History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 3

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER III.

RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.

1521-1524.

King Zwanga's Warning — First Entry into Michoacan — Montaño's Visit to the Court of Tangaxoan — A Narrow Escape — Tarascan Envoys — Olid Invades Michoacan — Outrages at Tangimaroa and Tzintzuntzan — Colonization Attempted — Visions of the South Sea — Ship-building at Zacatula — The Route to the Spice Islands — Álvarez' Mishap in Colima — Olid Avenges Him — Chimalhuacan Region — Isle of the Amazons — Cortés Hastens to Appropriate a Rich Field — The Queen of Jalisco — Tradition of a Shipwrecked Cross.

It has already been told how the Aztecs in their sore distress appealed for aid to King Zwanga of Michoacan, representing to him the danger of letting ruthless strangers obtain a foothold in the country. Brief as had been their stay, they had revealed their avowed intentions by rapacious extortion and enslavement, by overthrowing the cherished religion of their forefathers, and by slaughtering those who attempted to defend their homes and institutions, going even so far as to shackle the sacred person of the emperor, and finally to murder him. Zwanga was naturally roused, especially at the probable fate awaiting himself, and he hastened to send envoys to Mexico to gain further information and advice before he should trust himself to a people who had ever been hostile to his race, or should venture to face the wrath of the children of the sun. He resolved, nevertheless, to arm for any emergency, and quickly a hundred thousand men stood prepared, to join, perhaps, in an overwhelming avalanche that should sweep the Spaniards from the face of Anáhuac. At this juncture the spirit of his dead sister is said to have appeared and warned hin against resisting the God-sent strangers, pointing in support of her words to a bright figure in the sky, representing a young Castilian soldier with drawn sword. Several other omens were observed, sufficiently portentous to prevail on the council to join the king in rejecting the Aztec alliance.^[1]

Whether this persuasion availed or not, certain it is that another was at hand which could hardly have been disregarded. When Zwanga's envoys reached Mexico they found it stricken desolate under the ravages of the small-pox, which had carried off the emperor himself. Unable to achieve anything, they hastened back in fear, only to bring with them the germ of the terrible scourge from which they were flying; and desolation found another field. Among the vast number of dead was Zwanga. The sceptre was seized by his eldest son Tangaxoan II., whose vacillating character was wholly unfit to cope with the exigencies of so critical a period. His first act, the assassination of his brothers on a flimsy charge of conspiracy, in order to secure the throne, served but to bring odium upon himself and defeat the proposed object by sowing the seeds of disloyalty.^[2] Again came envoys from Mexico to urge alliance, but before the king could recover from the pressure of other affairs, or bring his mind to a determination, the crushing intelligence of the fall of Mexico solved all doubt.

Among the men sent forth by Cortés to gather information about the countries adjoining his conquest, and to open the path for invasion, was a soldier named Parrillas, a good talker, and full of fun, who had become a favorite among the natives, and was rapidly acquiring their language. Accompanied by some of them, for the purpose of foraging, he had entered Matlaltzinco, a province lying north-west of the lakes. He was induced to go farther, however, and reached the border of Michoacan, where the natives gathered in crowds to gaze upon the pale-faced hero who had achieved such wonders in Mexico.^[3] His stories, magnified by the interpreters, increased their astonishment, and on his return two Tarascans accompanied him to feast their eyes on Spanish greatness, and to substantiate the accounts of the wealth of Michoacan with specimens of precious metal. Cortés was delighted, and sought to impress them with parades and sham fights, wherein horse and cannon played an imposing role, and with other evidences of his irresistible power.

Cortés wished to know more about their country, and on going they were followed by Montaño, the volcano explorer, with three comrades, a number of Mexican and Tlascaltec nobles, and interpreters. He carried a number of gewgaws for presents, and was instructed to make his way to the presence of the king, and carefully observe the political and economical features. Impressed by the report of the two Tarascans, the governor of the frontier fortress of Tangimaroa came forth with a large retinue to welcome the embassy,^[4] on its way to Tzintzuntzan, the capital. All along the route natives thronged to behold the strangers, who were everywhere treated with distinction. On approaching the capital they were met by an immense procession, headed by several hundred leading nobles, and by them conducted, after the usual tender of flowers and speeches, to large and strangely built quarters, where a banquet was served amid great clash of instruments. The king, who had looked on for a moment, came soon after, and, waving

Expedition of Montaño

them back, demanded with a stern voice who they were, and what they sought.^[5] Though startled at first by this change of tone, Montaño recovered himself, and proceeded to dilate on the peaceful mission of his countrymen, their power, and the advantages to accrue to Michoacan from intercourse with them. The Mexicans were destroyed because of their treachery. None could withstand the Spaniards, aided as they were by their God. To this the Mexican nobles with him could bear witness. The king seemed impressed, no less by the words than by the fearless attitude which the Spaniards had made an effort to maintain, and he retired with softened mien.

The envoys found themselves closely watched, and restricted by the guard to certain narrow limits within the quarter. For eighteen days no notice appeared to be taken of them by the king or courtiers, who were all this time occupied in celebrating a religious festival. Referring to their own customs, the Mexicans expressed the fear that at the close of it all the party would be sacrificed to the idols, and this was confirmed by more than one hint. On the last day four of the Mexican nobles were summoned to the presence of the king, and suspecting that he was in doubt about the course to pursue, and wished to sound these men, Montaño sent the most intelligent, and impressed upon them the necessity, for their own safety, to dwell on the invincible prowess of the Spaniards; their generosity to friends, and the terrible retaliation that would be exacted if any harm came to the envoys, though even the four soldiers of their party sufficed to brave a whole army, controlling as they did the lightning itself. So well did the nobles act their part that the court was thoroughly awed, and after being entertained with the honor due their rank, they returned and reassured their comrades. The leader of the council^[6] had not failed to represent it a dishonor to kill an envoy who had come on a peaceful mission, and it certainly might prove most dangerous. The consequence was that the king appeared soon after before the Spaniards with a large retinue, all adorned with flowers, yet armed and gesticulating as if about to charge the envoy. A large quantity of game food was brought, and thereupon the monarch addressed the Spaniards. He apologized for detaining them so long, and pleaded the exigencies of the festival. Since it would be unsafe for them to advance farther into the interior, they should return to their leader with the offer of his allegiance, which he would soon present in person.

The following day twenty carriers appeared with parting gifts of curiously wrought stools, embroidered fabrics and robes, and gold and silver ware. The latter, valued at a hundred thousand castellanos,^[7] was placed in the middle of the room, and declared to be for Cortés; the other presents piled in four lots, in the different corners of the room, were for the four envoys. The king extended a farewell, and recommended to Montaño's care eight prominent nobles whom he wished to accompany him. Soon afterward he sent to demand from the Spaniards the greyhound owned by Peñalosa, for it had taken the royal fancy. None wished to lose the faithful animal, but it was thought prudent to yield, without accepting the compensation offered. Fearing that the royal fancy might seek wider indulgence, the envoys hastened to depart, attended by several hundred carriers to convey their presents and provisions. Two days later they learned that the hound had been sacrificed amid solemn festivities, as one possessed of human intelligence, thus to appease the wrath of the idols, whose appetite for Christian blood had evidently been whetted.

Cortés gave the party a demonstrative welcome,^[8] and in order to duly impress the Tarascan nobles he received them in full state, richly dressed and seated in an arm-chair, with his officers standing on either side. They delivered the message of their king, who would soon personally place himself and his kingdom at the disposal of the white chief. Cortés assured them that it was well, for he would war upon all who failed to submit.^[9] After entertaining them for a few days with sham fights and similar impressive scenes, he distributed some presents and sent them home, accompanied by two Spaniards, who were instructed to penetrate to the shores of the great sea that was said to extend beyond Michoacan.

So alluring seemed the report of the nobles to their sovereign that he felt inclined to hasten and behold for himself the wonderful stranger; but his fears being roused by the council, with allusions to the fate of killed or captive princes of Mexico, he was induced to send instead his surviving brother Huiziltzin,^[10] well provided with presents, and attended by a large retinue, including more than a thousand servants.^[11] Cortés received him with great pomp, and seated him by his side, although but half content with the assurance of the king's early visit;^[12] nor were the presents equal to those tendered before.^[13] This induced him probably to make the display of Spanish strength more impressive than usual, and during the cannonading a tower was demolished to prove the efficiency of the lightning-boxes, although the ruins of the capital spoke volumes in themselves, impregnable as the city had ever been regarded. The prince, indeed, shed tears of compassion as he beheld the desolate capital.

On hearing from his brother what he had seen, and how well he had been treated, the king concluded to redeem his promise and visit Cortés as had been desired. To this end he prepared a large amount of presents, for Huiziltzin had been made to understand that by these would be measured the attentions he might receive, and the concessions for his kingdom, now menaced by an expedition already preparing at Mexico. The latter, indeed, proved the main impulse for the visit, by which the conqueror was to be conciliated. His retinue and march befitted those of a king, and couriers were sent daily to report at Mexico his advance. Cortés came forth with a brilliant escort, and as they met, the clash of music celebrated the meeting, wherein Tangaxoan offered himself as vassal to the Spanish sovereign, and won admiration by the brilliancy of his gifts. While his suite appeared in rich attire, he himself was clad in humble garments, in token of submission.^[14] He was lodged in the palace at Coyuhuacan, and feasted with Spanish dishes, the wine greatly delighting him. In addition to the usual military spectacles, a brigantine was launched in his presence, followed by an excursion on the lake, no less novel to him than it had been to Montezuma. Before leaving, he promised to open his kingdom to any colonists who might wish to settle, and to extend his protection to them.

Cortés would before this have sent troops to secure possession of so promising a country, bet pressing affairs intervened, such as the arrival of Tapia, and it was not till the middle of 1522^[15] that he despatched Olid with seventy cavalry, two hundred infantry, and a number of allies, who also assisted in conveying the artillery."^[16] If the country proved as desirable as represented, he was to form a settlement at Tzintzuntzan,^[17] and investigate the resources.

On arriving at Tangimaroa, the troops found the people occupied with a religious celebration, arrayed in their finest dresses and adornments. The display proved too tempting for the greedy soldiers, and jewelry and other valuables were extorted and stolen, in addition to other outrages, wherein the allies took a prominent part. The people actually rose to hostile demonstrations, but a volley from the arquebusiers, followed by a charge from the no less dreaded horses, put them to flight, the leaders being captured.^[18] These were reassured by Olid, who pretended to deplore the outrage, and now sent them to the king with peaceful protestations. Tangaxoan was not a little startled by the reports, and with the vision of the smoking ruins of Mexico before his eyes, dark forebodings crept upon him. His council was equally perplexed. Some of the members, headed by Timagé, the king's uncle, urged resistance to the last rather than to yield their liberty to the destroyers of Tenochtitlan; others counselled a retreat to some stronghold till circumstances should indicate the proper course, for after the submission tendered, and the peaceful assurances of the invaders, resistance might stir these demons to desolate the whole country. Concerned chiefly for his own safety, the irresolute Tangaxoan hastened with a portion of his family to seek refuge at Uruapan, instructing his confidants to spread the rumor that he had been drowned.

Meanwhile Olid advanced on the capital, and although Timagé had sought to rouse the people to defence by bloody sacrifices to the idols, and other measures, yet their hearts failed, and a delegation was sent to welcome the army, and conduct it to the palace. Encouraged by the success at Tangimaroa, the soldiers and allies were not slow to again follow their rapacious bent, and, a good pretext being found in the idolatrous practices to be seen on every side, they began with a raid on the temples; a number of these edifices were fired, while in others a destruction of idols completed the pillage. These excesses were promoted by the flight of a large proportion of the inhabitants, particularly the women and children, after looking in vain for any manifestations of the divine wrath which such desecration seemed to challenge. Private dwellings were now broken into, and while some of the burglars turned into ghouls, to increase their spoils with presents consecrated to the dead, others spread over the neighborhood to continue the raid in fresh fields.^[19] While not unwilling to permit a certain amount of pillage, wherein he might share, Olid thought it both dangerous and impolitic to go too far, and accordingly took strict measures to check the disorder. The soldiers considered this rather an unwarrantable interference, and rose in open mutiny. This was quelled, and the ringleaders reserved due punishment; but harmony could not be restored, and the majority loudly protested against remaining in garrison duty supported only by repartimientos, while their comrades at Mexico were preparing to invade the rich regions to the south. Their minds were still too much occupied with the acquisition of treasures to rest content with the quiet life of encomenderos, and since the gold and silver in the Tzintzuntzan district had been well-nigh exhausted, the country possessed no further attraction. So energetic were the protests that Cortés gave orders to abandon the colony, those desiring to return to Mexico being permitted to do so; the rest were ordered to Zacatula.^[20]It was not his intention, however, to abandon so promising a region, or to lose control of a powerful monarch, and some time later he sent Olid again to reëstablish the settlement, though not to remain in charge, since more trouble might arise with the colonists. The control was assigned to Andrés de Tapia, assisted by a municipality appointed by Cortés himself, and while Olid passed on to install a similar body at Zacatula, that officer proceeded to reconcile the Tarascans to the return of the white men, promising that no outrages should again mar their intercourse. The promises brought from Cortés reassured Tangaxoan, and under his protection the colonists began actively to engage in mining. With Cortés' departure for Honduras, and the consequent disorders at Mexico, the king again took alarm, and sought to restrict the coming of the settlers, though no serious difficulties occurred.^[21]

 

One of the most alluring pieces of information brought by the many embassies which tendered homage at the feet of the victor was the existence of a great sea to the south-west. The report thereof roused in Cortés a series of tumultuous feelings, intensified by the dazzling result of Vasco Nuñez' famous discovery. Visions arose of pearl and spice islands, of long extended shores cut by Pactolean streams, of the veiled Indies, of a strait to the south or north through which the fleets of Spain should bear away the prize of Oriental trade, and enrich her people — this and more dreamt the great conqueror as he figured himself the laurel-crowned hero of the age.^[22]

The first attempt to gather information about the sea appears to have been through the two Spaniards who accompanied the Michoacan envoys to their country. Immediately after, two small parties were despatched to the south and south-west, one of them reaching the sea of Tehuantepec, each taking possession for the king and church, planting there the cross. The rumor had preceded them of the achievements of white men in overthrowing the feared Aztecs, and everywhere the explorers received marked attention, proof of the same being brought to Mexico in costly presents of gold and pearls, and in specimens of choice products from the provinces through which they passed.^[23] To Cortés these valuables served to stimulate the desire for exploration by which a strait might be disclosed, and a route found to the Orient, and with this object he sent another party to examine the coast for a suitable harbor with timber for ship-building convenient.^[24] This was found at the mouth of Rio Zacatula, in the province of Zacatollan,^[25] and Villafuerte^[26] was thereupon sent with fully forty Spaniards, chiefly shipwrights, carpenters, sawyers, blacksmiths, and sailors, to form a settlement, and build two caravels and two brigantines, the former for sea expeditions, the others for coast exploration. A large number of allies joined, especially such as had been trained in work connected with the building of the first fleet.^[27] Some were employed in carrying spikes, cordage, sails, and other material from Vera Cruz and Mexico. The colony was reënforced from the abandoned settlement at Tzintzuntzan, and became now the headquarters for Spanish forces in the south-west. Additional men were brought by Olid in connection with his second expedition to Michoacan,^[28] including the municipal officers appointed by Cortés, and the town was now formally established on the site already chosen, a league and a half from the sea,^[29] and named Zacatula, after the river. One reason for Olid's coming was to aid in reducing to obedience the Indians who had been appropriated in repartimientos, but who had refused to pay tribute, and even killed several collectors.

The emperor had expressed great interest in the projects opened by the discovery of the South Sea beyond new Spain, and by cédula of June 1523 he enjoined Cortés to hasten the search for a strait.^[30] The latter needed no prompting, but the building of the vessels progressed slowly, owing to the difficulty and delay attending the furnishing of certain material. Finally, when this was obtained, a fire reduced nearly everything to ashes.^[31] Without being in the least discouraged, Cortés hastened to repair the loss, and toward the end of 1524 such progress had been made that he expressed the hope of despatching the vessels in the middle of the following year. "With them, God willing, I shall make your Majesty lord of more kingdoms and seignories than are as yet known to our nation."^[32] The search for the strait should receive the first attention, however, since the sovereign so desired it, for by it the route to the Spice Islands would be greatly shortened.^[33] While hopeful that it would be found, he suggested that the trade might in any case be secured by this western route, if New Spain were made the entrepôt, goods being readily conveyed overland by the aid of the natives.^[34] The departure of Cortés for Honduras, in pursuit both of Olid and the strait, delayed the proposed expeditions by sea, although the smallest vessel was sent by one of the officials on a short vain search for certain islands which aboriginal tradition placed to the south.^[35] It was but the delay of bitter disappointment.

 

On the disbandment of the first colonists in Michoacan, those destined for Zacatula set forth in that direction under Álvarez Chico,^[36] to the number of a hundred foot and forty horse, and a force of Mexican and Tarascan auxiliaries. On the way they received confirmatory accounts of the wealth of Colima, a province extending along the South Sea to the north of Zacatula, and of which glowing rumors had reached them at Tzintzuntzan. They were in search of treasures, not of garrison life at Zacatula, and so without permission they turned aside to enter the coveted province.^[37] A dispute arising, a portion of the forces separated from the main body, and, proceeding by a different route under Ávalos, they obtained the coöperation of several caciques,^[38] who were dissatisfied with the king of Colima, and extended their raid over a large tract, notably the northern region which in honor of the leader obtained the name of Ávalos' province.^[39] Álvarez had meanwhile, with more ambitious views, advanced by a southern route on the capital, only to be waylaid in a ravine by the allied forces under Zoma and Capaya, caciques of Jicotlan and Autlan, and to be driven back with considerable loss;^[40] whereupon he hurried crestfallen upon his original mission to Zacatula.^[41]

Informed of the disaster, as well as of the hostility of Impilcingo, a province between Zacatula and Colima, which had probably been stirred by the Spanish defeat, Cortés sent the able Olid with twenty-five horsemen and about eighty foot-soldiers,^[42] to chastise this province, restore order in Zacatula, and, reënforced by a part of its troops, to subjugate Colima. The rugged nature of the country, which made cavalry useless, and the warlike spirit of the mountaineers, prevented success in Impilcingo,^[43] and he passed on to Zacatula, Increasing his force to about twice its original strength, he thereupon marched on Colima. After a hotly contested battle at Alima, he compelled the king and his allies to retire to the mountains,^[44] with heavy loss. The rest of the country hastened to submit,^[45] and to assure possession he founded a town named Coliman after the country, for which Cortes appointed a municipality. Olid thereupon returned with a rich booty, including some pearls, Ávalos being left in charge of the colony, numbering about one hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a force of allies.^[46] As in Michoacan, the settlers speedily grew discontented at the rapid dwindling of the much lauded wealth of the country, and many deserted. This encouraged the still hostile royalists in the mountains, and when the remaining colonists demanded their tribute from the repartimientos they found most of the natives united in a general revolt.^[47] An appeal for aid was made to Cortes, and this time he despatched Sandoval, who so effectually suppressed the revolt that none was ever again attempted.^[48]

 

This conquest opened the gate to the fertile regions northward, since known as Nueva Galicia, extending from the east in a succession of green plains and smiling valleys, watered by numerous streams which expand at intervals into a series of the finest lakes in all these parallels, On the west the Sierra Madre rises in picturesque outlines to form a sheltering barrier, and beyond it the more rugged region of Chimalhuacan descends to meet the southern sea. Ávalos was gradually extending his limits into this country, allured by its natural beauty and resources, and when Olid returned to Mexico from his campaign he brought a most glowing report, confirmed by a glittering display of pearls. A little beyond Colima, he said, were several rich provinces, and ten days' journey to the northwest an island rich in gold and pearls, inhabited solely by women, who permitted only occasional visits from men, and ruthlessly cast forth all male children born among them.^[49] He also reported that there was a fine port in this region, doubtless the later Navidad. Tales so interesting must be investigated, and in the middle of 1524,^[50] when he found his hands somewhat free, Cortés resolved to seize so promising a region, and to this end commissioned a kinsmen, Francisco Cortés^[51] as one trustworthy, to overrun and subdue it. In view of the importance of the expedition, minute instructions were issued. No attack was to be made, save in extreme cases, peaceful submission having to be sought with promises and gifts; a general disregard for pearls and gold should be affected, so as the more readily to acquire information about the condition and riches of the country,^[52] and finally, when the mask was thrown aside, the treasures disclosed by this artifice should be secured.^[53] Invested with the power and rank of alcalde mayor of Colima, and of governor's lieutenant, Francisco Cortés set out with about eighty men, twenty-five having horses,^[54]and, after passing through Colima and Autlan, he crossed the Sierra Madre range to Ameca and Etzatlan, after defeating the natives in one or two encounters, and intimidating the rest into submission.^[55]

The main object being exploration, Francisco advanced north-westward through Istlan and Ahuacatlan.^[56] A little further at Tetitlan a numerous army was met under Hujicar and easily vanquished, though with the loss of one Spaniard. This had a salutary effect on the districts beyond, notably Jalisco, well known for its opulence and beauty, which was ruled at the time ky a queen, during the minority of her son. She hastened to send an invitation to the powerful strangers, and came forth herself in state to welcome them at an arbor embellished with flowers, half a league from the town. Her warriors here formed a circle, and game being driven in from the neighborhood, they exhibited their skill in bringing it down, and tendered the result to the guests. This performance was followed by religious ceremonies at the temple in the town, a pyramidal structure some sixty steps high, dedicated to Piltzinteolli, the 'child god,' to whom sacrifice was offered in simple fruit and flowers.^[57] The army was lodged in the palace and its gardens, and welcomed by as many women as there were Spaniards. This thoughtful consideration on the part of the queen was not appreciated, for Francisco, after beholding the women, sent them back, and enjoined his men to observe good conduct. Assisted by a young neophyte from Father Gante's school, he thereupon sought to convert the queen, who professed great interest. Whether she was actually converted is not clear, but she certainly tendered an offer of allegiance.

Francisco Cortés did not find so much gold as he had expected, and although the provinces of Centizpac and Acaponeta, to the north of Tololotlan River,^[58] were reported rich, he resolved to return along the coast.^[59] After two days' march southward, he came upon an army of some twenty thousand warriors drawn up in battle-array, their bows adorned with little flags of cotton of different colors, though chiefly purple, a dye obtained from a shell-fish left by the retiring tide on the rocks. This appearance caused the Spaniards to name the locality Valle de Banderas.^[60] As they prepared for the encounter, with no little misgiving, in view of the number before them, bright lights are said to have emanated from the cross and the virgin image on the standard, whereupon the astonished natives became instantly quiet, and even followed the example of the soldiers, who knelt to render thanks for the miracle.^[61]

At Tuito, to the south, they were met by a procession of natives bearing crosses in their hands. At their head marched the chief, dressed like a Dominican, while his followers wore a kind of scapulary, and had the hair cut like that of friars. As he approached, the chief kissed his cross, and thus reassured the soldiers, who at first held back on seeing that the Indians carried bows. All thereupon kissed the cross and fraternized; and questioned about the Christian-like ceremonies, the chief related that according to a tradition of their forefathers a water-house from across the sea had stranded on their shore. Fifty men landed from the wreck, and were hospitably received, introducing in return the dress and ceremonies observed. Finally their authoritative manner became unbearable, and one night all were surprised and slaughtered by the oppressed natives. Nevertheless the worship of the cross had proved so comforting and effective in time of trouble as to be retained.^[62] After a brief stay, Francisco continued his march to Colima, there to maintain possession as lieutenant during the absence of his chief in Honduras.^[63] On the return of the latter, preparations were made to resume the exploration, but obstacles interfered with the project,^[64] and nothing more is heard of this region for several years.^[65]

 

 

1. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Zwanga had before this decided on avoiding the Aztecs. See Native Races, v. 525-6.
2. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 182-3, believes that the youngest brother was spared. La Rea, Crónica, MS.
3. Herrera relates that a soldier named Villadiego had already penetrated to this kingdom shortly before, by order of Cortés, but was never heard of again. His guides were supposed to have killed him for his trinkets, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. iii. Mercator, 1569, Mechoacan; Laet, 1633, Mechoacan, province and city, with Guayangareo, Maltepeque, Taximaroa; West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, Mechoacha; Jefferys, Mechoacan, state and city, with Zurzonza, etc. Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 476.
4. The governor even offered his submission, according to Herrera, 'y que crehia q aquel gran señor (his king) embiaria presto sus embaxadores a Cortés, ofreciendole su persona, casa y Reyno.' Id. He leaves the intimation that Montaño went after the Tarascans had left; others make him join their party.
5. Perchance your own land yields not enough subsistence, and so you come to seek it here. What did the Mexicans that you should destroy them? Think you perhaps to do so with me? But know that my arms were never conquered!' Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 16.
6. Pirowan-Quencandari, as Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes him to be. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 521.
7. For a description of the presents see Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. vi.
8. Among others the interpreter was rewarded with the caciqueship of Xocotitlan.
9. Cartas, 258. He as well as Gomara, Hist. Mex., 217, writes as if this were the first notice of Michoacan.
10. Herrera says Uchichilzi. According to the Relacion de los Ritos, MS., the Tarascan form of this Mexican name was Cuini-Aguangari. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that his cousin Aguiga was sent, but his account varies so much from the explicit statements of Cortés, and from other scuzces, that his entire version becomes doubtful. In another place he calls Aguiza the brother. He is too ready to give credit to obscure manuscripts, rather than to Spanish standard authorities. Prescott, Mex., iii. 236; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 11; and Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 66-8, 71-2, are all loose or confused with regard to the different embassies to and from Michoacan. Ixtlilxochitl alludes only to one, and assumes a share in the offers for his namesake. Hor. Crueldades, 55.
11. 'Y muchos caballeros que llevaron otras tantas.' Beaumont, Crón. Mich. iii. 40.
12. Brasseur, who allows Olid to invade Michoacan before this, causes the prince to invent a story of the king's death, and procures from Cortés a promise of the appointment of another brother as successor. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 533.
13. Of alloyed gold, 5,000 pesos de oro; alloyed silver, 1,000 marks, all in jewelry and plate; and fabrics, feathers, etc. Herrera, det. iii. lib. iii. cap. viii. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 217, allows Olid afterward to receive these or similar presents.
14. 'De dode los Mexicanos . . . le llamaron Cazonzin, que significa alpargate viego.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. viii. But this name was a title, as fully explained in Native Races, v. 516, 525; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 91; Chimalpain, Hist. Cong., ii. 78.
15. No account is given of an expedition in the letter of May 1522, only of the visit of the king's brother; but in the relation of October 1524 he speaks of it, and so early therein as to indicate that it was sent not long after the despatch of the previous letter. Cartas, 275. 'Algunos meses despues de vuelto el Rey,' says Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 49; but it is probable that the king did not come until the expedition had entered Michoacan. Alegre assumes that it accompanied the king's brother, but this is too early. Hist, Comp. Jesus, i. 92, although according well with Bernal Diaz' loose intimation. Hist. Verdad., 159.
16. Gomara reduces the force to 40 horse and 100 foot, Hist. Afex., 217, and Ixtlilxochitl adds 5,000 Tezcucans. Hor. Crueldades, 53.
17. It is frequently referred to by the Mexican name of Huitzitzitla, and its corrupt forms of Chincicila, etc.
18. Brasseur de Bourbourg places this occurrence wrongly before the king's brother is sent to Mexico, and assumes that as soon an news arrives of their epoch A regular army is sent by the king to repel the invaders, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 526.
19. In the Relacion de los Ritos, MS., the spoils of gold and silver and ornaments are estimated at forty cofferfuls in one place, at twenty in another, etc. As for Cortes, he mentions merely a gift of 3,000 marks in silver, and 5,000 pesos de oro. Cartas, 275. The army naturally kept the larger part, and the leaders did not think it advisable to expose the excesses of their men, even Cortés being content to share with them and keep quiet. Gomara lowers even Cortés' estimate of the treasure received. Hist. Mex., 217. Herrera and Beaumont abstain from mentioning any figures. Brasseur de Bourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., it. 532, assumes that the king's brother, or cousin, as he at times calls him, is sent with a portion of the spoils to Mexico, on the first visit, which Cortés dates long before Olid is despatched to that region.
20. Cortés, Cartas, 276. 'Pacificamete se fue entreteniedo por algu tiepo,' says Herrera, dec. ui. lib. iii. cap. xi., adding that Olid sought to introduce intercourse and culture. This vagueness assists Brasseur de Bourbourg to assume that the colony remained, Hist Nat. Civ., iv. 538, contrary to Cortés' positive statement, supported also by Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 49, though the latter adds, 'sin tener lugar de poblar.' Cortés would never acknowledge the abandonment of the only colony in a rich kingdom, unless obliged by truth to do so. Zamacois goes so far as to appoint a municipality which remains in the country, Hist. Méj., iv. 74; but he anticipates, as will be seen. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid was anxious to return to his newly wedded wife at Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 161, 164.
21. Alluding to these objections, Contador Albornoz urges the arrest of the king and his supporters. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 71-2; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 502-3. This restriction is probably at the bottom of the statement in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 89, that all traces of a rich mine discovered in 1525 were soon after lost. This may be identical with the 'sierra de plata' of the royal cédula in Puga, Cedulario, 24. 'Y siempre quedaron amigos,' is Herrera's concluding allusion to Tangaxean. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii.;
22. 'Y estaba muy ufano, porque me parecia que en la descubrir se hacia á V. M. muy grande y seiialado servicio.' Cortés, Cartas, 259.
23. In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii., Juan del Valle is mentioned as the discoverer of Tehuantepec, for which he obtained a coat of arms. In dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii., a discovery expedition to Tehuantepec under Guillen de la Loa, Castillo, Alferez Roman Lopez, and two others, is spoken of as if subsequent to the above, their route being through Zapotecapan, along Chiapas, and through Soconusco, a distance of 400 leagues. Chico and three others are said to have explored the coast from Tehuantepec to Zacatula, but this is doubtful, since the intermediate Tutupec was hostile. Others sent through Jalisco never returned. Cortés states that his two parties numbered two Spaniards each, but they may have been leaders, and were certainly accompanied by Indians. They appear to have returned before the end of October. Cartas, 259, 262. In Cortés, Residencia, ii. 118-19, Juan de Umbría is said to have been leader of one party. On his return he was imprisoned for two years on the charge of having omitted Cortés' name in taking possession of the sea. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219, assumes that two parties went through Michoacan, and Prescott hastily amplifies the achievements of one party, although the chroniclers never mention even what became of it. Mex., iii. 237.
24. According to Herrera this should have been the Chico party, but it is doubtful.
25. Native Races, ii. 109. Mercator, 1574, has Cacatula; Munich Atlas, vi., Cacatola, same name a little farther north; Ogilby, 1671, Zacatula; Laet, 1633, R. Zacatula and Zacatula city; Jefferys, 1776; Zacatela, province and city; Kiepert, Sacatula. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 384.
26. Evidently Juan Rodriguez, the leading brigantine captain, vol. i. 615, though Bernal Diaz alludes to him as if he were a different man. Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 59.
27. Chiefly Tezcucans, says Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 429. Zurita speaks of oppression and hardships to which these allies were subjected. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 414.
28. Mas de cie Españoles, y quarenta de cauallo, y Mechuacaneses,' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 220. Bernal Diaz reduces the force to 45 men. Hist. Verdad., 167. On the way he was attacked and suffered a loss of two killed and 15 wounded. Herrera makes the force larger than Gomara, and allows Viliafuerte to come at the same time. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii.;
29. Herrera, Id., cap. xviii., associates Simon de Cuenca with Villafuerte as a leading man.
30. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxiii. 366-7.
31. Me cuestan hoy los navíos, sin haberlos echado al agua, mas de ocho mil pesos de oro, sin otras cosas extraordinarias,' says Cortés in his letter of October 1524. Cartas, 308. Testimony in Cortés, Residencia, 1. 27, etc., assumes that the delays were on purpose, since Cortés had_ built the ships as a means to escape from the country with his embezzled millions.
32. 'No le quedará á V. Excels, mas que hacer para ser monarca del mundo.' Cartas, 308.
33. The interesting speculations concerning the strait, its position and value, and the expeditions to which the search gave rise, are fully treated in Hist. North Mex. States, See also Hist. Northwest Coast, this series.
34. Cortés, Cartas, 315. The means and desirability are more fully entered into by Albornoz, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 62-3, and Oviedo, iii. 466. The route would present less difficulties than that used by the Venetians.
35. Albornoz, ubi sup., intimates that had he been given the power to send the vessels forth, the route to the Spice Islands, and perhaps richer lands, would by this time have been discovered. Besides the brigantine, two larger vessels lay prepared before the close of 1525.
36. man who figured prominently on the first arrival of the Spaniards at Villa Rica. See vol i. chap. ix. So Bernal Diaz calls him in one place, while in another he applies the name Juan Velazquez Chico. Hist. Verdad., 159-60, 166-7, which Panes transforms into el Chico. Monumentos Domm. Esp., MS., 59. Beaumont adopts the Velazquez form. Crón. Mich., iii. 502; and Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, viii. 475-6, attempts to show that no Álvarez Chico exists, though Mota Padilla adopts the name. Hist. N. Gal., 69. See also Hernandez, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 2da ép. ii. 478; iii. 187.
37. Mota Padilla assumes that Álvarez was specially commissioned by Cortés to undertake the conquest. Several follow him, though they place the date earlier than his 1526. But Cortés clearly indicates the version of my text, without naming the officer. Cartas, 276. Bernal Diaz gives the name, and agrees upon the time. The main cause for the general confusion of writers is Herrera, An analysis of the main historians reveals his errors. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi. xvii.; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 29-31. Mercator, 1569, Colima; Munich Atlas, xii., 1571, Collima, repeated northward; Ogilby, 1604, Colima; Dampier, 1679, V. Colima; Laet, 1633, Colima; same in West-Ind. Spieghel, Colom, Jefferys; Kiepert writes volcano and city. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 472
38. Such as those of Zapotlan and Sayula.
39. Mota Padilla, loc. cit.; Gil, ubi sup. Jacotepec, Zacoalco, an? Axixie, appear among the subjected districts. 'The chief inducement for joining the Spaniards was to escape the heavy tribute to the king, one third of all produce.
40. Three Spaniards and many allies. Cortés, Cartas, 276. Gomara, followed by Herrera and Beaumont, throw on Olid the blame for this operation. 'Peleo muchos dias. Al cabo quedo vẽcido,' etc. Hist. Mex., 220. Tello names the allies who supported the king, all of which Mota Padita reproduces. Cong. N. Gal., 69. Beaumont differs somewhat in regard to the allies. Crón, Mich., iii. 502. Owing to their confusion about early events little reliance can be placed on the names connected with the invasion.
41. Not to Mexico as the above writers assume. 'Sabido por mi, mandé traer preso al capitan, y le castigué.' Cortés, Cartas, 276. Success would have obtained reward for the disobedience. Ávalos is said to have held out: in his district, but this is uncertain.
42. Herrera, followed, by Beaumont and others, gives the same force as Cortés, but places it under Sandoval. dec, iii. lib. ili. cap. xvii.
43. 'Le mataron dos soldados, y le hirieron quinze, e todauia les venció,' says Bernal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 167, contrary to Cortés, Cartas, 287.
44. Bernal Diaz believes that Álvarez perished during the campaign, perhaps in the battle, and Beaumont assumes heavy losses for the Spaniards. Crón. Mich., iii. 158. Cortés acknowledges only wounded. Minotlacoya, lord of Zapotlan, appears to have fallen while aiding the Spaniards.
45. Including Aliman, Colimonte, Ceguatan, says Cortés. Herrera gives varied spelling, and adds Impilcingo.
46. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii.
47. 'Y los pocos soldados que estaban . . . tomaron refugiarse en las provincias de Ávalos,' adds Mota Padilla. Hist. N. Gal., 69.
48. Bernal Diaz places this expedition in the autumn of 1522, and boasts that Sandoval took with him a mere handful of veterans. Hist. Verdad., 167; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 93. Salazar, Hist. Cong., 95, swells the number a little. Herrera's final episode under Olid and Villafuerte is entirely out of place, and has helped to increase the general confusion among later writers. Villafuerte does not appear to have approached Colima. His knowledge of ships and ship-budding caused him to be sent in command of the first colony to Zacatula, some time before the disbanded colony from Michoacan made the first entry into Colima.
49. 'Relacion de los señores de la provincia de Ceguatan,' adds Cortés to excuse his evident belief in the Amazon story. Cartas, 288. Gomara suggests that it may have originated from the name of a district there, Cihuatlan, meaning place of women. Hist. Mex., 220-1; Oviedo, iii. 447-8.
50. Mota Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 70, followed by Gil and Hernandez, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, viii. 476, 2da ép. ii. 479, give the date 1526-7, but the instructions of Cortés are dated 1524, and he alludes to such an expedition two months before his departure for Honduras. Cartas, 491; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 149-53. Francisco Cortés figured besides during 1525-6 as representative for this north-west region, as will be seen later.
51. 'De San Buenaventura.' Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 480. Some sort of cousin, no doubt, though Gil hastily calls him nephew.
52. 'Porque no lo escondieren creyendo que lo terneis en poco.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 157.
53. The instructions are given in full in Pacheco, ubi sup., and Cortés, Escritos Sueltos.
54. Pacheco and Cárdenas, loc. cit. Mota Padilla makes it a round 100, and ellows friars Padilla and Boloña and Br. Villadiego to join. Hist. N. Gal., 70. But they had not yet arrived in New Spain.
55. 'Hobo ciertos recuentros, y apaciguó muchos dellos,'says Cortés briefly. Cartas, 492. One version, followed by Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 24, assumes that Capaya was defeated at Autlan, but Mota Padilla writes that ruggedness of country offered the sole obstacle. Etzatlan, he adds, was given in encomienda to Juan de Escarcena, the second in command, it seems. A report of 1579 ascribes the conquest of Amecan, or more probably the encomiendaship, to Juan de Añesta, who is said to have arrived about 1528, and lived four or five years at Colima, enjoying there his tributes from Amecan. Hernandez, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da ép., ii. 465-6. Among those who submitted is named Guaxicar, cacique of Xochitepec, later Magdalena.
56. 'Donde quedé por encomendero Alonso Lopez,' says Mota Padilla; but this leaving of isolated men in semi-hostile countries is doubtful. He also assumes that Cortés committed so hazardous an act as to divide his forces the better to explore the country, and adds Mexpa and Zoatlan to the places visited. Gil assumes a detour back to Amecan before Istlan was reached, but this is scarcely possible.
57. A description of this curious temple, and the subject sacrifices, are given in Native Races, iii. 447-8.
58. Rio Tololotlan, Santiago, or St Jago. Ogilby writes, 1671, R. Baranica; Dampier, 1699, R. St Jago, near its mouth St Pecaque; Laet, 1633, S. Jago; Jefferys, R. Barania, or St Jago, near by Sintiquipaque, Guaxacatian; Kiepert, 1852, Rio St Jago Tololotlan. It is also known as Rio Grande, and de Lerma, Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 532.
59. Cortés had ordered him to proceed up the coast 150 to 200 leagues, but he went only 130, owing to insufficiency of force and grass. Ten days' journey beyond flowed a large river, probably a strait, of which curious things were said. Ports also existed. Cartas, 492. This distance covered no doubt the turnings of the route, and a stretch of imagination, and gives no idea of the point attained. Beaumont assumes that the army did go as far as Acaponeta, where Cacique Xonacatl peacefully submitted, convinced by oracles of the heavenly mission of the strangers. Crón. Mich., iii. 480-1. Mota Padilla allows Cortés to turn back, but he leaves at Jalisco the neophyte Juan Francisco, to carry on the conversion till friars should be sent. Juan Aznar, of the party, offered to return with friars if the place were granted him in encomienda. This was done, but Aznar failed to come back. Hist. N. Gal., 72.
60. Munich Atlas, 1532-40, Banderas; Dampier, 1699, Valderas; Jefferys, 1776, Banderas Bay, Valle de Banderas; Kiepert, 1852, B. Ameca.
61. Mota Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 73. Another version substitutes musketry, fire, and smoke for lights with which to startle the Indians into obedience.
62. A rusted anchor, some nails, and a wooden cross were pointed out in proof of the story. Id., 73-4. This authority believes the shipwrecked crew to have been Englishmen. Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 27, gives the preference to Iberians. The reader may choose to regard the whole as a pious hoax.
63. He attended the session of deputies at Mexico in 1525, as will be shown, during which time Ávalos, or perhaps Chavez, as Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 245, asserts, held control. See also Tello, Fragmentos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 359-60. Francisco was still in charge in 1527. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 149-50.
64. Letter of Cortés, September 1526. Cartas, 492.
65. Supplementary list of authorities containing additional matter of more or less value relating to preceding chapters: Puga, Cedulario, 8, 20, 24, 43, 86; Oviedo, iii. 424-39, 446-8, 461-7; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 62, passim; xxvi. 149-59; Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 23-6, 42-51, 149-50; Archivo Mex., Docs., i. 53, 157-8, 236-7, 417; ii. 118-19, 255-6; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 464-9; Ramirez, Proceso, 15; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ix. 287-8; série ii. tom. v. 187; iii. 182; Squier's MS., xix. 35-6; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 78-107; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 30-2; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 518-21; Iztlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 427-9; Monardes, Hist. Medic. Occid., 23 et seq.; Moreno, Fragmentos, 27-30; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 330-6, 347-50, 373-4, 382-5; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 4-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 1, 2; Prescott's Mex., ii. 48-9; iii. 237-9, 270-2; also notes in Mex. editions; Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 673-4, 691; Helps' Cortés, ii. 154-7; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 59; Vetancurt, Menologia, 105; Salazar y Olarte, Cong. Mex., 43-101; Alaman, Disert., i. 161-3, 191-3, app. 148-54; Rivera, Gob. Mex., 16, 17; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 380-5, 516-72; Kerr's Col. Voy., 78-101; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 112; Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 171-3; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 80-1; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 20-3, 168; Medina, Chrón. de San Diego de Mex., 245-6; Rivero, Mex. in 1842, 7-11; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 251; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 11-15; Voyages, Selection of Curious, 31-2; West-Indische Spieghel, 268-73, 315-19; Galvano's Discov., 151-2; Santos, Chronologia Hospitalaria, ii. 489-90; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 468, 478-9; iv. 640-2; vi. 197-204; vii. 160-1, 187-8; viii. 475, 477, 532; 30th Cong., 2d Sess., II. Com. Rept. 145, pp. 128-32; Nic. Municip. Independ., 8; Orozco y Berra, Geog., 276; Stevens' Notes, 45; Overland Monthly, xiii. 365-7; Findlay's Directory, i. 259-60; ii. 132-3; Cortesii, von dem Neuen Hispanien, ii. 46-5; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, x. 253-83; Spaggiari, Libel Bimest, xxxix.-xlviii.; Dicc. Univ., viii. 702-4; Burney's Hist. Voy., i. 119; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 733-5; iv. 65-90, 177-8, 307-8, 383-5, 507; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 92; Greenhow's Or. and Cal., 49; March y Labores, Marina Española, ii 195; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 272-3; Giordan, L'Isthme Tehuan., 12-14; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 331-49.