History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 2

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER II.

PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.

1521-1522.

Centralization and its Effect — A Fallen Athens — Reward of a Traitor — Career of a Precocious Prince — Ixtlilxochitl's Disappointment — Policy toward Native Princes — Tezcuco and Acolhuacan — Tlascala and her Reward — New Conquest Projects — Search for Ammunition — Climbing a Volcano — Descending into the Burning Crater — Casting Cannon — Tochtepec Expedition — A Boaster's Discomfiture — Gold-hunting in Xaltepec — Espíritu Santo Founded — Zapotecapan and Miztecapan — The Mystic Prophet — Orozco Invades Oajaca — Antequera Established — Cociyopu's Dilemma — Alvarado Overruns Tututepec — Segura Founded Anew.

The exaltation of Mexico tended to eclipse the other native towns in the valley even more than her rise under Aztec supremacy. There was no longer a series of capitals, to be sustained by kings and minor lords, all prepared to rival one another in pomp and embellishments. The only capital now was Tenochtitlan, which the Spaniards felt obliged, for the safety and interest of themselves and the crown, to make the main stronghold and point of concentration. The revenues of the native rulers could no longer be employed according to the dictates of their fancy for palaces and similar works, since the greater part passed into the hands of the encomenderos and the treasury officials. New diseases, enslavement, and different methods for employing the natives, all added to the causes for decline among their lately flourishing towns, only too many of which have entirely disappeared from the maps or dwindled to petty hamlets. Mexico also declined, for that matter, in extent and population, according to the admission of the conquerors, and the evidence of ruins.^[1] She was no longer the centre of a vast continental trade, or the residence of a brilliant court, whose despotic sovereign obliged provincial lords to congregate there with vast retinues, and expend their income for the benefit of Aztec jailers. Trade drifted into other channels, and the humbled caciques hid from oppression and indignities in remote villages, where they might still exact a semblance of respect from equally oppressed vassals.

Among the suffering towns, though it dwindled hardly so fast, was Tezcuco, renowned not alone for ancient glories, but for the beauty of its buildings, and for being the chief seat of native learning, the Athens of the continent.^[2] Like savagism, aboriginal civilization declined when brought into contact with foreign culture, whose exponents both despised it and looked upon the embodying records as demoniacal, fit only to be destroyed. As for the population, a large proportion was drafted for the rebuilding of the queen city, particularly of artisans, there to perish or remain. The obsequious Ixthilxochitl was only too eager to anticipate the wishes of the patronizing and grasping Spaniards. He who had not hesitated the sacrifice of his country and religion to personal ambition, as modern Mexicans not unjustly term his Spanish alliance, did not scruple to aid in enslaving his subjects. Resistance on his part would not have saved them; still the role he had voluntarily assumed, and been obliged to sustain, must ever brand his memory in the minds of patriots. The reward for his long devotion was now to come. His brother, King Fernando, died from wounds received during the siege, it seems,^[3] to the deep regret of the Spaniards, to whom he had become endeared by his gentle manners, his fine, fair presence, resembling that of a Castilian rather than of a native American, and by his devotion to their interests. The Tezcucans hastened to elect for successor Ahuaxpitzactzin, afterward baptized as Cárlos, a not fully legitimate son of Nezahualpilli; for the scheming and unpatriotic Ixtlilxochitl does not appear to have been liked in the Acolhua capital, whatever his influence in the northern provinces which he had wrested from the rest. This independent conduct of the electors did not please Cortés, who might have approved their choice if submitted with due humility, and so he persuaded them to reconsider the selection in favor of his well-deserving protégé Ixtlilxochitl, baptized as Fernando Pimentel, though generally referred to under the former name, now the cognomen of his family.^[4]

Although but twenty-one years of age, Ixtlilxochitl could point to a career almost unparalleled for one so young, and one that might, under different circumstances, have placed his name among the most illustrious in Nahua annals. At his birth already astrologers drew strange portents from the stars. The child would in the course of time become the friend of strangers, turn against his own blood, change laws and institutions, and even rise against the gods. He should be killed. "Nay!" replied the king, "have not the gods willed his birth, and this as the time approaches for

the fulfilment of the ancient prophecies?" These referred to the coming of the children of fair Quetzalcoatl from the region of the rising sun.^[5] The boy displayed a remarkable precocity united to a cruel disposition. Out of pure mischief, or because his nurse happened to offend him, he pushed her into a deep well as she bent for water for him, and then attempted to quiet her drowning shrieks by casting stones upon her. When called before the king to answer, he pleaded that the deceased had broken the law which forbade female attendants at the palace to speak with a man. He had merely punished her for the transgression.^[6] This seemed just, and the wondering judge bade him go. At the age of seven he organized a company of boy soldiers, and sent his tutors to collect weapons wherewith to spread terror among the citizens, his plea being that he was training warriors for the commonwealth. Two counsellors objected to these dangerous pranks, and expressed the conviction that such mischievous spirits as the prince and his companions should be killed ere they created more serious trouble. Some of his associates expressing fears for their safety, young Ixtlilxochitl marched to the dwelling of the counsellors and caused them to be strangled. He thereupon presented himself before the king and assumed the responsibility of the deed, which was simply an anticipation of the fate meditated by the counsellors against himself, who had never injured them. Nezahualpilli wished to be just, even if the life of a son depended upon it, but in his admiration for the promising qualities of the boy as a leader and advocate, he could find no reasons for condemning him; nor did any of the ordinary judges venture to raise their voice against the imp. When fourteen years of age he joined in the Tlascala campaign, and three years later his gallant behavior had secured for him the insignia of 'great captain.'

Meanwhile Nezahualpilli had died without naming a successor, and the council, influenced by Montezuma, set aside the claims of an elder brother and declared Cacama king. Actuated both by personal ambition and patriotic resentment against Aztec interference, Ixtlilxochitl denounced the electors as tools of the imperial intriguer. Finding his protests unheeded, he began to interest the interior provinces in his own behalf, by applying patriotic arguments, and in 1517 he descended from Meztitlan with a force estimated at a hundred thousand men. Everything yielded before him, and one of the foremost Aztec generals was defeated and captured. More than one adjoining principality now pronounced in favor of the great captain, while the Aztec monarch neglected to sustain Cacama, under the pressure of troubles in his own provinces, and of ominous incidents supported by the arrival off the eastern coast of mysterious waterhouses with white-bearded occupants — the expeditions of Córdoba and Grijalva. Thus abandoned, Cacama hastened to make terms with his brother, who declared that the campaign was directed wholly against Montezuma, but nevertheless exacted the northern half of the kingdom for himself. The terms may be regarded as moderate on the part of an irresistible general. Ixtlilxochitl must have had strong motives for contenting himself with a half, for he dreamed no longer of regal power alone, but of overthrowing the hated Aztecs, whose strength seemed already waning, and thus achieving immortal renown as the savior of his country, a project which afterward would have expanded into the more ambitious one of founding a new Chichimec empire. The present moderation was intended to extend his influence to the furtherance of these schemes, and to assure them by a more steady growth, unhampered by jealous intrigue. The appearance of the Spaniards, while affording him the much desired assistance, brought him in contact with schemers equally ambitious, but stronger and more subtle. In their hands he became a tool, whose devotion became stamped as obsequiousness, whose patriotic efforts assumed a traitorous guise, and whose grand plans turned into hateful plottings. Bitter irony of fate!^[7]

While investing him with the sovereignty of Acolhuacan, although without the title of king, Cortés also conferred the perpetual grant, for himself and descendants, of three districts, among them Otumba and Tziauhcohuac, each with about thirty-three villages.^[8] This concession served only to open the eyes of Ixtlilxochitl to the intention of Cortés with regard to Tezcuco, whose prince was evidently to bear the name only of ruler. His important services to the Spaniards, which he had estimated as indispensable, were thus to be rewarded: by the shadow of the substantial power which he could so many times have acquired for himself, and worse than this, by the insulting grant of a small portion of what he had all this time enjoyed as his own. And this grant was conferred by men to whom he had dispensed so many favors, in treasures, vassals, and deeds, and whom he had saved from destruction, as he flattered himself, by tendering his alliance when inaction alone would have procured him untold favors from the Aztecs. The thought was humiliating. Forgetting his usual deference, the prince ventured to observe that what had been given was his own, since it had never been taken from him. After the services he had rendered, and the hardship he and his people had undergone for the Spaniards, it was but right that he and his successors should be left in undisturbed possession of the kingdom.^[9] Cortés recognized the justice of the claim, but he remembered Ixtlilxochitl's tardy extension of aid after the flight from Mexico, and was probably fully aware of the motives which prompted his alliance. All this afforded strong reasons for not yielding to the demands of this and other allies. 'To acknowledge every such claim would materially reduce his own credit and the value of the conquest. The native rulers had served his purpose, and being no longer indispensable they must gradually learn to recognize their true position as nothing more than leading personages among the half-civilized race he had conquered. In the present instance he gave no definite answer, and Ixtlilxochitl was left nominally in possession of what he claimed, till circumstances revealed the shadowy nature of his title and possessions.

On returning to his kingdom, after being released from further attendance at Mexico, he availed himself of his position to reward with grants and other honors the most deserving adherents, and others whom policy commended to his notice. He also employed the captive slaves^[10] that had fallen to his share to aid in repairing the damage inflicted on Tezcuco during its recent occupation as Spanish head-quarters, notably the destruction of the royal palace and other edifices by the Tlascaltecs on first entering the city and on passing through it after the fall of Mexico. All these efforts, however, failed to reconcile the inhabitants of the capital and lake districts, whose treatment by the Spaniards had made them more than ever averse to a prince hateful to them from boyhood. The return from captivity of the deposed Cohuanacoch had created a sympathy which soon turned the current of popularity in favor of one who had suffered so much for the national cause. Aware of the feeling with respect to himself, Ixtlilxochitl felt it almost a matter of necessity to leave his brother at Tezcuco in enjoyment of the regal honors accorded him before his very face. He even thought it politic to assign him a certain portion of the revenue. He withdrew to his former northern domains, establishing his capital at Otumba, where a new palace was erected.^[11]

 

Not unlike the rewards of Ixtlilxochitl were those of the Tlascaltecs, to whom the Spaniards owed a vast debt — their lives, and the moral and physical aid which sustained them in adversity, and in the initiatory operations which led to ultimate success. In this act of forging fetters for adjoining peoples, fetters which were also to shackle themselves, they had been impelled not alone by a hatred of the Aztecs, more intense and exalted than that of the Tezcucan prince, but by a friendship based on admiration, and cemented by Cortés' politic favors. At the opening of the Tepeaca campaign they had certainly been led to form great expectations,^[12] and promises flowed freely when they were dismissed to their homes after the fall of Mexico. The first instalment thereof was exemption from the tribute exacted in all other provinces, and from being given in encomiendas;^[13] then came certain titles which sounded so well, but were worth little more than their cost to the crown. Thus their capital was made the seat of the first diocese, honored by the name of Carolense, and their alcalde mayor, elected from among themselves, was permitted to call himself governor.^[14] Huexotzinco shared slightly in these privileges, and the cacique received a coat of arms for assisting the fugitive Spaniards in 1520.^[15] And this was about all. The fault lay greatly with Cortés, who for the sake of his own credit never admitted the real extent of his obligation to these faithful allies.^[16] Their very devotion and prowess were to assist in destroying them, since nearly every expedition in early times for opening new regions, or suppressing revolts, took away a number, of whom many

perished, while others were distributed as settlers to support the Spaniards in controlling different districts. Diseases and other adjuncts of the new civilization made inroads upon them as they did on all the natives, and so they dwindled to a handful, impotent even to raise their voice against the abuses to which unscrupulous officials submitted them.^[17] Their only real friends were the friars, who did what they could to protect their rights, and confirm them in their devout and loyal disposition,

 

While the rebuilding of Mexico served to occupy the more contented spirits who had decided to settle there, supported by the encomiendas granted them in the valley, Cortés found the better remedy for the rest to be expeditions, which would not only advance the common interest, but enable them to achieve their own rewards and at the same time remove turbulent characters to a safe distance. Actual campaigns were little called for, since the mere report of the fall of Mexico sufficed to summon neutral or even hostile caciques to render homage to the victors. Nevertheless it was necessary to actually occupy the surrounding provinces, ascertain their condition and wealth, and, above all, to extort tribute and presents on the strength of the ridiculous requirement issued by the sovereign in the name of the pope, and to be used in demanding submission from the natives.^[18] To this end the tribute-rolls of Montezuma proved of value, by indicating the kind and amount of taxes exacted by the rapacious Aztec collectors., An exhibition of the rolls with the alluring facts was enough to bring forward the needed volunteers for any of the proposed expeditions.

A primary measure, however, was to replenish the ammunition, for hardly any powder remained. In this dilemma Cortés bethought himself of the smoking Popocatepetl, where Ordaz had discovered sulphur in 1519. Encouraged by the fame of his ascent, Francisco Montaño offered himself for the venture.^[19] Four Spaniards and a number of natives accompanied them, and as they approached the volcano their train had swelled to thousands of sight-seers, aglow with excitement at this second storming of the infernal regions, which promised to be far more daring than the first. Many built huts near the foot, there to await the result of the battle. The ascent began about noon, several attendants following with the necessary ropes, bags, and blankets. When night came on they dug a cavity in which to shelter themselves from the piercing cold, but the sulphurous exhalations became so unendurable as to drive them forth. While groping about in the dark, half benumbed, one of the Spaniards fell into a crevice, and but for a friendly icicle he would have been dashed into an abyss several thousand feet below. Finding the locality unsafe they halted until dawn, despite the chilling blast, and then hastened forward. Half an hour later an eruption shook the mountains, and sent them scampering for the friendly shelter of some crags. The shock proved not wholly unwelcome, however, for a heated stone rolled toward them, by which they were enabled to warm their stiffened limbs. Soon afterward one of the men became so exhausted that he had to be left behind to await their return. They were already approaching the goal, when a fresh eruption took place with a shower of stones and ashes that caused them to drop their burdens and rush for shelter.^[20]

After a while they ventured forward again, and reached the summit, and as they gazed apprehensively into the crater, nearly half a league in width, the clearing smoke occasionally disclosed seething masses hundreds of feet below,^[21] while the oppressive fumes sent a shiver almost of horror through their frames, mingled with unspoken regrets for having undertaken the evil adventure. Their reputation was at stake, however, and among the four who had persevered so far, none wished to show cowardice. The difficulty was to descend into the crater to collect the sulphur which was lying there in abundance. At last a spot was found, and lots being drawn, it fell to Montaño to take the initiatory step. With a rope around his waist he descended into the abyss for a distance of several hundred feet,^[22] according to his own statement, with swimming brain, oppressed by deadly fumes, and in danger from eruptive substances. It seemed indeed a slender support and one which at any moment might part and abandon him to the glowing fire beneath. After delivering a bagful of brimstone seven times, he was relieved by one of his companions, who made six trips,^[23] increasing the output to three hundred pounds. This was deemed sufficient; and eager to escape from their threatening position, they began the return journey, which proved not a little difficult, burdened as they were. At times they were threading a deep crevice, at times sliding down a snow-covered surface, stumbling against some sharp projection, or sinking into a treacherous aperture. The abandoned comrade was picked up, though he could render no aid in conveying the burden. As they approached the camp at the foot the natives came forth with enthusiastic cheers to bear the doughty adventurers on their shoulders. Their journey to Coyuhuacan was a triumphal march, and Cortés himself came to welcome them with an embrace, wreathed in abundant promises. Montaño was too humble an individual, however, to receive the same attention as Ordaz, who used his less valuable performance, magnified by influence and position, to obtain a coat of arms and grants. An encomienda, scanty even for his ordinary services as participant in the conquest, and a brief term of office as corregidor, was all that his repeated appeals could secure.^[24] The sulphur proved most acceptable, but no attempts were made to obtain more from the volcano, because of the danger.^[25]

 

Another want was cannon, both for expeditions and for the different strongholds to be established in their wake. Iron was unknown to the natives, but copper could be obtained in abundance, and an alloy was alone needed to produce a serviceable metal. The rich possessed a little tin in the shape of dishes, estimated indeed equal to silver,^[26] and small pieces circulated as money. By following this clew it was found that at Taxco, some distance south-west of Quauhnahuac, mines of this metal existed. Use was at once made of the discovery, which led also to finding rich silver and iron deposits. Casting at once began under the direction of an experienced gunner, and with the artillery already on hand, they had soon a hundred cannon.^[27]

During the general uprising that followed the expulsion of Spaniards from Mexico in the previous year, some fourscore adventurers had been surprised and slaughtered in Tochtepec,^[28] a mountainous region on the upper waters of Rio Papaloapan. No measures being taken to chastise the perpetrators of the deed, the inhabitants grew confident in their strongholds. After the fall of Mexico a number of Aztec fugitives sought refuge there to keep alive the spirit of freedom. With no lack of men at his command, Cortés now resolved to uproot this hot-bed of sedition, located as it was in a country reputed rich in gold. A force of thirty-five horse, two hundred foot, and some thirty thousand allies, was accordingly despatched at the end of October 1521, under Sandoval, attended by Captain Luis Marin and others, with orders to reduce the whole region, and secure possession by founding the necessary colonies.^[29] The first demand for submission by so formidable an army, flushed with recent victories, brought forth the natives in humble supplication. All that remained to be done was to pursue the hostile refugees and chief who had led in the slaughter of the Spaniards, and who had fled on finding the people intimidated. They were soon brought in, and the leading cacique was summarily burned in the main square of Tochtepec as a warning to his assembled vassals. The rest were pardoned after a salutary suspense.

While examining the mineral resources of the new conquest, Sandoval despatched Captain Briones with a hundred infantry and some allies to subdue Tiltepec and other towns in the adjoining Zapotec territory. Briones was a voluble fellow, as we have seen, lately

Mitztecapan and Goazacoalco.

commander of one of the lake brigantines, who had made a good impression on the officers by a boastful exhibition of scars from the wars in Italy.^[30] The Zapotecs were made of sterner stuff than the Tochtepecans, inured as they were to danger among their rugged cliffs, and reliant on their formidable pikes and stout cotton armor; and when Briones approached with easy confidence, they fell upon him in a narrow pass with a fury that compelled him to retreat, with one third of his force wounded,^[31] including himself. Sandoval was not a little disgusted on learning the miserable failure of the boaster, and asked him ironically how he used to fight in Italy. ^[32]

Briones swore that he would sooner meet large armies of Moors than the Zapotecs, who seemed to spring from the very ground in ever-increasing numbers. It would not answer to let the repulse go unavenged, and Sandoval hurried with nearly all the force to restore the Spanish prestige. The previous struggle had been sufficiently obstinate to cause the enemy to hesitate, and the cacique of Tiltepec threw open his gates, which example was followed by the Xaltepecs.

The latter district bordered on that of the warlike Mijes, who were constantly making raids on their territory, and it was chiefly with a view to obtain protection that envoys came with humble mien, though attired in beautiful embroidered robes, to tender submission, and to soften the hearts of the conquerors with presents. Among the gifts were ten tubes filled with gold-dust, which at once aroused an interest in their affairs. While unwilling to give them the soldiers with whom they hoped to terrify their foe, a small party was sent to examine the mines under the pretence of reconnoitring for a speedy descent on the Mijes. So good were the reports that Sandoval immediately secured for himself a town near the mines, from which he obtained a large sum in gold. The other towns and tracts of the conquest were distributed among the members of the expedition,^[33] and to assure control he founded a villa which was named Medellin, in honor of the birthplace of himself and Cortés.^[34]

From this point the army proceeded southward to the Goazacoalco country, whose advantages with its port and its fertility had been demonstrated by special expeditions during the time of Montezuma. On reaching the Goazacoalco, Sandoval summoned to hin the leading caciques. Several days passed without an answer, and preparations were made for warlike measures. Guided by certain natives, he one night fell upon a town and captured a female chief of great influence. This stroke proved effective, and the rest of the country submitted, with offers of rich presents.^[35] In accordance with the instructions received, a town was now founded on the southern bank of the river, four leagues from the mouth, and named Espiritu Santo, from the day on which they had crossed the stream and received the allegiance of the people.^[36] The prospects of the town as the future entrepôt for trade between New Spain and the Islands and home country, as well as the resources of the district, gave it a strong attraction, and a number of both leaders and soldiers offered to settle, notably Luis Marin, Francisco de Medina, who afterward met so terrible a fate, Diego de Godoy, to whom, instead of Marin, historians have wrongly given the credit of conquering Chiapas, and Francisco de Lugo. Sandoval, Grado, Briones, Bernal Diaz, and others, also took up either residence or grants here, the latter extending from the Zapotec country to the sea, and from the southern limits of Medellin district into Tabasco.^[37]

Hardly had the repartition been made before Sandoval was called away, and when the settlers began to levy tribute, nearly all the districts revolted, several settlers being killed. They were pacified after considerable trouble, only to rise again at intervals in different quarters.^[38] More settlers came, however, and with fertile and populous grants they prospered so well that the towns to the north grew jealous and obtained a curtailment of the district; later settlements in Tabasco, Chiapas, and Oajaca, laid claim to other portions, and Espiritu Santo soon dwindled.^[39]

 

At the time that Sandoval set forth on the Goazacoaleo campaign, another expedition was despatched against Zapotecapan and Miztecapan, a region alternating in fertile valleys and rugged mountains, and covering the modern state of Oajaca; the former lying to the east, round the sources of Goazacoalco, and stretching to Tehuantepec; the latter divided into upper and lower Miztecapan, covering respectively the lofty Cohuaixtlahuacan and the sea-bathed Tututepec. Although distinct in language from the inhabitants of Anáhuac, the people possessed the culture of the Nahuas, and have been hastily classed as an offshoot of this great race, descended according to one tradition from the mighty Quetzal coatl, since in Miztecapan, the 'region of clouds,' lay Tlalocan, the terrestrial paradise. Another account traces to the Apoala Mountains the source of Toltec culture. The more favored province of the mystic prophet was Zapotecapan, where he left tokens of his presence on Mount Cempoaltepec, and on the enchanted island of Monapostiac, and where his disciples founded the sacred city of Mitla, revered even now in its grand ruins. Miztecapan claimed a founder hardly less illustrious in the person of a dryad-sprung youth, who, challenging the sun, compelled him, after a day's hard combat, to retreat in confusion beneath the western waters, while he remained triumphant on the field of clouds. The earlier glimpses reveal two hierarchic powers in the provinces, seated respectively at Achiuhtla and Mitla, out of which emerge in the clearer history of the fourteenth century three kingdoms, one centred at Teotzapotlan, and equalling in power and extent the two Mistec monarchies of Tilantongo and Tututepec. Attracted by the wealth of the latter, which stretched for sixty leagues along the shores of the southern sea, and encouraged by jealousies between the three powers, the Aztecs absorbed in the following century the more accessible districts, and entered soon after into sacred Mitla itself, while in 1506 Montezuma's armies added the last free state of Tilantongo to his domains.^[40]

Attracted by the golden sands of the rivers, Spanish explorers had early entered the province, and met with a friendly reception, Cohuaixtlahuacan among others sending submissive embassies to the chief of the strangers. Subsequent reverses at Mexico, however, changed their minds: the old love for liberty revived, and after killing isolated parties,^[41] the hardy mountaineers began to harass even the provinces reconquered by Spaniards. The sufferers appealed to Orozco, the lieutenant at Segura, and with a score or two of soldiers he sought to repel the invaders. His force was wholly inadequate, and the mountaineers grew bolder. The fall of Mexico accomplished, Cortes was able to give attention to the subject, and since the conquest of the region was a needful preliminary to an advance southward, he reënforced Orozco with a dozen cavalry, fourscore infantry, and a large number of experienced allies.^[42]

Observing the strength of the army, the Miztecs, against whom the campaign was directed, retired from their several rocky strongholds, and concentrated at Itzquintepec, the strongest of them all, some six leagues from the present Oajaca. Protected by heavy stone walls, fully two miles in circumference, they held forth defiantly for several days, repelling every attack. Water began to fail, however, and under promise of good treatment they surrendered.^[43] This, together with the successful operations of a detachment under Juan Nuñez de Mercado,^[44] completed the subjugation of the province. The lieutenant sent so glowing a report of the fertility and the products, including go!d, that Cortés was induced to reserve for himself quite a large tract, while a number of conquerors sought minor encomiendas,^[45] and took up their residence in Antequera, a town founded not long after, close to Oajaca.^[46]

 

To Oajaca, as part of the Zapotec possessions, belonged the coast city of Tehuantepec, for a period the seat of its kings, and at this time the capital of a branch kingdom, recently bestowed upon Cociyopu, the son of the valiant Cociyoeza and the Aztec princess Pelaxilla.^[47] Singular omens attended his birth, wherein soothsayers could see naught but disaster. On the coming of the Spaniards, these omens were connected with the ancient prophecies of conquest by a white race, and when the fall of Mexico brought confirmation of the wide-spread fear, Cociyopu besought the oracles for guidance, and was directed to conciliate the mighty strangers with voluntary submission and rich presents.^[48]

The ready submission of Tehuantepec was not a little aggravating to Tututepec, a rich province which extended beyond it, northward for some sixty leagues along the Pacific.^[49] The two had frequently been at variance, and the least pretext sufficed to kindle anew the strife. The lord of Tututepec had no desire to surrender his wealth to rapacious invaders, and since spoliation was the order, he resolved to seek at least a share of his neighbor's choice belongings before Spaniards came to seize them all. The adjoining mountaineers of the Oajaca ranges were readily induced to join in so tempting an adventure, and together they pounced upon their neighbor, who slowly fell back to protect his capital until an appeal to Cortés should bring him aid. The appeal came most opportunely, and early in 1522^[50] Alvarado hastened to the coast with two hundred infantry, two score cavalry, and a large force of auxiliaries.^[51]

The intermediate districts were quickly overawed, and within a few weeks he stood before Tututepec,^[52] after having subdued some towns on his way. This prompt and irresistible progress disconcerted every plan of the pugnacious lord, and with great humility he led his nobles forth to welcome the Spaniards, conducting them amid protestations of friendship to the fine buildings round the central square. The space here afforded for movements was rather narrow, and the roofs were heavily covered with inflammable leaves, altogether dangerous in case of a concerted attack from the densely inhabited houses around. It was also hinted that the lord had formed a plot to surprise them with torch and sword.^[53] On the plea that the horses required different accommodation, the army thereupon moved to the outskirts of the town, accompanied by the lord and his son, who were detained as prisoners to answer the charge of plotting the destruction of his visitors. After vainly protesting against the accusation as invented by enemies, they sought to appease their captor with rich presents. The sight of gold only inflamed the appetite of Alvarado, and he began to press his prisoners for more, demanding among other things a pair of stirrups to be made of pure gold. This extortion, together with the terrors of his unjust imprisonment, so preyed upon the lord that he died soon after.^[54]

Much of the gold was in dust and grains, giving evidence of rich mines; and informed of this, Cortés ordered a settlement to be formed, or rather the removal there, with a part of its settlers, of Segura de la Frontera, established during the opening campaign against Mexico to secure the Tepeaca frontier, but no longer needed, since Mexico was henceforth to form the dominating stronghold of the country.^[55] The apparent wealth of the country caused a ready enlistment of additional settlers, among whom the country was divided in repartimientos as usual, Alvarado being appointed chief encomendero and lieutenant for his chief.^[56] The appointment, issued at his own request, under the alluring influence of the mines, was obtained at Mexico, whither he hastened with all the treasures so far extorted, leaving to the clamoring soldiers the flimsy excuse that Cortés had written for the gold to send as a present to the emperor. This was the more exasperating since the repartimientos proved far from equal to the expectations formed, while the climate was hot and most unhealthy. So strong became the feeling that even before Alvarado's departure to Mexico a conspiracy was formed to kill him. Olmedo learned the particulars, and the plotters were arrested, two of them being hanged. After Alvarado had gone, the settlers elected alcaldes and other officers of their own, and thereupon removed the town to Oajaca, regardless of the protestations of the captain in charge. Informed of the proceeding, Cortés sent Alcalde Mayor Diego de Ocampo to arraign the offenders, who thereupon took to flight. The principal men were arrested, however, notably Badajoz and Juan Nuñez de Sedeño, and sentenced to death, a penalty commuted by Cortés to banishment.^[57]

In addition to this trouble, the natives took advantage of the removal of the town to revolt against their extortionate masters, and Alvarado had to lead another expedition against them. They were readily subdued, however,^[58] and severely chastised for the murders committed, whereupon the son of the deceased lord was installed as ruler. Although the repartimientos were confirmed, Segura was not reëstablished; nor did it prove necessary, for the natives never attempted another uprising.

 

 

1. See Hist. Mex., i. 276, this series.
2. See description in Hist. Mex., i. 425-7, this series. Within a few years the population is said to have dwindled to one third, and 60 years later to one ninth. The Spanish population in 1858 numbered 100 (families) only. Ponce, Rel., in Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii. 111.
3. 'Después que se tomó la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, estando en esta de Cuyoacan, faleció don Fernando.' Cortés, Cartas, 270. This passage has evidently escaped both Prescott, Mex., iii. 46, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 465, who, following a confused statement in Ixtlilxochitl, place this rather prominent event before the beginning of the actual siege.
4. See Hist. Mex., i. 572, this series, wherein is explained the confusion of the other writers on this point, some misled by the careless wording in Cortés, Cartas, 270, which appears to give him the name of Cárlos. The name Fernando is, however, too clearly fixed by the family records and archives used by Ixtlilxochitl. See Hor. Crueldades, 13, 74, and Relaciones, 390, 410, 414, 433-4, and above note on p. 572. Gomara and Herrera confirm the error by copying Cortés. Duran, like many another, overlooks the intermediate kings since Cohuanacoch's time. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 493. Cavo assumes with much probability that the appointee offered the inducement of sending large forces to aid in rebuilding Mexico. Tres Siglos, i. 15, 16. García de Pilar asserts that the appointment was procured by heavy bribes to Cortés, some 80,000 pesos, besides other presents, Ixtlilxochitl selling his subjects both to slave-dealers and butcher-stalls to obtain the money. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 218-19.
5. See Hist. Mex., vol. i. chap. vii., for a full account of the myths and omens.
6. He was then but three years old, says Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., 275-6. Certainly a remarkable child.
7. Otumba con treinta y tres pueblos, Itziuhcohuac con otros tantos, que cae dcia la parte de Paénuco, y Cholula con ciertos pueblos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 61.
8. 8
9. In the version of Ixtlilxochitl's Relacion, 429, etc., published by Bustemante under the title of Horribles Crueldades, 60-1, the editor has misunderstood the meaning of the text, and ventured to substitute Cortés where it should read Ixtlilxochitl, thus changing the sense.
10. Two thousand in number, says Ixtlilxochitl.
11. According to Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 61, he agreed with Cohuanacoch, out of brotherly love it seems, to divide the kingdom with him; the brother to rule as king at Tezcuco, and control Chalco, Quauhnahuac, Itzucun, Tlahuac, and other provinces as far as the South Sea, while Ixtlilxochitl retained the northern provinces, and those extending toward the North Sea. This assumed division is based on the former limits of the Chichimec empire. It is not likely that a Tezcucan monarch received even nominal honors in half the provinces named. See Native Races, v. 395-6, for boundaries assigned by the terms of the tripartite alliance in 1431, which had become practically obsolete before the Spaniards arrived. Ixtlilxochitl seeks to magnify the power of his ancestry to promote his claims. He allows his namesake to take possession of the northern kingdom on March 19, 1523, and to build palaces also at Teotihuacan and at Tecpitpac, a site given him by his father. Hor. Crueldades, 53. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 563-4, assumes that while Cohuanacoch received the tribute and nominal sovereignty of all the kingdom, the brother controlled the general administration and the armies, to prevent any revolt.
12. By a craftily worded document issued to them by Cortés, wherein flowing words fed their hopes without committing himself. The only substantial promise recorded, aside from the share in booty, appears to have been the conservation to them of lands and local government. Several modern writers harp on the contract made with them, but their only authority is Camargo, who is doubtful. See Hist. Mex., i. 525, this series.
13. Even to the crown. This exemption was confirmed through Cortés when in Spain, so that grasping officials might not prevent it. By decree of 1535 the province was as a special mark of favor declared an inalienable part of the crown of Castile. Órdenes de la Corona, ii. 4. 'Porque parezca que tienen alguna mas libertad,' is Cortés' significant allusion to the flimsiness of the favors. Cartas, 332.
14. Diego Maxixcatzin was governor in 1534. Motolinia describes fully the elaborate festivities in 1538, when the new arms of the city were first displayed. Hist. Ind., 81. The laws in Recop. de Indias, ii. 199-200, confirm to them certain customs, exempt them from the obligation to serve beyond their province, and from monopolies in wines and meats, which must be let at public auction as in Spain. The viceroy is enjoined to honor them and their towns in every way, and they are further given the touching privilege of freely making representations and complaints — the royal waste-basket was capacious enough.
15. The cédula, dated 1534, calls him Aquiahuateuliti, baptized as Francisco de Sandoval y Moreno. Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 73-5. They were for a time given in encomienda to Cortésians. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii, tom. v. 187. Father Juarez obtained their incorporation under the crown. Herrera, dec. ti. lib. x. cap. vii.
16. This is intimated in the opening cédula concerning them, Id., 199, wherein their prompt submission to church and king is dicated as their chief merit. In another cédula, however, they are commended for 'services rendered during the pacification of the country.'
17. The king found it necessary, at the instance of the friars, to repeat more than once the order against their compulsory service beyond the limits of their province. 'Tambien los hizo esclavos; digna recompensa por cierto de unos hombres viles, verdugos de su misma pátria,' is the patriotic outburst against them by Bustamante. Abispa de Chilpancingo, 59. See also his Necesidad, in Pap. Var., xlvi. MS., 8, and his Tracts, 41-2. He overlooks that they acted with a motive which to them was pure. They were made tools by a superior mind. By a viceregal decree issued at their request in December 1537, no slaves were allowed. within their territory. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 202.
18. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 397-9, this series.
19. Francisco Mesa, an artillerist, is named as one of the companions, and Juan de Larios appears to have been another. In the petition of Montaño's heirs the event is placed during the siege, and Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 251-2, dates it while Cortés was at Segura; but both are too early. In his relation of May 1522, Cortés states that he sent the men from Coyuhuacan, so that it must have been shortly after the siege, while preparing new expeditions.
20. Cortés, Cartas, 270. Herrera ignores this allusion to a flight and reascent, and states that the party reached the summit at 10 a.m. dec. iii. lib. iil. cap. it.
21. Q estaua ardiendo a manera de fuego natural, cosa bie espantosa de ver.' Id. 'Tan gran hondura, que no pudieron ver el cabo.' Cortés, Cartas, 270.
22. 'Setenta ó ochenta brazas.' Id., 312. Herrera makes it only 14.
23. So runs the statement in Herrera; and Cortés also writes that the men were 'lowered' 70 fathoms into the crater; but it is more probable that their colored story reduces itself to a mere descent along the incline of a crevice. Juan de Larios is said to have made the last descents.
24. The encomienda comprised half the village of Zapotitlan, altogether insufficient for the maintenance of his large family of 10 sons and 7 daughters. His appeals produced an order to the viceroy, years later, to reward him, and he received the office of corregidor of Tonalá in Miztecapan, with a salary of 200 pesos. His term expired after 2 years, and, although his residencia proved good, no other office was given. He now fell into want, and had to mortgage his house. His appeals appear to have received little attention, for his descendants continued to clamor as late as 1593. A son-in-law then obtained an allowance of 200 pesos, which was exchanged for better rewards. Montaño, Peticion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 480-3; Alaman, Disert., 1. app. 148-54.
25. 'Que nos provean de España, y V. M. ha sido servido que no haya ya obispo que nos lo impida.' Cortés, Cartas, 312. Good saltpetre had already been found. For later ascents, see vol. i. 257, this series.
26. 'Compro los platos dello a pesos de plata.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 237. Sea Native Races, 11. 382, 473.
27. Thirty of these were brass, the rest iron, and they had been obtained chiefly from Narvaez, Ponce de Leon, and others. 'De falconete arriba, treinta y cinco piezas, y de hierro, entre lombaras y pasavolantes y versos y otras maneras de tiros de hierro colado, hasta setenta piezas.' The casting began early in the autumn of 1524. In his letter of October 15th, he writes that five guns had so far been cast. Cartas, 312. Oviedo, iii. 465, differs in the number. The casting of guns was produced by his many jealous accusers as a proof of rebellious projects, several of the pieces being declared suspiciously different from those needed for Indian fighting. Cortés, Residencia, i. 64, 236-7. He was driven to the measure by Fonseca's prohibition against allowing war material to reach New Spain. Cortés, Cartas, 311.
28. Also called Totepec, preserved in the present Tuxtepec. Mercator, 1569, has Tochtepec town; on map of 1574, Costota lies north of it; West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, Tochtepec; Kiepert, Tustepec. Cartog. Pete. Coast, MS., i. 510. The massacre has been described in Hist. Mex., i. 511.
29. Cortés names the provinces Tatactetelco, Tuxtepeque, Guatuxco, Aulicaba. Guatuxco was the first entered. Cartas, 260.
30. 'La jactancia suele vivir muy cerca de la cobardía,' hints Salazar, somewhat unjustly. Hist. Conq., 83. He figures even more prominently in Honduras. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 525 et seq.
31. One died of wounds, and several were carried off soon after by disease. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 165.
32. 32 'Parece le señor Capitan, que son estas tierras otras que las donde anduuo militando?' Id.
33. Sandoval took Guazpaltepec, which yielded 15,000 pesos de oro from the mines; Marin received Xaltepec, 'quite a dukedom;' Ojedas received Tiltepec, while Bernal Diaz writes that he refused to his later regret Matlatlan and Orizaba. Hist. Verdad., 163-6.
34. 'Veinte leguas la tierra adentro, en la provincia de Tatalptetelco.' Cortés, Cartas, 313. 'The founding and the installation of the municipality were hastened by the arrival of Cristóbal de Tapia, who intended to supersede Cortés as governor, as will be told elsewhere. It was soon after moved near to Vera Cruz.
35. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi. The people came with a large number of canoes to ferry the army across, Cacique Tochel remaining as hostage. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 166. They paid two years' arrears of taxes, says Ixtlilxochitl Hor. Crueldades, 57. Cortés writes 1520, Rio de Totuqualquo; Orontius, 1531, R. de qualq°; Colon, 1527, R° de gasacalcos; Ribero, 1529, R. de guasacalco; Munich Atlas, x. 1571, R° de quaqaqa; Hood, 1592, R. de Guaca; Ogilby, 1671, R. de Guazacoalco; Dampier, 1699, R. Guazacoalco or Guashigwalp; Laet, 1633, R. Guazacoalco; Jefferys, 1776, R. Guazacalco, with the town of Cayhoca. Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 359.
36. And because on the former anniversary Narvaez had been defeated, adds Bernal Diaz.
37. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 165-7, names a number of the settlers, several of whom did not remain as residents; he also gives the native names of provinces, as Copilco, Cimatan, Tauasco, Cachula, Zoqueschas, Tacheapac, Cinacantan, Quilenes, Papanachasta, Citla, Chontalpa, Pinula, Chinanta, Xaltepec, Tepeca. Cortés names Chimaclan, Quizaltepec, Cimaclan, and others. Cartas, 261.
38. Bernal Diaz relates his narrow escape from death during a parley with rebels, Two of his companions were killed in a sudden attack, and he was wounded in the throat. After hiding a while he was aided by his sole surviving comrade to escape. Hist. Verdad., 177.
39. At the present day the district has revived, the population centring in Minatitlan, on the northern bank of the river, and about 20 miles from the mouth. Alvarado sought in 1535 to have the port annexed to Guatemala, as a base for supplies. Cartas, MS., xix. 35-6; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi.
40. The main authorities for these myths and events, fully given in Native Races, ii iii. v., are Búrgoa, Geog. Descrip., Oajaca, pts. i. ii.; Motolinia, Hist. Ind.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. lib. x. et seq.; Garcia, Origen delos Ind., 327-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., i.-iii.; Torquemada, and others. Laet, 1633, writes Zapotecas; Ogilby, 1671, has Zapotitlan and Zapotecas, on page and map respectively; Mercator has Zepotecas east of Michoacan; Jefferys, Zapotecas, S. Ildefonso de los Zapotecas; Kiepert, Lapotlan. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 464.
41. A number were driven into a yard and prodded to death with long poles. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi.
42. Cortés, Cartas, 261. Herrera increases the cavalry to 30, and assumes that Alvarado took command, as does Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 150-1. The force left in October 1521, in company with Sandoval, who turned south-eastward at Tepeaca, or Segura.
43. After 8 days it seems. Herrera assumes that Mexican garrisons were the main cause of the resistance, and that they yielded only after receiving an answer from Cortés to their demands. Duran confounds the operations with those of Cortés during his march to Quauhnahuac in the previous spring. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 518-19. Ixtlilxcochitl alludes to three hard battles. Hor. Crueldades, 57; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 84.
44. Involving the capture of Tecomovaca, says Herrera. So much prominence has been given to Mercado's operations as to lead several writers to attribute to him the subjugation of Oajaca. Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 245; Villa Señor, Theatro, ii. 112; Alcedo, Dicc.; and Ternaux-Compans, Voy., ser. i. tom. x. 287.
45. Tetellan and Hucyapan being given to a woman who accompanied the expedition, and fought bravely, says Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 519-20. Orozco remained in charge till the spring of 1522, when he was recalled to Segura, his command being surrendered to Alvarado. Cortés, Cartas, 267; Oviedo, iii. 426-7, 433-4.
46. Mercator, 1574, has Guaxaca, too far north-west; Ogilby, 1671, has Guaxaca near Antequera city, also Nixapa; Laet, 1633, is similar, Nixapa being south-west of the former; Jefferys, Guaxaca or Antiquera. Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 360. 'De la lengua Mexicana, y puesto por un Arbol crecido de una fruta de mal olor, llamado Guaxe.' Búrgoa, Geog. Descrip., i. 5. The fruit grows freely on the Chapultepec range above the town. Founded by Nuñez del Mercedo, Sedeño, Badajoz, and others. Alcedo, i. 116; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 245, In Carta del Ayunt. de Antequera, 1531, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 182, Sedeño signs as if he were alcalde. The founding appears to have been a measure effected in 1528 by the hostile oidores, to encroach on Cortés' estates, Id., xii. 545. Salmeron recommended its removal in 1531. Id., xiii. 203. During the conquest of Tututepec in 1521-2, the town of Segura there founded by Alvarado was removed to Oajaca by Badajoz and other tumultuous settlers, thus reorganizing a settlement already formed at Oajaca, though not approved by Cortés, because he desired this district for himself. This second settlement appears also to have been disallowed by Cortés. See Cortés, Residencia, ii. 157, 256; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219.
47. For a history of the kingdom, its inhabitants, and its vicissitudes, see Native Races, v. 425, 430-7, 534-5. In the Munich Atlas, vi., 1532-40, is written la comisco and Tequante paque; Ramusio, 1565, Tecoantepech; Mercator, 1574, Tecoantepec, as province, town, and gulf; Ogilby, 1671, has R. Quizatian and R. Cotalte, in this locality; Dampier, 1699, Tecoantepec; Laet, 1633, Tecoantepeque; Jefferys, Bay of Tecoantepec, Bar of Tecoatepec, Tecoautepec province. Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 340-1.
48. 'Casi al fin deste mismo año.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2, meaning 1522, which should read 1521. Cortés, Cartas, 262; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159, 167. One version assumes that the king's father, who ruled Zapotecapan, advised the submission. Cociyopu afterwards accepted baptism as Juan Cortés de Montezuma and proved a generous patron.
49. Búrgoa, Geog. Descrip., ii. pt. i. 181. On Munich Atlas, vi., 3552-40, Tutalipeg; Ogilby, 1671, Tututepec; Laet, 1633, Tututepeque; Jefferys, Tutepec; Kiepert, Tututepec, near R. Atoyac.
50. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219, followed by Galvano and others, says 1523; but he is confused. Cortés states that he left Mexico in January.
51. From Mexico he took 120 foot and 30 horse, which were reënforced by a part of the Oajaca expedition. Cortés, Cartas, 267. Bernal Diaz places the force at 200, including 35 horse; Gomara increases it to 200 foot and 40 horse, with 2 guns.
52. It has been said that the ruler of Tehuantepec was on this occasion baptized, but this seems to rest on the mere statement of Bernal Diaz., Hist. Verdad., 167, that Olmedo accompanied the expedition. Both circumstances belong to the later movement against Guatemala.
53. Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo prevailed on Alvarado to leave so dangerous a quarter. Afterward the natives of Tehuantepec revealed the plot.
54. Dixeron que por sacalle mucho oro, e sin justicia, murio en las prisiones.' Alvarado obtained 30,000 pesos from him. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108, Cortés admits the gift of 25,000 castellanos. Cartas, 268.
55. Cortés intimates that all settlers of Segura were removed with it. Id., 276-7. Remesal applies the name anew with the reasons given for the original settlement. Hist. Chyapa, 2.
56. By a grant dated August 24, 1502, Alvarado received in repartimiento Tututepec, with six towns subject to it, besides Jalapa, See document in Ramirez, Proceso, 177.
57. Even this appears to have been set aside by the emperor. See testimony of Ocampo and others in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 256, etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. Ocampo was the first to open the sea route to Peru. Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp.
58. A number being blown from the mouth of cannon. Ramirez, Proceso, 15.