History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 4

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IV.

TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.

1521-1522.

Velazquez still Longing for Mexico — A Governor Sent from Spain — Intrigues of Tapia — Counter-intrigues — Conference of Cempoala — The Claimant Ousted — Bono de Quejo's Mission — Revolt of the Aztecs — A Terrible Lesson — Conspiracies against Cortés — Narvaez at his Feet.

In the midst of these operations, tending to the increase of Spanish dominion, and as Cortés was about to despatch a force to take possession of that bone of contention, Pánuco,^[1] in the beginning of December 1521, startling information arrived from Villa Rica which caused the postponement of the expedition, and any other movements involving a diminution of available forces. Velazquez had never for an instant relaxed his efforts to overthrow the ambitious lieutenant who had robbed him of the gain and glory connected with the conquest of New Spain, and as reports grew eloquent on its immense extent and resources, his efforts increased, as did the number and zeal of his party, stimulated by shares in all these riches. It is even said that he projected a descent in person on New Spain, with a fleet of seven or eight vessels. He must have been encouraged by the assurances of malcontents who had been allowed to return to Cuba, after the Tepeaca campaign, and who affirmed that the presence of the governor of Cuba, supported by profuse promises of favors and grants, would be sufficient to win back to his standard the troops of Narvaez, which formed the majority of the army of Cortés. These would swell his forces to irresistible proportions, and taught by the mistakes of Narvaez, he would have no difficulty in defeating Cortés, and reaping the results of his intrigues and campaigns. While all this was alluring, the governor had too great a regard for his portly form to willingly expose it to the skill of Cortés, and yet it would be useless to intrust a lieutenant with the expedition. Whether this prudent consideration was sufficient to cause the abandonment of the project is not clear, but it certainly was abandoned.^[2]

The friends of Cortés had not failed to point out to the emperor the necessity of sustaining so energetic and able a captain in his efforts to extend the domains and revenue of the crown, and since the argument was supported by the eloquent plea of golden treasures, his Majesty felt induced to take a lenient view of the offence committed. While not exactly approving it, he left the case in the hands of his council, to be decided by future circumstances.^[3] Occupied with the affairs of his German empire, he gave comparatively little attention to discoveries in the remote west, and the India Council managed these interests according to its pleasure. While this body was controlled by the regency, Cardinal Adrian was too much distracted by nuncial affairs, particularly the comunidad troubles, to exercise fully his authority. During the varying course of Cortés' suit, therefore, Fonseca, as president of the council, managed to direct the inflowing testimony to his own advantage, identical with that of his protégé, and prevailed on his associates not to let the unscrupulous Cortés proceed wholly unchecked in a career which, so dishonestly begun, might lead to disloyal acts. The previous efforts of the president to obtain the appointment of an agent to assume at least partial control of the new region, and investigate the question, had failed on the ground that such interference might endanger the progress of conquest, or even drive the leader to desperate measures prejudicial to the crown. Now the emperor was absent, however, and Fonseca carried his point by issuing a commission to his adherent, Cristóbal de Tapia, inspector of smelting works in Española,^[4] to proceed at once to New Spain, and take charge of the government of the countries granted to Adelantado Velazquez, without prejudice to his claims; and further, to investigate the conduct of Cortés toward Velazquez and Narvaez, and his usurpation of office as governor and captain-general. To this end he was empowered to arrest him and any accomplices, and attach their property, refraining, however, from passing sentence, which would be pronounced by the crown in accordance with the evidence sent in.^[5] He was also provided with letters for Cortés and leading officers, wherein the president of the council urged them to aid Tapia in his duties as governor and judge, promising favors and intercession with the sovereign if faithful, otherwise the royal displeasure should fall heavily upon them. A large number of similar letters, unaddressed, were issued to enable Tapia to select useful adherents.

Elated by the possession of these dignities, Tapia hastened on his mission, in one small vessel, and almost unattended, regardless of the warnings imparted by the audiencia of Española, which had declared that the sovereign should be informed of what had happened in New Spain since last advices, before a step was taken that might create an uprising, and injure the royal interests.^[6] On arriving at Villa Rica, Tapia exhibited his credentials to Gonzalo de Alvarado, who had replaced Rangel as lieutenant,^[7] and demanded recognition. Gonzalo appears to have been somewhat intimidated by the documents, and accorded no little deference to their possessor.^[8] He would undoubtedly be obeyed, but it was necessary that he should address himself to Cortés. Tapia sought with promises and threats to draw the officials and settlers on the coast to his side, but, warned by former occurrences, the general had taken the precaution to intrust the guardianship of the coast to loyal persons, and, although a few malcontents appeared, yet bribery failed with the controlling majority.^[9] Under these circumstances the commissioner deemed it unsafe to penetrate the interior, whose occupants were still more devoted to his rival, and thus place himself entirely at his mercy. Narvaez, still a prisoner at Villa Rica, appears to have increased his fears by pointing out that if he, a general of repute with a strong army, had been ignored and attacked, the unattended agent could expect little consideration.^[10] Tapia accordingly contented himself with writing a carefully worded letter to Cortés, informing him of his mission and leaving it to his decision whether their meeting for the exhibition of credentials should take place at Mexico or on the coast.

Already informed of the arrival, the general had instructed the authorities at Villa Rica to entertain the claimant till he should meet him, always courteously and peaceably, so that the royal service should not suffer. fie now wrote to Tapia, whose polite letter was wholly eclipsed by the neatly turned sentences and flattering assurances of the king-maker at Tenochtitlan. Nothing could exceed his joy in welcoming so esteemed a friend; and there was none whom he would rather see installed as governor. Unable for the moment to leave the capital, he had commissioned the bearer of the letter, Friar Melgarejo, the highly respectable comisario de la cruzada, to inform him of the condition of affairs, and confer with him on the necessary measures for carrying out the royal wishes. For greater effect, Cortés impressed the friar, in presence of the royal treasurer, who was regarded as an unfriendly spy, with the most loyal commendations for the entertainment of Tapia.^[11]

This preliminary farce arranged, Cortés prepared to take more efficient measures for the management of an affair too delicate and important to be intrusted to any but the most skilful hands. It is scarcely necessary to say that he had no intention to surrender the results of his achievements, the aim and hope of his life, at the first bidding of this interloper. Nor were his many adherents willing to leave to the friends of Velazquez the distribution of rewards, now swelling to vast proportions under inflowing tributes, and rumors of rich developments in different quarters. Indeed, they would probably be deprived even of what they had acquired, as abettors of a usurper. Cortés took occasion to increase this feeling, and to dispel the fears and doubts of less determined persons, by letting it be known that the commissions of Tapia were not signed by the king, but by Fonseca, the patron of Velazquez, and consequently issued without due authority. This revelation made his plan the more simple. At first he thought it better to meet the commissioner himself, but finally he concluded that it was not advisable to let him display his imposing credentials at Mexico, where so many malcontents would muster in his favor under the leadership of Treasurer Alderete. He would direct operations against the claimant at a distance, where his own hand would be less apparent. Who could question his loyalty if he left the disposal of Tapia to a council of delegates representing apparently the whole country!

The first step was to announce his intention to go and receive Tapia, and to cause a number of delegates to formally protest against his departure. The unconsolidated government would be imperilled by his absence and encouragement given to the scarcely subdued natives to create trouble.^[12] Deceived by the manœuvre, Alderete joined in the protest and the recommendation that deputies be selected to confer with the new governor. Cortés yielded, and appointed Diego de Soto and Diego de Valdenebro to act for him in unison with a council of delegates from the different Spanish settlements. Sandoval, then pacifying and settling the Goazacoalco region, was told to attend the conference to be held at Villa Rica in his character of alguacil mayor. He was also secretly instructed to take a respectable force, and further, to immediately install a municipality at Medellin, so as to increase the number of trustworthy delegates and render the issue more sure.^[13]

Accompanied by Andrés de Tapia and a considerable force, Sandoval met the commissioner and Father Melgarejo at Jalapa, on the way to Mexico, whither the prospect of a strong support from Alderete and his party seems to have called him. The latter spared no argument or threat to induce Sandoval to join him; but the loyal lieutenant replied bluntly that he would never stoop to treason against his leader,^[14] who for that matter did not oppose his claims, but had summoned the different local authorities to examine them and accord due obedience. From what he had heard of Cortés' summary way of treating opponents, Tapia was pleased with having to deal only with his representatives. In any case there was too much persuasion in Sandoval's tone, with bristling accompaniment, for Tapia to do aught but return to Villa Rica. The lieutenant's first step was to appease with appropriate favors those of the settlers who appeared to have greeted the new-comer with too much cordiality. Further, in order to withdraw the council from all pernicious influence, he caused it to assemble at Cempoala.^[15] The members consisted of Francisco Álvarez Chico, alcalde of Villa Rica; Jorge de Alvarado, and Simon de Cuenca, regidores; Bernardo Vazquez de Tapia, factor; Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde end delegate for Tenochtitlan; Cristobal Corral, regidor and delegate for Segura de la Frontera; Andrés de Monjaraz, alcalde and delegate for Medellin; Soto and Valdenebro, agents for Cortés, and Sandoval.^[16]

On the 12th of December Tapia presented before this assembly his credentials and orders, which were received with the customary respect, but he was notified that they would have to be examined and discussed before the nature and manner of the compliance could be determined. Four days later he was informed that petitions had been sent to Spain by the representatives of the country concerning the very governorship claimed by Tapia, and pending the reply, which would settle several other important questions, the interests of the sovereign demanded that the credentials be left in abeyance. This was the more imperative since the documents were not signed by his Majesty, or his secretary, a defect which implied that the Council of the Indies had not acted in accord with their royal master, whom it was their duty as loyal subjects to obey above all. There were besides certain misstatements in the documents which made it evident that they had been issued under false representations. This mode of voiding compliance with royal orders may be regarded as flimsy when it is considered that Cardinal Adrian, who signed them, was the appointed representative of the king of Spain; yet a plausible reason existed in the fact that representations affecting the question at issue had been addressed directly to the king, and this made it undesirable to act on the orders of his agent before the answer came. The present noncompliance was far less flagrant than many other instances of disobedience to royal decrees, so frequent in the Indies, owing to the distance from Spain, and to the neglect or difficulty of punishing the culprits. The delegates no doubt felt greatly sustained by the report that the audiencia of Santo Domingo had objected to the decree.^[17]

Tapia lodged a formal protest against the decision, which made them liable to the heavy penalty named in his commission.^[18] The delegates replied by repeating their objections, which they would submit to the sovereign, together with a petition. His reasons were invalid, and they did not recognize his power to impose any penalty.^[19] They further declared his presence dangerous to the tranquillity of the country, and ordered him peremptorily to depart. The latter message was delivered by Sandoval, with the blunt intimation that if he did not, he would be mounted on an ass and made to leave. He still lingered, however, breathing defiance, and giving rise to no little anxiety among the friends of Cortés, who feared that a delay might enable a faction to take up his cause and create trouble. Some, indeed, counselled that a bribe be given him, but this would have been a needless expenditure of treasure; still, it was thought expedient to offer a liberal price for the horses, negroes, and some other effects,^[20] so that no reasons should exist for further delay. This succeeded, and with a sigh of relief his vessel was seen to disappear, burdened, however, with a growing array of complaints to be used in retaliation.^[21] The indirect bestowal of a bribe to hasten the fleet of Tapia was by no means misplaced, as it happened. Not long after he had left Villa Rica the good people at Medellin were startled by the appearance of a sail at San Juan.^[22] Surely the commissioner was not returning to stir anew the quarrel in this locality. The anxiety was not lessened by a summons for the authorities to meet Juan Bono de Quejo, the bearer of important despatches for Governor Tapia, with greetings from Adelantado Velazquez. The mere presence of Quejo boded no good, for he was a hard-headed Biscayan,^[23] who, after sharing the first mishaps of Narvaez on this coast, as one of his officers, had left to plead his cause. Several cédulas having arrived from the king himself, after Tapia's departure, containing not only additional instructions but confirmation of his powers, it was deemed necessary that they should reach him as soon as possible, for even the authorities in Spain could not fail to recognize that objections might be raised to their signatures among the cavilling officials in the Indies. When the despatches reached the Islands, Velazquez placed a small vessel at Quejo's disposal.

These confirmatory documents, signed by the king, were not a little perplexing, and the coast officials could only refer him to Cortés. The latter expressed regrets at the departure of Tapia, which made it impossible to obey the mandates, and by a combination of suave language and glittering jewels he completely won the heart of the messenger, who quietly placed in his pocket the cédulas and accompanying packet of unaddressed letters with which fresh adherents were to be allured, and abandoned himself to the amenities of his situation. A little later he proceeded with well filled pockets to report in Spain the futility of his mission.^[24]

In explaining to the emperor the treatment accorded to his governor, Cortés prudently throws the responsibility on the popular representatives, who decided in the case as they considered best for the crown; but he seeks to defend their course by relating that the apprehended danger from this attempt of a stranger to assume the administration did actually come to pass. The mere report of an impending change engendered conspiracy among the Indians, which, if successful, would have been more serious than any preceding revolt. It extended through the districts of Mexico and Coyuhuacan, and broke cut also in Tututepec and Meztitlan, to the north-west.^[25]

The main obstacle at Mexico was the presence of the terrible Cortés, and with a view to remove this, and to enable the warriors to assemble, it was arranged to induce the general, by means of a false report that twenty vessels had appeared off the coast, to depart for Villa Rica, and permit them to join his banner with a large force.^[26] Informed of the movement by spies, he seized the accused ringleaders, and since the safety and interests of the Spaniards demanded a severe example to similar malcontents, punishments were inflicted which were long remembered in New Spain. Some of the minor culprits were suspended by the noose among the ruins left by the invaders, while the leaders, according to the native historian, Ixtlilxochitl, were exposed in an amphitheatre, like bulls, to the attacks of infuriated blood-hounds, which tore them in pieces, and even devoured their flesh.^[27]

At Tututepec and Meztitlan the uprising was soon smothered by a large force of Spaniards and allies. A. few encounters brought the inhabitants to their knees, and Cortés was even induced to pardon the captured caciques.^[28] The revolt appears to have been long planned by the Quauhtemotzin party, probably since his torture, and had in view his restoration and the quick disposal of the Spanish leaders, so as to make the soldiers a readier prey. Nevertheless it could not have been of great extent, though Cortés seeks to make the most of it, and to connect it with the presence of Tapia, a man wholly unfit and inexperienced to cope with such movements, as he pointedly observes. While influenced by purely selfish motives, there is no doubt that his procedure served the best interests of the crown, for at this early period a man of his sagacity, influence, and skill as ruler and leader, was needed to maintain and advance the conquest of the country. The toleration of factions would have been dangerous. Of this Velazquez and his patron and adherents were fully aware; but envy and ambition blinded them to their own inefficiency, and to prudence.

The revolt was not the only danger to Cortés ascribed to the Tapia episode, if we may credit Herrera. Disgusted with the disposal of the commissary, and encouraged by the evident wishes of the sovereign manifested in the cédulas of Quejo, Alderete, the royal treasurer, is said to have promoted two plots against the general's life, one being to assassinate him while kneeling at mass, the other to blow him up at his quarters. Informed of the plan, Cortés summoned the official to his presence and revealed it. Alderete was thoroughly crushed by the disclosure, and could only throw himself upon his mercy. Magnanimity had proved a politic virtue before this, and it was again exercised, both to avoid dangerous complications, and to neutralize the opposition of a strong party.^[29]

 

Among the orders brought by Tapia was one wherein the Council of the Indies forbade the audiencia of Santo Domingo to deal with the outrage of Narvaez on Oidor Aillon, and signified its desire that he should no longer be kept in durance. Cortés accordingly instructed Rodrigo Rangel, who had replaced the vacillating Gonzalo de Alvarado as lieutenant at Villa Rica,^[30] to send him to Coyuhuacan. The long confinement at the coast fortress, exposed to the jeers of every passer-by, had tended not a little to humble the arrogant leader, so much so, indeed, that when Cortés came forth to meet him he knelt to kiss the hand of his former despised rival. The latter had good reason for remonstrating against this self-abasement, as he had for coming forth to meet a man whose reascending star appeared so significantly in the cédulas concerning him. He not only raised him from the ground, but offered with fraternal embrace a seat by his side, and showed the most marked attention. Narvaez, on his side, spoke with humble feeling of the glowing achievements which had effected the conquest of so vast and rich a country, with such numerous and strong cities. His own defeat had, indeed, been a trifling matter in comparison. Magnificent rewards must surely flow from the sovereign, and to this end he would devote his own efforts in the behalf of Cortés. With such words did he mask the burning hatred that awaited only opportunity.^[31] The opportunity came when toward the close of 1523 he was permitted, partly through the influence of Garay's pleadings, to leave New Spain.^[32] Thereupon he hastened to court to stir up afresh the enemies of Cortés.

 

 

1. For this, 25 horsemen and 150 foot-soldiers stood prepared. Cortés, Cartas, 264.
2. Oviedo, iii. 540, states that the apace did start, but on coming in sight of Yucatan the timid counsels of Licentiate Parada so alarmed Velazquez that he turned back, 'con infamia suya y con mucho gasto y pérdida.' Herrera also intimates that the fleet sailed. dec, iii. lib. 11. cap. xvui. But the affair is nevertheless involved in doubt.
3. See Hist. Mex., i, 173, this series.
4. 'En Santo Domingo.' Some say he was commandant of the fort there. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159.
5. This document, dated April 11, 1521, was signed by Cardinal Adrian, who ruled for the absent emperor, and countersigned by the bishop of Burgos. It begins by relating how Cortés had assumed for himself the fleet with which Velazquez had sent him to trade and settle in the countries discovered by this governor, and alludes also to Narvaez' maltreatment of Oidor Aillon which must be investigated. Cortés, Velazquez, and other captains are instructed to aid Tapia in his duty, under penalty of 1,000 ducats for each neglect. Provicion de Tapia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 36-42. Although this was not signed by the emperor, later cédulas confirmed Tapia indirectly as governor of the lands discovered by Velazquez. See for instance that issued to Garay in the same year, wherein he is informed that Tapia had been instructed to settle the boundaries of the respective grants of Velazquez, Ponce de Leon, and his own. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 148. This order to Tapia must have followed him to New Spain, though Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvi., includes it in the other instructions
6. 'Le quisierõ quitar el oficio la audiencia y governador, porque fuera a reboluer la nueva España, auiẽdo le mãdado que no fuesse so gravissimas penas,' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 221. Till the sovereign should have been informed of what had occurred in New Spain. Cortés, Cartas, 267. It is not likely that this body ventured to do more than warn him. Bernal Diaz writes that he came with two vessels.
7. Rangel, the former alcalde mayor, having been removed through some disagreement, says Bernal Diaz.
8. So much so that his brothers accused him of willingness to comply with Tapia's demand, and Cortés dismissed him from office. Cortés, Residencia, i. 252, 326, ii. 15, 56-7.
9. By the time of the residencia in 1529 different grievances had increased the malcontents, who then pretended, perhaps for prudential reasons, that they had been compelled to ignore Tapia.
10. The liberty accorded Tapia freely to commune with such men as Narvaez, and to exert his persuasion, must have been the main cause for dissatisfaction with Gonzalo de Alvarado. The desire to obtain his release must have struggled in Narvaez' breast with jealousy of success on the part of an inferior man like Tapia.
11. To whatever place he right go appropriate treatment should be accorded; 'fuesse tratado como cõuenia,' is Herrera's significant expression. dec. iii. lib. iii, cap. xvi.
12. This requerimiento, made in the name of Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde of Tenochtitlan, Bernardo Vazquez de Tapia, regidor of Villa Rica, and soon after the enemy of Cortés, and Cristóbal Corral, regidor of Segura, was dated December 12, 1521, before the notary at Coyuhuacan. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 30-5. Cortés magnifies the danger of a native revolt in explaining the motive to the emperor. Cartas, 265. Herrera does not perceive the trick of Cortés, but assumes that he really wished to treat personally with Tapia, rather than trust the affair to others.
13. While mentioning this, Herrera assumes that Cortés instructed Andrés de Tapia to leave Villa Rica for the purpose of establishing the town. Mejia agrees with Bernal Diaz that Sandoval founded it, though he states that it was done now, to give authority to the alcaldes and regidores appointed by Cortés. Cortés, Residencia, 1. 83-4.
14. 'Que los Gouernadores de Castilla, que lo auian embiado estauan mal informados . . . y no tomauan el camino necessario.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvi. But Sandoval was too prudent to make so meddlesome a reply.
15. Some believe it to have been held at Villa Rica; others, like Oviedo, iii. 517, at Jalapa; but its lately published records mention Cempoala.
16. Cuenca is called Ramon in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 36-7, a misprint evidently for Simon. See Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 452. Some of the first-named members were probably a little doubtful in their adhesion, 80 that the appointment of a delegate for Medellin became rather a necessity for swelling the majority of Cortés.
17. 'Que las prouisiones eran fauorables y falsas: y el incapaz e indigno de tan grande gouernacion,' says Gomara curtly. Hist. Mex., 221.
18. He mentioned among other reasons that the royal seal confirmed its validity. The omission of the secretary's signature was an accident.
19. The records of these proceedings, which lasted till January 6, 1522, are given in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 30-58.
20. Bernal Diaz declares that a gold bribe was acturily given, and one of the vessels bought, Hist. Verdad., 160, but this statement rests no doubt on the purchase alone, which in a sense was bribery. 'Se boluio por donde fue con grande afrenta, no se sicon moneda,' says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 22). Narvaez ig said to have advised him to convert available effects into money and hasten to Spain, where the very insult offered the supreme authorities in his person would raise a strong movement in his favor. Cavo has a confused story that Tapia was induced to settle at Medellin, where a fortune could speedily be made. Internal troubles arising, he sought to avail himself thereof to advance his pretensions; whereupon Cortés caused him to embark. Tres Siglos, i. 20.
21. Most authorities intimate a voluntary embarkation, but testimony in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 14, 15, 144, states that he was 'conducted' on hoard, by the orders of Alcalde Alvarez. Corral is said to have taken the leading part in the previous altercation. According to Cortés and others, Tapia received a severe reprimand in Española for his attempt to create troubles in New Spain. If he failed to enjoy the office, he certainly received his salary as governor. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.
22. At Medellin, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 167, whither he summoned the authorities from Goazacoalco. The municipality of Medellin had probably not yet taken up their abode there. San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan, or de Ulua, served as port for Medellin. This summons may account for Cortés' statement that he arrived at Espíritu Santo. Cartas, 279.
23. Master of one of his vessels. Cortés, Cartas, 279.
24. Cortes le ayudó para la costa,' is Bernal Diaz' significant allusion to the departure. Hist. Verdad., 167. Had Tapia still been in Mexico, observes Gomara, there would have been great trouble, in view of the imposing letters and cédulas brought. Hist. Mex., 221. One Hernandez declared that Quejo become so intimate with Cortés that he proposed new marriage relations for him with Fonseca's niece. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 358, 372. This declaration would indicate that the messenger was still in Mexico in the middle of 1522.
25. This Tututepec is called del norte to distinguish it from that on the South Sea. 'Se rebelaron los Cuixtecas, y los de Coaçacoalco y Tauasco, y otros que les costo caro,' is Gomara's account of it. Hist. Mex., 222; Cortés, Cartas, 278.
26. In support of the story they brought him a painting of the fleet. Cortés, Cartas, 266.
27. Hor. Crueldades, 61-2. This writer, whose statements cannot always be relied upon, adds that King Ixtlilxochitl saved his brother Cohuanacoch, one of the accused, from the dogs, regardless of the soldiers. The Spanish writers naturally allude to no cruelties. Gomara refers to the revolt on two occasions, with evident confusion. Hist. Mex., 222, 235.
28. The campaign cost the lives of two Spaniards and a few allies. Cortés, Cartas, 278-9.
29. Such at least must be the conclusion if we accept the story. Alderete died not long after. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 188. 'Vn Clerigo llamado Leon, assi mismo descubrió, que con barriles de poluora, querian bolarle en el aposento.' Herrera, dec. ili. hb. ii. cap. xvi. The phrasing would indicate that Alderete was not supposed to have managed both the plots.
30. With Pedro de Ircio as aid. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159.
31. Tho gossips circulated a story that Cortés gave Narvaez 50,000 ducats wherewith to compensate Velazquez for his losses through the expedition to Mexico, but this deserves little credit, says Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xv. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 160-1. Nor is it likely that Cortés would have giver the money to Narvaez, whc would have kept it for his own claims
32. His obsequious flattery of Cortés had no doubt assisted at the liberation, as well as the pleadings of his rich wife Maria de Valenzuela, who appears to have known the conqueror. Narvaez was even given 2,000 pesos de oro, probably in payment of certain effects taken from him, and he left with humble protestations, Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 170. Among the scores to be remembered by him against Cortés was the execution of Diego Diaz, a shipmaster, who sought to procure his escape from Villa Rica early in 1521. The record of the trial is given in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 287-97.