History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 5

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER V.

AFFAIRS OF CORTÉS IN SPAIN.

1522.

Cortés Finds Favor with the Audiencia — His Third Letter — Treasures for the Emperor — An Ominous Loss — Chased by Corsairs — What King Francis Said — The Curse of Montezuma — Cardinal Adrian Interferes — Cortés' Case before the Sovereign — His Achievements Reviewed — Refutation of Charges — Velazquez Crushed and Fonseca Humbled — Cortés Appointed Governor and Captain-general.

Any fears which Cortés may have entertained with regard to his treatment of Tapia were quieted by the arrival, during the spring, of Alonso de Ávila, the commissioner whom he had sent to Santo Domingo more than a year before, to obtain concessions from the audiencia, and war material for the army.^[1] The audiencia gave him authority to conquer the whole of New Spain, to brand slaves in accordance with prescribed rules, and to distribute encomiendas. Although this was provisional, subject to the royal decision, it nevertheless gave authority to the acts of Cortés, and he received further encouragement in the fact that the audiencia had recommended him to the emperor in a manner that promised to be more effective than any representation so far made. One great advantage the audiencia had, namely, means to hide their despatches from the bishop of Búrgos, with whom they were not wholly in accord, and have them presented direct to the royal person, nor could their intimations against the bishop's policy fail to have weight.

In return for his success, Ávila received a valuable encomienda, together with presents and promises, all of which bound him ever closer to his patron.^[2] So pleased indeed was Cortés with his ability and loyalty as commissioner, that he caused him to be appointed procurador to the court of Spain, jointly with Antonio de Quiñones, his captain of guards.^[3] They were to support the other agents in obtaining a confirmation of his grant of lands, natives, and offices, and other acts, together with his own tenure of office, as partly advocated in letters intrusted to them, notably the third of his Relaciones. This is dated at Coyuhuacan, May 15, 1522, and narrates the operations since October 1520, beginning with the Tepeaca campaign, continuing with the siege and fall of Mexico, and ending with the expeditions to formally occupy surrounding provinces. The latter he describes in a manner intended to impress the value of his achievements, and the wealth and extent of the additions thus made to the royal domains. He does not fail to allude to the prospects opening before the maritime exploration for which he is preparing a fleet on the South Sea. One of the main objects of the letter, which had probably hastened its conclusion, was the Tapia affair. While explaining that the course taken had been to save the country and the royal interests, as proved by the attempted revolt of the natives, he points out the injustice and danger of such interference, particularly on the part of selfish and unscrupulous persons like Velazquez, wholly oblivious of their duty to the sovereign.^[4] In an accompanying note he commends the agents to the emperor, and points out the painful anxiety in which he has been left by not receiving any reply to his many dutiful applications.

The local officials also addressed a letter to the emperor in the name of the army and settlers, extolling the deeds and loyalty of their leader, defending their treatment of Tapia, instigated as he was by the hostile Velazquez, and urging the prior claims of conquerors to grants and appointments. Father Olmedo supported these representations in a special letter, wherein he reviewed the prospects of conversion and requested that religious teachers be sent out. To add weight to the petitions, they received the usual accompaniment of treasure, in addition to the regular fifth. The present consisted of the choicest specimens of fabrics, feather-work, curiosities, and jewels, set apart from the late repartition, and increased from the subsequent influx of tributes, worth fully one hundred and fifty thousand ducats.^[5] Its notable features were a number of pearls and an immense emerald, as it was supposed to be,^[6] and trinkets, which wholly eclipsed the already familiar specimens of native goldsmiths' work, in the form of fishes with scales of different metals, of birds and other animals with movable heads and tongues, masks with mosaic ornamentation, and a variety of pieces after European models. Several large bones were also sent, uncovered at Coyuhuacan, which in accordance with the common native tradition and the declaration of the doctors were pronounced to be the remains of giants; also two jaguars, or tigers as they were called, which proved an unfortunate shipment, for one escaped from the cage when on board, and fiercely attacked a number of the crew, whereupon it was lost in the sea. Two of the bitten men died from their injuries, and to obviate another disaster the second jaguar was killed.^[7]

As special agents for Cortés went his secretary, Juan de Ribera,^[8] with whom was associated Friar Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, both to act in concert with his father, Martin Cortés, to whom was sent a power of attorney to act in all affairs for the son.^[9] This document was accompanied by a few thousand ducats, which the malevolent magnified to large amounts, a portion of the vast treasures that Cortés was said to have secreted. One story current was that he himself supervised its transmission to Tezcuco in several canoes. When fairly out in the lake a sudden gale capsized the boats, and half a dozen men were drowned; the rest, including Cortés, narrowly escaped by clinging to the wrecks. Divers were afterward sent to search for the treasure, but not a trace could be found.^[10] The same agents carried a portion of the remittances sent by the conquerors to friends in Spain, amounting in all to nearly a hundred thousand castellanos, and showing that recent expeditions must have greatly increased the distribution shares, and promoted contentment among the lately irate soldiers.^[11] The commission set out in June^[12] 1522, in three vessels,^[13] which safely reached Terceira, of the Azores group. Hardly had they again set sail, however, when they were attacked by a fleet of French corsairs, six ships in number, hailing from La Rochelle.^[14]

Resistance on the part of the small vessels from New Spain was deemed useless, but they nevertheless did their utmost to escape, regardless of the cannon balls that whistled around them. The chase became exciting, the more so when splinters began to fly and blood to flow. Finally the French overtook two of the vessels having, in charge of Ávila, the greater part of the treasures, which were conveyed to France. The choicest jewels were sent as a present to Francis I., who was not a little surprised at the extent and quality of the wealth flowing in on Spain. "The gold from his western possessions alone must suffice to sustain his campaigns against us," he observed. "But 1 should like to see the last testament of Father Adam which entitles my brothers of Castile and Portugal to the exclusive ownership of those regions, or which forbids me from thus helping myself to a share."^[15]

Ávila was kept behind prison bars for a long time in the vain expectation of a heavy ransom, corresponding to the estimate formed of one having in his charge so large a treasure. He managed, however, to forward the despatches, which greatly promoted the cause of his chief.^[16] Learning from him or his companions that the third vessel, which had escaped him, contained additional treasure, the French pirate returned with three of his ships to watch for her. This time fortune turned against him, for near Cape St Vincent he encountered a Spanish fleet sent in search of him, and after a brief but sharp battle he was captured and conveyed to Spain, there to be condemned to the gallows.^[17]

Ill-luck seemed to attend the spoils of New Spain, both in their capture and afterward. The curses of the dying Montezuma and the agonized Quauhtemotzin had clung to them ever since they left the palace vaults of Tenochtitlan. Miserably perished during the Noche Triste most of those who sought to convey it forth, while the Aztecs who recaptured a portion paid the titter penalty during the horrors of the following siege. Strife and trouble arose at the distribution of the remnant after the fall of the city; a gale swept a portion into the lake, together with several of its attendants. Its capture by the French involved the imprisonment of Ávila and the death of several companions, soon to be followed by the ignominious end of the pirates and the capture of Francis himself As for the escaped vessel, the Santa María de la Rábida, she gained Santa Maria Island in a somewhat battered condition, with several wounded persons on board, including Quiñones, who died a few days later.^[18] Ribera proceeded thence in a Portuguese caravel to Seville to ask for a convoy, and with this the remnant of Aztec treasure reached its destination.^[19]

 

By this time the affairs of Cortés in Spain had assumed a new aspect. His friends, including Martin Cortés, Puertocarrero, Montijo, Licentiate Nuñez, relator of the India Council, Ordaz, and others, had for a time accomplished nothing more than to check the proceedings of the Velazquez party, though they had been unable to oppose the appointment of Tapia. Finally, however, they obtained proofs of Fonseca's machinations in favor of Velazquez, from whom he had accepted heavy bribes, including an encomienda of natives, who were compelled under the lash to extract gold for the good bishop in the Cuban mines.: The intimacy between these two officials was strengthened by the engagement of the governor to the niece of the prelate,^[20] and they concerted to defame Cortés as a traitor, by withholding his despatches, keeping back his agents, and injuring him in every possible manner.^[21] It was further shown that the bishop had appropriated a part of the presents sent to the emperor from New Spain. This was wrong on the part of the bishop, and yet, as we well know, Velazquez had far more of justice on his side than Cortés; but success defies all. The great achievements of Cortés had by this time spread throughout the country, fostering the belief that he had not been fairly treated. Among the notable persons who warmly expressed themselves to this effect were the duke of Béjar, one of the leading grandees, and the German duke of Nassau,^[22] whose representations assisted in convincing Cardinal Adrian of the injustice done. Fonseca was thereupon ordered not to meddle in the affairs of Cortés, and the evidence of his conduct was forwarded to the monarch.^[23]

Adrian had no time to do much more, for he was elected successor to Leo X., and was obliged to go to Italy in the spring of 1522.^[24] The emperor returned from Germany shortly after, however, and Tapia appearing to support the complaints of the adherents of Velazquez, he resolved to investigate the charges both against Fonseca and Cortés; summoning to this effect a special commission which included such men as the grand chancellor.^[25]

The plaintiff opened with the charge that Cortés had appropriated to his own ends a fleet fitted out at great expense by Velazquez, in virtue of royal authority, to continue the exploration of the countries already discovered by him. Velazquez had consequently been obliged to spend the remainder of his fortune in efforts to recover his own, notably in the equipment of a second large fleet under Narvaez. Regardless of the lives of his Majesty's subjects, and of his sacred decrees, Cortés had attacked the expedition, killed a number, imprisoned others, and bribed or intimidated the rest into submission, besides tearing by force from the commander the royal despatches. He had further, by force and fraud, caused himself to be elected leader, ignoring the instructions given him from the audiencia of Santo Domingo through his patron, and punishing even with death those who ventured to oppose him. He had assumed regal powers, made cruel war on unoffending natives to satisfy his greed and ambition, and had distributed encomiendas and slaves for the benefit of his adherents. To this end he had encroached on the royal interests, besides embezzling moneys and treasures due to the crown, assuming also for himself a fifth like the sovereign. Not satisfied with this, he had defrauded the soldiers of their shares, tortured native kings and nobles to obtain more gold, and had tyrannically impressed the people to bring material and build houses for him. Finally he had maltreated and expelled from New Spain the governor appointed by the crown, with criminal contempt for the royal commission, thus confirming the current reports that he intended treasonably to ignore the sovereign as he had his cédulas and his patron, and usurp the country for himself.

To these charges, many of them too true, the agents of Cortés replied that the honor of discovering New Spain pertained to Hernandez de Córdoba, who, disregarding the iniquitous and criminal commission of Valazquez to kidnap natives from the islands, had directed his energies to this nobler aim. Grijalva's expedition, succeeding this, was purely for traffic, as proved by the instructions, and its cost had been defrayed by the participants, although Velazquez managed to secure most of the profit, which he shared with the bishop of Búrgos, besides bribing him to the prejudice of the crown with large allotments of slaves. The fleet of Cortés had been fitted out chiefly at the expense of himself and friends, as demonstrated by the vouchers and testimony produced,^[26] with clearly written instructions to explore, not to colonize. On beholding the vast extent and resources of the country, in products and inhabitants, the commander felt that his duty as a loyal and Christian subject demanded the setting aside of the limited and mercenary commission given him, in order to acquire for his sovereign these lands, and for the church benighted souls. This being recognized also by the members of the expedition, they had insisted upon electing him lieutenant for the king, and voluntarily so since this promoted also their own wishes and interests, hitherto cramped by the avaricious and jealous governor of Cuba. Narvaez' expedition had been sent forth in direct disobedience to the orders of the audiencia of Santo Domingo, a step which merited death, followed as it was by the additional outrage on a royal oidor. Its presence in New Spain was so evident a peril to conquest so far achieved, and to the conversion begun, that not only did the adherents of Cortés unhesitatingly aid him in overthrowing the intruder, after he had rejected every overture, but many of the followers of Narvaez openly or tacitly refused to support his cause, so detrimental was it to the royal interests. As it was, the great revolt at Mexico, followed by the terrible Noche Triste, must be ascribed to his presence and malicious insinuations. The papers taken from the fallen leader had been vouchers, not despatches. The death of a few men on this occasion, and the execution of others at different times, were deplored, but every military organization demands the maintenance of discipline, and is subject to such occurrences, all of which were no less permissible than the warring on natives who obstinately refused to submit to the sovereign and church. Cortés had assumed no royal power, but had made distribution of encomiendas for the sake of assuring the obedience of the native Americans and of maintaining possession of the domains for the crown, to whose superior confirmation the grants were subject. Treasure had been acquired by legitimate methods, and the royal fifth not only duly set aside, but largely increased by contribution of the finest specimens. If they had not reached the sovereign, the bishop of Búrgos must be held answerable. The fifth assigned to the commander was in consideration for his services and heavy expenses. The torture of the princes was an act of the army, headed by the royal treasurer, and the employment of natives to rebuild the city of Mexico was a measure demanded by the public interests. The arrival of Tapia tended to involve the country in perils similar to those aroused by Narvaez, so much so that the delegates of the colonists and army took his disposal into their own hands, confident that the sovereign would confirm an act dictated in his own interest. Indeed, none but Cortés, with skill and judgment as a general and governor, could have undertaken the conquest and carried it to a successful end, through so many dangers, unsupported by any one save his own followers and his own resources of mind and means, and this in the face of the bitter opposition of Velazquez, Fonseca, and their adherents, who kept back recruits and supplies, seized remittances, withheld his reports and agents, promoted revolts, and misrepresented his every motive and act. The letters from himself, the army, the officials. Friar Olmedo, and others, were filled with proofs of his ability and loyal devotion, while immense domains, larger than any so far acquired for the crown, and teeming with wealth and vassals, stood as eloquent witnesses of his achievements, ever glorious to Spanish fame.^[27]

What could be more grand and flattering to the Spanish nation than the quality and extent of this success 1 It had already raised in every Spanish heart a strong admiration for the hero, which overlooked everything but his greatness. Nor was the crown insensible to the necessity of justifying the means to such an end. The surpassing fitness of the man for his position was undeniable; besides, none could deny that Velazquez had been also irregular in his conduct, while his rival had suffered enough injury and opposition to justify many an overt act. The natural result was a decision in favor of Cortes, with the recommendation that neither Velazquez nor Fonseca should be allowed to interfere further in his affairs. The claims of the former to his share in the fleet, and other interests, belonged to the province of the court of law just established for suits connected with the Indies. The emperor rendered his decision in accordance, influenced mainly, it seems, by the charge that the Narvaez expedition had been the real cause for the great uprising which ended in the disastrous expulsion of Spaniards from Mexico.^[28]

The blow fell with unnecessary humiliation on Velazquez, being heralded on his own island, to the sound of trumpet, by the messengers who bore tokens of royal favors to his rival. His fortune had really been wrecked by the cost of expeditions and efforts against Cortés, which proved the chief means for his condemnation; and now every ambition was crushed, even the lingering hope of vengeance. The offer of regaining a small portion of his losses by appealing to the tribunals seemed irony. In sullen mood he retired to his residence stricken by grief and rage which fast consumed him. Once more he resolved to make fresh representations to the sovereign, and in 1524 he prepared to support them in person, but death intervened to spare him from further disappointments.^[29] Narvaez, who then joined Tapia and others in the old charges with supplementary complaints, received no satisfaction, though he was encouraged by the varying course of his rival's fortune to maintain the suit for some time.^[30]

The ambitious Fonseca was even more deeply affected than his protégé by the rebuke of Charles, though he had been prepared for it by the check already administered through Adrian, now his pontiff. The presidency of the India Council was an office connected more intimately than any otaer with the growth of the new world colonies. Its possessor, indeed, might readily have obtained immortal renown as father or patron of America by promoting its exploration, settlement, and administration, with the zeal worthy of a bishop, and the judgment resulting from thirty years' management of affairs. Instead of this, ever since the time of Columbus, he had proved an obstacle to advancement through his partisanship and narrow-mindedness. Columbus, Las Casas, Cortés, and other transatlantic lights incurred successively his pronounced hostility, and he condescended to acts wholly unworthy of his cloth, as if jealous of fame that would obscure his position. He never regained the favor by which he had rapidly advanced from a dean of Seville, through several prelacies, to the dignity of bishop of Burgos, with still higher prospects before him.^[31]

The conduct and measures of Cortés were generally approved, at least in all the main features,32 and the conquerors were confirmed in the possession of the encomiendas granted them, with the privilege of occupying prominent seats in churches and other public places.^[32] In a special cédula of October 15, 1522, the emperor expressed to the leader his appreciation of the services rendered in the conquest of so great a territory, and of the steps he had taken immediately on returning to Spain to become acquainted therewith, through his reports and agents, and to prevent his enemies from creating further mischief. He commends to his loyal zeal and experience the good administration of the country and the care and conversion of the natives. The better to enable him to carry out this measure and in recognition of his services, he is granted the offices of governor and captain-general of New Spain, with full power to appoint deputies and sub-officials throughout its provinces,^[33] and with permission to exclude any objectionable person from the country. Cortés was further gratified by a letter from Ferdinand, the brother of Charles and regent of Germany, who lauded his achievements and assured him of his good-will.^[34]

 

 

1. Bernal Diaz places the return after the Pánuco campaign, which is doubtful. Hist. Verdad., 163.
2. He had formerly been an adherent of Velazquez, and this sufficed to rouse Bernal Diaz against him, as a suspected person, who might have been dangerous had he been present when Tapia arrived. The encomienda embraced Quauhtitlan, with a large rental. Id.
3. Who had assisted to save the life of Cortés during the siege.
4. In a later letter he goes so far as to propose to arrest the Cuban governor. 'Pienso enviar por el dicho Diego Velazquez y prenderle, y preso, enviarle á V. M . . . cortando la raíz de todos males.' Cartas, 318. Bernal Diaz wrongly attributes this proposal to the present occasion. It may certainly be called capping the climax of the injuries heaped upon the unfortunate governor, though he deserves little sympathy.
5. 'Aunque otros dizen dos tanto.' Gomara, Hist. Conq., 216. The jewels, fabrics, etc., 150,000 ducats, the gold and silver as much more. The part set aside from the repartition after the fall of Mexico was worth more than 100,000 pesos de oro. Oviedo, iii. 468, 517. A list of the valuables sent to Spain is given in Memoria de Piezas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 253-68, 345-9. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i.
6. 'A fine emerald the size of the palm of a hand, of pyramidal shape.' Id. 'Perlas tamañas algunas dellas como auellanas.' Bernal Dias, Hist. Verdad., 163. This author alludes to a number of chalchiuites, 'like emeralds,' which can hardly include the stones called emeralds by others, for chalchiuites were never regarded as of much value by the conquerors, though the natives prized them above any other stones. The emerald referred to was a mere jade or serpentine, for Mexico possessed no emeralds. Alaman, Disert., i. 159. Peru they did have this precious stone, but the test to which the early adventurers submitted them — hammer blows — caused as a rule the rejection of the gennine stones, which were smashed in pieces, while the false ones were accepted.
7. Gomara mentions 'three tigers,' but accounts only for the fate of two. Hist. Mex., 216.
8. A man full of tricks and unfair at the gaming-table, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 190-1, and he certainly proved unreliable.
9. Dated May 8, 1522. Poder Otorgado, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 458-70. A relative named Francisco de las Casas is appointed substitute in case Martin Cortés fails to act. This Casas, a relative, figures ably in the conquest of Honduras. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 537 et seq., this series.
10. Peralta applies this statement to the treasures intended for the emperor. Not. Hist., 130-2, but it appears to be based on an event which occurred in connection with Cortés' own departure for Spain in 1528. Gomara affirms that the sum sent to the father was 4,000 ducats. Hist. Mex., 216.
11. 'Ochenta y ocho mil Castellanos en barras de oro.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 163. Herrera names Diego de Ordaz, of volcano fame, as one of the passengers, while others say that he had gone with the previous mission to Spain.
12. December 20th, according to Bernal Diaz, but this must be a slip either of memory or pen, which has misled several writers. A receipt for some of the treasure is dated at Seville, November 8, 1522. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 258-60.
13. Caravels, says Herrera. Bernal Diaz mentions only 2. One of them was the Santa María de la Rábida, commanded by Juan Baptista. Id., 253, 258, 260.
14. Under command of Juan Florin, or Florentin.
15. 'Que mostrassen el testamento de nuestro padre Adan, si les dexó a ellos solamente por herederos, y señiores de aquellas tierras que auian tomado entre ellos dos sin dalle a el ninguna dellas, e que por esta causa era licito robar, y temar todo lo que pudiesse por la mar.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 164.
16. The neglect to secure his liberation nettled him greatly, and he is said to have expressed delight at the loss to the court of so much treasure. On returning to Spain he received for compensation the permit to retain his encomiendas and other property, and the appointment of contador for Yucatan. In 1565 the municipality of Mexico granted his brother's family a lot adjoining their house, in consideration for Alonso's services; hut in the following year the house was razed, and the site covered with salt, after the execution of his nephews for complicity in the conspiracy of Martin Cortés. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 716-17; Herrera, dec. iii. Hb. iv. cap. xx., lib. x. cap. vii.
17. 'En el Puerto do Pico.' Id. Sandoval places this occurrence in November 1522, though he is some what confused about the facts. Hist. Carlos V., i. 563.
18. So says Herrera, while Bernal Diaz states that the death of the gallant captain was due to dagger thrusts, which he received at Tercera during a Lotharian escapade. ubi sup.
19. A list of what she brought is given in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii, 253-60. Herrera relates two somewhat varied and confused versions, and says that the vessel with all its effects was placed under embargo by Fonseca's order, which is unlikely. Dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i. iii., lib. ix. cap. xx. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 216, disposes quite briefly of the voyage; but Bernal Diaz is more complete and reliable. In a letter to the emperor, Cortés expresses regret at the loss, chiefly on account of the choice nature of the specimens, which would have aided in demonstrating his services, but 'yo trabajaré de enviar otras muy mas ricas y extrañas,' he concludes consolingly. Cartas, 317.
20. Petronila de Fonseca. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 238. Bernal Diaz fancies also that she may have been engaged to Tapia. Hist. Verdad., 183.
21. The bishop had hidden hs reports, 'que no ss veriã mientras viuiesse.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.
22. Bernal Diaz says Monsieur de Lasoa, sent by the emperor to congratulate Adrian on his election to the papacy. Nassau certainly proved himself a great friend to Cortés afterward.
23. It is even said that he suspended the bishop from his presidency of the council; but this was probably left to the emperor.
24. Mariana, Hist. Esp., vii. 310, viii. 101.
25. Mercurio de Gatinara; Hernando de Vega, lord of Grijal and comendador mayor of Castile; Monsieur de la Chaux, great chamberlain; Doctor Lorenzo Galindez de Carbajal, an old and eminent jurist; Licentiate Francisco de Vargas, general treasurer of Castile; and Doctor de la Roche, a Fleming. Such are the names given in Herrera, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Cortés, Vida, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 352-3. Several sessions were held. Manuel de Rojas and Andrés de Duero, representing Velazquez, appeared with Tapia on one side, while Licentiate Cespedes is said to have been among those who pleaded for Cortés. Vetancurt, Teatro, pt. ili. 153, assumes wrongiy that Ribera and Melgarejo arrived in time to be present now, and Prescott adds Narvaez, Mex. iii, 246-7. Both confound this trial with subsequent revivals of charges before tribunals and council.
26. Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411-20; Hist. Mex., i, 57-8, this series.
27. These and other arguments are produced in Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 184-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 238-9, this latter, strange enough, giving the charges pretty fully, but disposing of the defence with the brief remark: 'Los descargos, razon y justicia que tuuo Cortes . . . la historia las cuenta.' From these sources later writers form their account.
28. Cédula, October 15, 1522, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 66. Gomara states that both Velazquez and Fonseca-were removed from office, though he is not quite clear about the latter. 'Mādo al Obispo . . . q no entendiesse mas en negocios de Cortes, ni de Indias, a lo que parecio.' Hist. Mex., 237-8. Bernal Diaz affirms this more strongly. Hist. Verdad., 183, and in Cortés, Vida, Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 352, the bishop is allowed to retire voluntarily; but the case is doubtful, Remesal declaring that his successor, Loaisa, did not assume the presidency till August 2, 1524. Hist. Chyapa, 9.
29. Oviedo, i. 541. 'De pesar cayó malo, y dende a pocos meses murió,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 187. His heirs seem to have made no resolute efforts to recover their claims against Cortés, yet in 1562 his descendant, Velazquez de Bazan, demanded the fulfilment of the contract with the crown, granting him and his heirs share in the revenue of the countries he should discover and conquer. In 1584 he offered to compromise for a revenue of 15,000 ducats, and a habit of Santiago for his son. Velazquez, Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 232-8. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 80-6; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 64.
30. He was ironically told to bring Ávila from his French prison to prove the charge that he had stolen his commission. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 186. The claim against Cortés presented by his agent Ceballos some years later, for property lost by him and his followers at Cermpoala, amounted to 300,000 pesos de oro. This included indemnity for his long imprisonment. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 437-44; Cortés, Residencia, i. 87 et seq.
31. He fell sick with disgust, and appears to have died during the following year. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xiv.; though Irving says November 4, 1554. Columbus, iii. 550. Bernal Diaz states that his troubles were increased by differences with his nephew about the archbishopric of Santiago. Hist. Verdad., 187. Already archbishop of Rosano, and comisario-general de la Cruzada, he might readily have become archbishop of Toledo. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 238. Solis will not believe all the charges against 'un Varon tan vene rable y tan graduado.' Hist. Mex., ii. 273. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 168, this series.
32. Umbría and Cárdenas, who had suffered amputation of the feet for aiding in a Velazquezan revolt, were given encomiendas 'que renten a cada uno mil pesos de oro.' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. These and a few other indirect rebukes were the only exceptions.
33. This commission, bearing the same date as the cédula, alludes to the new country as 'Aculuacan and San Xoan de Olua, llamada la Nueva España,' a name conferred in accordance with Cortés' request. He is to be 'royal judge, governor, justice, and captain-general, without prejudice to any privilege held or claimed by Adelantado Velazquez.' From which it appears that the latter still possessed the right to discover and settle lands, or more probably islands, adjoining New Spain, for instance Yucatan, which is not included in the above cédula. See Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 59-70. Gomara wrongly adds the title of adelantado, which was proposed for him only in 1525. Bernal Diaz misleads several in giving a wrong date. The salary assigned amounted to a little over 300,000 maravedis, while the royal officials appointed at the same time received 510,000. Cortés complained of this inequality, and by cédula of November 4, 1525, he is told that steps will be taken to satisfy him. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 99-100, 102; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, 102; Cortés, Cartas, 338-9.
34. This was in answer to a letter accompanied by presents from Cortés. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 186. The general had evidently made wide-spread efforts to curry favor with the court.