents were sent round to investigate the titles of all grants of land and natives, and to seize all that were not fully secured. As a partisan of Velazquez his efforts were directed with especial severity against the adherents of Cortés, who had assisted to conquer and settle the region. Of their repartimientos, indeed, almost every one was deprived on some pretence. The natives were treated with absolute disregard of justice. Their houses and lands were ravaged, and everything of value was carried away, including slaves, and even their scanty stuck of provisions, so that some of them were reduced to actual want. In his imperious cruelty he caused several natives to be hanged for omitting to sweep the roads before him.^[28]

These outrages were not prompted so much by avarice, which formed the main impulse with New World adventurers, as by egotism. Of a noble and proud stock, Guzman had come to the Indies filled with the glowing hopes engendered by such achievements as those of Vasco Nuñez, Gil Gonzalez, and Cortés, but circumstances confined him to a narrow sphere, till now, the vista opening, his unbridled ambition was prepared to break every bound. He longed above all to acquire a wider influence, and the present efforts were chiefly toward this end. His own province was not sufficient, and he cast longing eyes toward the border along which lay a number of flourishing settlements. He declared that they belonged to his district, but the settlers stoutly objected to the claim. Guzman promptly sent to arrest the most unruly, notably Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo and Francisco Ramos. Several of them being cavaliers refused to bend to the imperious governor, and were thereupon lashed and tortured; one was nailed to a post by the tongue for insolent language, and another was hanged,^[29] while the natives of their towns were many of them butchered for obeying their masters.

News of this reaching Mexico, Estrada and Sandoval, who then governed jointly, sent peremptory orders for Guzman to exhibit his commission and to restrict himself to what they declared to be his boundary.^[30] A number of despatches were exchanged on the question, wherein discourteous language was freely dispensed, particularly by Guzman in letters to Cortés, who as military chief became involved with him. Sancho de Caniego, cousin of the Pánuco governor, received such treatment at Mexico, in his character of commissioner, that he departed fuming with threats. No satisfaction being obtained, Estrada, who during the autumn assumed sole rule at Mexico, prepared an expedition to enforce his demands. At this juncture arrived Juan Perez de Gijon, alcalde of San Estévan, and appealed for a stay of hostilities, chiefly for the sake of the settlers, promising either to effect a peaceful arrangement, or to return to Mexico as a prisoner. For this unauthorized mediation Guzman treated him rather severely, and like Regulus the alcalde went back to redeem his word.^[31]

Meanwhile Captain Gil Gonzalez de Benavides, alcalde of Mexico,^[32] had approached the boundary and taken possession of the tract in dispute.^[33] A commissioner thereupon came down from San Estévan to arrange the matter, but nothing was effected until Guzman managed, under a change of circumstances, to settle everything according to his own fancy.^[34]

Not content with encroaching on Mexico, Guzman had turned his desire also to the adjoining northern territory of Rio de las Palmas, granted to Pánfilo de Narvaez as a solace for the defeat inflicted by Cortés. Like other little known regions it was supposed to be rich in precious metals; not more so than his own interior tracts, but more alluring since it belonged to another; and he resolved to gather the first-fruit before the rightful owner appeared. To this end he sent his cousin, Caniego, with all his available force. The expedition penetrated for a considerable distance without finding any settlements of note, and struggling with obstacles of every description, and suffering great hardship. Finally dense forests obliged them to turn back, and the band reached San Estévan half famished and in a sad condition, with little to recompense them for their five months' search, except a report that the country beyond the forests must be rich and settled.^[35]

This report was considered by Guzman to be a sufficient inducement to extend the exploration, but the means were wanting. Asa last resource he seized upon the natives, and began to export them as slaves, pleading that the public good demanded such a measure, and pointing to even worse acts by other rulers. Besides, the voices of these natives could be suppressed only by removing them from home associates and placing them under strict supervision.^[36] The argument found ready sustainers when the permission was given also to settlers to sell from twenty to thirty slaves each. Traders came by invitation to buy slaves, and others were exported by the ship-load, in chartered vessels, from the stock-yard in which they were branded and herded. A panic seized upon the poor creatures, and they began to desert the villages to seek refuge in the forests and mountains, preferring hunger and death at home to a worse fate abroad. Then hunting expeditions were sent out to ferret them, and to seize also upon Indians pertaining to Mexico. Caciques were tortured to reveal the hiding-places of their people, and to save themselves many surrendered even relatives as slaves. Some ten thousand of God's human creatures were thus carried away in more than twenty vessels, three of which foundered at sea. In their despair a large number of the kidnapped cast themselves overboard; others suffered so severely from confinement in the infected atmosphere of the hold as to die during the voyage, or immediately after, while the rest rapidly succumbed to the hardships of their new life, magnified by the change of climate and food.^[37]

 

But neither reconciliation with Estrada, nor the demand for his interference in the Guzman dispute,^[38] changed the resolution of Cortés to proceed to Spain. His position in Mexico was becoming insupportable, what with lost power, fading influence, and constant annoyance from insolent officials. Then, his presence was necessary at court to refute the accumulating slanders, to place in a proper light his many services, and to claim a fit reward,^[39] besides advocating measures for the development of the country and the advancement of conquest. It was also time to solemnize the marriage arranged for him in Spain, so that he might obtain heirs to perpetuate his name.

His main effort accordingly was to obtain sufficient means to present himself at court in a manner corresponding to his fame and position. Sandoval, Tapia, and other proposed companions joined him in the task to collect rents, receive presents, and effect loans, and thus they made quite a tour of the country, directing themselves chiefly to the caciques, from whom large contributions were received, partly as gifts to the honored Malinche, partly in consideration for the offer to present their sons to the sovereign and advocate their respective claims.

This round of interviews with native leaders, and the preparations for the voyage, were sufficient to revive among opponents and tattlers the oft-spread report of disloyalty on the part of one who so recently had threatened the governor, and was still smarting under humiliation. The reports were not altogether devoid of foundation, for a number of Spanish and native partisans who had witnessed the indignities heaped upon their leader, and presumed upon his resentment, offered him their aid to redress his wrongs, even so far as to seize the whole country for himself.^[40] But Cortés was too wise to entertain the project; he even shrank from allusion to it, and also threatened to hang one or two of his advisers; others he severely reprimanded, and prudently so, since the proposals in more than once instance covered a trap to criminate him withal. Estrada is said to have been so alarmed that he sent Bishop Garcés to sound Cortés, and to exert his influence if needful.^[41]

The desire of Cortés to be saved from friends so apt to embroil him, formed another motive for leaving, and this was hastened by the receipt of a letter from the president of the India Council,^[42] urging him to come to Spain so that the king might consult him on needful measures, and reward his services. This letter was the first move in a rather elaborate scheme on the part of a misinformed sovereign to withdraw a dangerous subject from a tempting field. As will be shown hereafter, the appeal was supported by letters from the duke of Béjar and other friends. At the same time came the news of the death of Martin Cortés. This proved a severe blow to the son, who after so long a separation had vividly pictured to himself the joy of once more embracing his father and able friend who had so zealously protected his interests against assailants. He caused an impressive funeral ceremony to be held, and put on the customary mourning attire.

Two new vessels, reported to be fast sailers, had just arrived at Vera Cruz, and Cortés despatched his majordomo, Ruiz de Esquivel, to secure them. Accompanied by a negro to carry two bars of gold for the purchase, he took a boat with six native rowers to carry him across the lake to Ayotzinco, but he never appeared. Search was instituted, and a month later attention was attracted to a human arm protruding from the ground, the flesh eaten by birds. The half-buried body proved to be that of the majordomo, almost nude and with a knife wound in the head. The gold and the boatmen had disappeared. Though the gold appears to have been the motive, some prefer to connect the murder with Ruiz indiscreet vauntings of successful intrigues with dames of the capital.^[43]

Another agent went to secure the vessels, which were at once prepared for the voyage, and provided with a respectable armament to protect their valuable cargo against corsairs. The intention of Cortés was to carry with him a varied assortment of effects, not so much for presents as to exhibit the resources of the country he had conquered. The most valuable part consisted of fifteen hundred marcos^[44] of wrought silver, thirty thousand pesos de oro in gold, a portion alloyed, and several thousand pesos in jewels, including precious stones and pearls.^[45] Then there was a mass of fabrics, and robes, plumes, and feather-work, liquId amber, vanilla, balsam, flint implements, and mirrors, weapons, paintings, and curiosities of every description, notably strange plants and animals, tigers, parrots, quetzals,and the like. Also a variety of natives, albinos, dwarfs, and monstrosities, together with acrobats, such as pole-turners, foot-balance performers, equilibrists, and ballplayers.^[46] Of staple resources and provisions large quantities were contributed by the natives, sufficient to have supplied a fleet. Much came also from the estates of Cortés, the extent of which may be understood from their value of two hundred thousand pesos de oro, estimated at a time when the price of real estate was very low. The care of these possessions devolved during his absence on Licenciate Juan Altamirano, his relative, Diego de Ocampo, and Santa Cruz.^[47]

Large retinues were among the most marked attributes of greatness at this period, and eager to impress the haughty courtiers of Castile, Cortés offered, chiefly with this view, free passage and maintenance to whosoever chose to accompany him to Spain. Quite a number availed themselves of the liberal proposal, though a few, like Fray Loaisa accompanied him no farther than the Islands. Sandoval, Andrés de Tapia, and several other captains joined the expedition, to present claims for services before the sovereign; also some two score of native princes and chieftains, conspicuous among whom was a son of Montezuma, and a son of Maxixcatzin.^[48]

 

 

1. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282-3. The Palmas project was abandoned when news came that Narvaez had received a commission to conquer that district.
2. A town had been formed with the Indians of Cortés to assure this district. Ocaña, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 526. The preceding expeditions, alluded to by Cortés, Cartas, 490-1, and Bernal Diaz, loc. cit., are treated or elsewhere.
3. Hist. Verdad., 222. San Alfonso was founded by the later expedition. The victorious tribe is called the Tiltepec.
4. Had Albornoz received authority to act, he would by this time have discovered the route to the Moluccas, which were supposed to be some 700 leagues off. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 496-7.
5. 'Que V. M. no haya la especería por via de rescate, como la ha el rey de Portugal, sino que la tenga por cosa propria.' Letter of September 3, 1526, in Cartas, 490. In a letter of about the same date Ocaña urges that Cortés was so disloyal that he ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. 'Si Cortés lova á hacer morirá con corona.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 532.
6. The expedition is quite fully described, with its regulations and fate, in Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. v. — vii.; lib. ix. cap. v.-vii, ix.; dec. iv. lib. L cap. vi., etc. See also the following notes.
7. The cédula is dated June 20, 1526. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 410.
8. In July 1526, under command of Fortunio de Alango. On first arriving off the strange coast, a clergyman named Arraizaga volunteered to try for the shore, half a league distant, in a big box, the only means of conveyance left. Upset by a wave, he sought to swim ashore, but would ha~e perished had not some natives come to his aId. He was not a little delighted to find himself in Spanish domains, and to be received with kindness. Herrera, ubi sup.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280-1; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 488. The port where the vessel entered is also called Macatan.
9. The men he required were taken for different military operations, etc. The expedition cost him over 60,000 pesos de oro, as per accounts rendered. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 215-16. The details of cost are given in Col. Doc. Inéd., ii. 405-15. The king ordered the authorities of New Spain to repay the amount, Cédula of April 1, 1529, but it was understood that the disobedience of the order would not be regarded with disfavor. The amount formed one of the many standing claims of Cortés, for which he was ever pressing.
10. Luis de Cárdenas commanded the Santiago, and Pedro de Fuentes the brigantine. According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i, cap. vi., they carried 50, 45, and 15 men, respectively. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 232, adds a vessel and increases the force to 250 'soldiers;' but this must be a mistake, though Herrera gives, erroneously perhaps, an armament which required a larger crew. The instructions for the different officers, and letters for Cabot, the kings of Ceba and Tidore, and others, dated May 27, 1527, are given in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 127-69; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 442-64. No land must be taken possession of, and no trading undertaken, except by Saavedra, or in his presence.
11. Galvano, Discov., 174, assumes this to be the same group discovered by Sequeira, or rather, numed Siquiera; but Burney, Discov. South Sea, i. 148, doubts it.
12. Burney places them in 7° N., and 176° w. from Greenwich, and 10° to 12° N., 174° w.
13. They numbered 18 on reaching the Moluccas, and 10 more died before they were enabled in 1534 to reach Spain. One of the survivors, named Napoles, there rendered an account of the expedition which is printed in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 465-86. Besides the authorities already quoted, see Oviedo, it. 88-95; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 134-6; Id., Hist. Mex., 280-2; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. v. — vi.; lib. v. cap. vi.; March y Labores, Marina Española, ii. 67-93, with copies of documents. Most of these authorities refer also to Loaisa's expedition.
14. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 200-3.
15. These were instructed to pay them an allowance. The sequestration took place chiefly at the instances of relatives of Paz in Spain. They were condemned to death by the audiencia of Española, but the sentence did not take effect, though affirmed by the Council of the Indies. The audiencia of Mexico afterward ordered them to repay to Cortés all they had taken. Chirinos joined Guzman in his outrages on the Jaliscans, and shared in Mendoza's expedition, after which he left for Spain, in 1542, in charge of royal treasure. Mendoza, Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 234, 715. Salazar went to Spain at an earlier date, and joining Soto in the expedition to Florida he narrowly escaped hanging for disobedience to his chief. He died in obscurity. We shall find allusions to both during the next few years. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. viii.; lib. x. cap. i.; dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. i.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280; Alaman, Disert., 1. app. 221; Puga, Cedulaurio, 25, 43, 79.
16. 'En termino de vna hora . . . y . . . le sentencio en destierro de Nueua España.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vill. Bernal Diaz calls the man an hidalgo, and states that he suffered for aiding Captain Herrera to attack Figueroa on the Zapotec border. A page of Sandoval suffered a similar punishment for stabbing a servant of Estrada. Hist. Verdad., 222. The notary, Castillo, who ventured to remonstrate against this rash and unjust proceeding, was assaulted, removed from his office, and cast into prison, with sequestration of property. The audiencia was in 1528 ordered to restore the man to his office and estate after investigation. Cortijo appeared in Spain to complain and was permitted to return, while Estrada received orders to give 5,000 ducats surety to respond to the claims of the plaintiff for 3,000 ducats damages, besides costs. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i.
17. Lest he resent the outrage, observes Herrera. 'Por que no le quitasse el preso." Gomara, Hist. Mex., 279. Oviedo, iii. 5:9, considers that Estrada did his duty, though he regrets the humiliation inflicted.
18. 'Daua gracias a Dios que dello era servido,' etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist, Verdad, 223.
19. Also: 'El rey sea mi gallo.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280.
20. Doña Marina Gutierrez de la Caballera, a most estimable woman, says Bernal Diaz.
21. His commission was presented to the town council of Mexico October 19, 1527. Libro de Casildo, MS.
22. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 14; Herrera, dec. iv. lib iii. cap. vii. This author and Oviedo leave the impression that the reconciliation was effected before Cortés left the city. The version of Lúcas is that 'el obispo de Taxcala rogo al dicho theserero que dexase entrar al . . . Cortés.' Cortés, Residencia, i. 308-9, 311. Bernal Diaz states on the other hand that Cortés refused to be reconciled, though the prelate appealed to him several times.
23. That he was of this clique appears from the advancement soon after of his relative Gonzalo de Guzman to the governorship of Cuba. Zumárragqa, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 19. 'Sin mas seruicios, ni esperiécia de guerra,' is Herrera's indignant comment on Guzman's appointment. dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii.
24. Herrera indicates the year 1528. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 733, writes 1525, and others are equally in error.
25. Of noble birth, discreet, inclined to great deeds, enduring, and intrepid, are the features added by Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 99.
26. Puga, Cedulario, 22. Guzman claimed the whole parallel to the South Sea. Zumárraga calls the province 25 leagues at its greatest width. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 91. A later report gives it 50 leagues in length and breadth. Informes, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 446. This was probably after the audiencia defined the limits, as ordered.
27. 'Que el oro de Panuco, se labrasse en barras por los quales . . . y corriesse por aquel precio . . . sopena de muerte . . . ni labrasse oro fuera de las fundiciones.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii. Another significant rule was that soldiers should not be used in agriculture.
28. His alguacil mayor, Halcon, appears to have been a zealous tool in these performances.
29. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 311, agrees with Bernal Diaz that Trujillo was hanged, without receiving a trial, though he was of noble blood. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221. Herrera, loc. cit., declares that the person hanged was a servant of Trujillo, the master being tortured by nailing the tongue and the like.
30. Regidor Hinojosa was sent with the message, but either a fear for his own tongue, or actual sickness, caused another commissioner to be appointed. Libro de Cabildo, MS., June 14 and 21, 1527.
31. He left Mexico in the beginning of December, and returned March 16, 1528. Id.
32. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 31i-12, ii. 147, shows that Estrada at first proposed to go in person to seize Guzman and 'desolate Pánuco,' but the rumored disloyal projects of Cortés deterred him. Estrada was not a military man, however.
33. 'Prendio a Andres Duero e a Juan Astudillo e a otros dos . . . e destruyo la tierra.' Zuñiga, in Id., ii. 147. This Duero appears to be the secretary from Cuba who at first befriended Cortés and then became his enemy.
34. Benavides offered to surrender 'Tepehuacan, Quautla, Yahualica,' but insisted on retaining the towns in the district of 'Meztitlan, Oxitapa, Tlamatlan, and Guazalingo.' Libro de Cabildo, MS., February 19, 1528. Caniego is named as the Pánuco commissioner, though he appears to have gone to Spain about this time. The audiencia of Mexico, which arrived this year, with Guzman for president, received orders to define the boundary, and to forbid any encomendero to hold land on both sides of it, or to keep natives out of their native district.
35. Guzman justified the encroachment by sending an early complaint that Narvaez had received much of what belonged to Pánuco. The audiencia was ordered to define the boundary. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii.
36. In a letter to the king, he pointed out that the royal service demanded horses, and that these could be obtained in no other way. He did not make one dollar by the traffic. On leaving Pánuco he forbade it, because he had heard that the king objected. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col, Doc., xiii. 410-11.
37. These facts are affirmed by Bishop Zumárraga in his letters and sworn statements. 'Cette province . . . contenait 25,000 Indiens soumis et pacifiques. Il en a vendu 10,000 comme esclaves, et les autres . . . ont abandonné leurs villages.' These shipments were continued from Mexico, the kidnapped being sent to Pánuco to embark. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 91-2, 45. Further details in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 144-6, 171. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ix. 'Se herraron tantos, que casi despoblaron aquella Provincia.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 228.
38. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 311-12, shows that Cortés at first offered to take the field against him. Estrada hesitated, and when he finally offered the command Cortés replied that his preparations for going to Spain could no longer be deferred.
39. Algun titulo, para q͏̃ no se le igualassen todos,' is the pointed remark of Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282.
40. The persistent Ocaña dwells on this movement with a desire to criminate Cortés. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 530-1. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. 309-11, 407-8, declares that Cortés did ask the opinion of several persons whether it would be advisable to seize Estrada and hold the government for the king, or to go to Spain. Dominican friars warned Estrada of this. If he ever alluded to an arrest, it must have been when his resentment was hot. Letters were sent from Mexico on the subject, to entrap him, observes Bernal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 223.
41. Bernal Diaz assumes that the two leaders were not reconciled, and that the efforts of Garcés were to unbend Cortés. Guzman intimated that Cortés left orders for the natives to rise after his departure. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii. This accusation was also intended to reflect on Estrada's inefficiency to control the natives.
42. The successor of the intriguing Fonseca was Fray García de Loaisa, confessor of the king and bishop of Osma, afterward made cardinal in recognition of his services, influence, and admirable traits.
43. Indeed, little effort was made to trace the murderers, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 224. Ruiz appears to have been an attractive fellow, and an hidalgo from Seville. Oviedo, iii. 527.
44. Marco, equivalent to eight ounces.
45. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 283. Oviedo iii. 528, writes 1,000 marcos of silver, partly wrought, and estimates the jewels at merely 2,000 to 3,000 pesos. Galvano, Discov., 176, increases the gold and silver to the more effective amount of 250,000 marcos, whereupon Cavo plucks up courage to value the pure gold alone at 200,000 pesos, Tres Siglos, i. 74; an amount which Prescott rashly trebles by calling it pesos de oro. Mex., iii. 312, He has evIdently confounded the total value of all the treasures, including the rare precious stones carried secretly on his own person by Cortés. A part of the gold and silver was registered at the port as belonging to other persons. This was declared to be a false declaration, 'to defraud creditors,' and half the silver and some gold were accordingly seized in Spain. Cortés appealed, but the judge nevertheless sentenced him to pay a fine of 100,000 maravedis, though the treasure was ordered to be restored. Real Executoria, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 406. The restitution appears to have been neglected on the plea that Cortés owed the treasury certain sums. His process for its recovery is given in Id., xiv. 395-410.
46. For description of feats and games, see Native Races, ii. 295 et seq.
47. The latter from Búrgos. Bernal Diaz adds the secretary Alonso Valiente. From Altamirano descends the house of Marqués de Salinas, later incorporated with that of the Condes de Santiago. Alaman, Disert., i. 252.
48. 48 Chimalpain names two sons of Montezuma, Pedro, from whom descended the Condes de Montezuma and Tula — see Hist. Mex., i. 460, this series — and Martin Cortés Nezahualtecolotl, also a nephew of the late emperor, Francisco de Alvarado Matlaccohuatzin, Gabriel, a son of the king of Tlacopan, Baltasar, Felipe, Juan, sons respectively of the lords of Culhuacan, Cuitlahuac, and Cempoala. He also gives the baptismal and native names of three Tlascaltec chiefs and of others. Hist. Conq., ii. 163-4. Among the Tlascaltecs, Bernal Diaz mentions a son of Xicotencatl. They numbered 39 in all, those at least who reached Spain, as shown by a decree of the emperor ordering dresses and entertainment to be provided for them. Ternaux-Compans., Voy., série ii. tom. v. 87-8. From this it appears that the son of Montezuma now taken was Martin, not Pedro. Among the other six names mentioned is Lorenzo of Tlascala. I may mention the following as authorities supplemental to those quoted in preceding chapters: Cortés, Escritos Sueltos 102-26, 213-14; Oviedo iii. 494-5, 519-27; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., v. 68-96; vi.; xii. 287-91, 406-17, 480-90; xiii. 73-85, 115-17, 144-6, 348-56, 400-11; xiv. 65-9, 395-410; xv. 446-7; xxiii. 368-84; xxvi. 160-3, 195-280; Libro de Cabildo MS., 121, passim; Torquemada i. 597-9; iii. 190; Archivo Mex., Doc., i. 141-4, 161-85, 239 et seq.; ii. 18, passim; Ramirez, Doc., MS., 285-9; Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 14-30, 101-2; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 229-30; iv. 99-100; Puga, Cedulurio, 15-25, 43-4, 79; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 69; Ramirez, Proceso 73, 157, 188-91; Iztlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 447; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 19-27, 44-8; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 158-60; Mex., Extr. de Cedulas, MS., 5; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa 11-14; Alaman, Disert., i. 245-50; ii. 305-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 722-34; Cavo, Tres Siglos i. 56-95; Prescott's Mex., 306-11, 452-4; also notes in Mex. eds.; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 7; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 60-4, 144-67; Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 194-9, 323-67; Mayer's Mex. Aztec i. 87-8; Galvano's Discov., 36-7; Arroniz, Hist. Orizaba, 310-14; Cortés, Brieven, ii. 287-90; Pap. Var., cliii. pt. ix. 13-16; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling xi. 22-32, 56-68; Dicc. Univ., i. 83-6; Kerr's Col. Voy., iv. 283-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 138-9, 339; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 477; Solis, Hist. Mex. (ed. 1843), 479-81; Russell's Hist. Am., 256; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 364-463; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa i. 45-9; Id., Gob. Mex., i. 22-3; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt. iv. 245-7; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres 117-24.