History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 25

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXV.

ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY REVILLA GIGEDO THE YOUNGER.

1789-1794.

Ancient and Modern Population of New Spain and the Capital — Chapultepec — Palace of Viceroy Galvez — Moral and Social Condition of the Capital — Reforms Made by the Viceroy — Appearance of the City in 1800 — Prominent Buildings — And Other Objects of Note — Nuestra Señora de los Remedios — Arrival of Revilla Gigedo — Crimes and Quick Justice — Military Reforms — Indian Disturbances — The Viceroy’s Letter-box — Formation of Official Archives — Intendencias — Effect of the French Revolution on New Spain — Recall of the Viceroy — Unjust Persecution — His Final Vindication.

According to a census taken in 1790, by order of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo the younger, the population of the intendencia of Mexico then exceeded 1,500,000, and that of the capital was little short of 113,000;^[1] and yet it is probable that the latter estimate was little more than one third of the number of inhabitants that peopled Tenochtitlan immediately before the conquest. It is, of course, impossible to give the population of the ancient capital with any approach to accuracy; and, apart from the records of the chroniclers, we can but draw our conclusions from the number of warriors whom Cuitlahuatzin and Quauhtemotzin arrayed against the Spaniards and their allies, from the remains of walls and buildings, and from what we can ascertain of the circumference of the city.^[2]

From the 4th of July 1523, on which date, it will be remembered, a coat of arms was presented to the capital of New Spain-in consideration of its being "tan insigne y noble,"^[3] until the close of the eighteenth century the growth in population had not been remarkable. Cortés in a letter dated October 15, 1524,^[4] intimates, as we have seen, that there were then 30,000 vecinos, although this number doubtless included many non-residents, while Gromara, who wrote about the middle of the sixteenth century, makes mention of two thousand Spanish settlers alone,^[5] and Torquemada, who describes events that occurred thirty years later, places the number of Spanish households as high as seven thousand, and of native families at eight thousand. Allowing for exaggeration, it must be said, therefore, that the progress of the metropolis in this particular was much smaller than that of many of the old-world capitals during a similar period, and far less than has been made within two or three decades by many cities on this continent.

It requires no slight exercise of faith to believe that the modern capital which is now distant about a league from the shore of the lake, was built on the site where," as Humboldt says, "stood old Tenochtitlan, with its numerous teocallis, which rose toward the sky like minarets* surrounded by water and causeways, built upon islands covered with vegetation, and with the constant movement of thousands of boats on the surface of the lake." The main cause that contributed to dry up the lakes round the city, is the drainage work of Huehuetoca, of which mention has been made in its place.^[6] The destruction of the forests in the valley of Mexico, occasioned by the vast consumption of lumber needed to rebuild the city and for other purposes, of course helped to cause a shrinkage in the volume of water.

Chapultepec, a historic spot in Aztec as well as New Spain history,^[7] alone retained its former beauty. After the conquest the Spanish commander stationed there a small garrison of Tlascaltecs, and from that time it became a favorite place of resort for the Spaniards, as it had formerly been of the Mexican emperors.^[8] Viceroy Luis Velasco dedicated "to his sovereign this forest, beautiful place for public recreation," and placed there two greyhounds that had been brought from Spain by Archbishop Montúfar. These multiplied so rapidly that the species after some years became quite common throughout New Spain.

The viceroy Galvez chose the heights of Chapultepec on which to build a palace for himself and his successors.^[9] The design of the structure was somewhat remarkable. The side facing Mexico was fortified with walls and buttresses capable of supporting cannon, though built as though merely for architectural adornment. On the north were ditches and wide souterrains large enough to contain stores for several months.^[10] When Galvez was Wrongfully suspected of treason, it was thought that the palace was intended to serve him as a last retreat and place of defence, should European troops be sent against him. The structure remained unfinished until devoted to other uses after the independence, and its beauty was marred by the addition of an astronomical observatory. From this point is obtained a fine view of the valley, and of the city of Mexico with its towering spires and prominent structures encircled with gardens, orchards, country villas, and shaded causeways.^[11]

At the time of Revilla Gigedo's arrival as viceroy of New Spain in 1789, the capital appears to have been in a demoralized condition morally and socially. "It had been converted," says Bustamante, "into a receptacle for immoral persons, coming from all parts of the country, and hiding with greater security in the capital than thieves in their forest haunts and dens; they act with impunity knowing that there is no police to interfere with their conduct." And in no very flattering language this writer laments that the city was not the capital of a flourishing empire, but "a cesspool, filthy and pestiferous, with its centre in the principal square."

Indeed, this plaza presented a singular appearance. Notwithstanding the orders issued after the riot of 1692, its surface was covered with booths and stands of every description and filled with half-naked hucksters. The gallows and the pillory occupied a prominent place in front of the viceregal palace to the right, and the execution of criminals could be witnessed by many thousands of spectators. A column, poorly constructed and crowned by a statue of Fernando VI. rose in the centre of the square, and on one side was the graveyard of the cathedral. The interior of the viceregal palace, which was never closed, was also filled with hucksters' booths, and along the sides of its walls flowered the drainage canal which received the offal of the city. The police system was in keeping with the condition of the plaza; there were no watchmen or guardians of the peace, nor any other means to assure safety than the occasional few patrols of alcaldes or citizens; there were no street lights, and at night it was necessary to carry torches or lanterns; the pavements were neglected, and through the middle of the streets ran open gutters loaded with filth. Nevertheless, comparing the condition of the capital with that of many of.the principal European cities in the eighteenth century, the contrast is not very marked.

Revilla Gigedo comprehended the immediate necessity of reform. He recognized that the prevailing abuses were caused by the indolence and criminal neglect of former rulers, whose principal aim seemed always to have been the accumulation of riches which they might enjoy on their return to Spain. He suppressed the festivities at his reception; the palace and the plaza were deprived of their filthy booths; working men were compelled to appear in more decent dress; public baths and market-places were overhauled and regulated; a system of lighting the streets was inaugurated, the paving of streets was recommenced, and an effective fire brigade was organized. A multitude of other useful measures was adopted during the administration of this able and energetic ruler. Among them was a reduction in the number of feast days which clogged the regular course of traffic and commerce, and increased the natural indolence of the masses. A foundling institute was also erected to check the crime of child-murder, which had become very prevalent.

This was not all. Not a single elementary free school is said to have existed at the time in the capital or in the provinces, and nearly all the other institutions of learning were under the charge of friars, generally ignorant and cruel, while the female institutes were directed by women whose mode of teaching consisted in narrating ridiculous stories of saints, calculated to develop the superstition of the listeners. Of useful knowledge, a little reading and writing were sufficient.^[12] Even the school of mining, so celebrated in after years, was only an institute in name. It lacked professors, instruments, and apparatus, and its utility was questionable. All these matters received the attention of the viceroy. At the same time he established a new police system and remodelled the administration of justice. Great changes were soon apparent, and the labors of Revilla Gigedo became of lasting benefit to New Spain, particularly to the capital.

Notwithstanding these drawbacks, at the close of the eighteenth century Mexico was the largest city in America, and one of the finest built by Europeans on either hemisphere. From north to south it measured one league, and three fourths of a league from east to west. It was encircled by a ditch, or navigable canal, which served at the same time as a drain and military defence, and prevented goods from being introduced except by the causeways and gates, thus serving as a protection to the customs department. The buildings were plain and elegant, not overladen with ornament, and not disfigured by the uncouth galleries and balconies so common to other Spanish cities. The material of which they were mainly constructed—tetzontli and a peculiar kind of porphyry^[13]—gave them an aspect of solidity and splendor. The most prominent architectural structure in the city was then, as it is now, the cathedral; and as to the palace of the viceroys, it was said that no edifice in Madrid could compare with it in size.^[14] Adjoining, and on the side fronting toward the palace of the archbishop, stood the mint, a large and imposing structure. The custom-house, fronting on the plaza Santo Domingo, was also a fine edifice. The botanic garden in one of the courts of the viceregal palace, though small, was famous for its collection of rare plants, and of such as were important to industry and commerce. Here Viceroy Bucareli would pitch his tent during certain seasons of the year, receive visitors day and night, and transact his business.

Another large building was the tobacco factory, in which more than five thousand persons were employed. A structure of historical interest was the famous acordada building, erected during Bucareli's administration, and situated between the alameda and the paseo bearing that viceroy's name.^[15] The municipality buildings were also of imposing proportions, situated on the principal plaza and facing the parian,^[16] which had taken the place of the baratillo and occupied an area of a hundred and forty varas. Other edifices of note were the college of San Ildefonso, and the mining school with its physical, mechanical, and mineralogical collections; the university building and public library, and the academy of fine arts with its collection of gypsum casts; the celebrated hospices, and the buildings of the inquisition. The least favored of all the public buildings was the theatre.^[17]

The principal entrances to the city were those of Guadalupe, Angeles, Traspana, Chapultepec, San Anton, and San Lázaro. The two magnificent aqueducts which enter by way of Traspana and Chapultepec and supply the city with water, have been described elsewhere.

The so-called paseos, or public walks, were the delight of the Mexican population. The most beautiful of them was the famed alameda, which had no equal in Spain. The paseo of Iztacalco was another favorite resort, and lay on the banks of a canal of that name. By this route and the canal of Chaleo hundreds of canoes brought daily into the city building material, provisions, vegetables, fruit, and flowers in great quantities, until in time the canals were filled up in the central part of the capital; particularly when the streets became raised in consequence of the deposits left by inundations. The greater part of the vegetables and flowers were raised on the famous chinampas, or floating gardens; their number, however, was daily diminishing. In the paseo of Bucareli an object of just admiration was the colossal equestrian statue of Cárlos IV., first erected on the principal square, but in later years removed to this place of recreation. This piece of American art was executed by the order and at the expense of Viceroy Branciforte. It was of bronze and in one piece, modelled, cast, and erected by the celebrated Mexican sculptor Manuel Tolsa. Humboldt, who was present at the unveiling of the monument, says that, except the statue of Marcus Aurelius at Rome, there was nothing of the kind in Europe to equal it in beauty and purity of design.^[18]

Among the convents the most prominent was that of the Franciscans, which in the year 1800 enjoyed an income from alms alone of more than a hundred thousand pesos. Of the churches remarkable for splendor, elegance, and beauty of design those of San Agustin, Santo Domingo, San Pablo, Soledad, Jesus María, and Santa Teresa were the most noteworthy. In this connection may be mentioned an image of the virgin worshipped under the name of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios, to which miraculous powers were attributed. This was among the images brought to Mexico by the soldiers of Cortés. It belonged to one Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, to whom it had been given by his brother, who said it had aided him greatly in his campaigns in Italy and Germany. The image was at first placed in a temple hastily built, and from that time became an object of veneration to Spaniards and Indians, on account of favors said to have been conferred on the public and on individuals in times of calamity. In 1574, as before mentioned, a church was founded for its reception, where four festivals were celebrated yearly—those of the nativity, purification, incarnation, and conception. Many great marks of favor were recorded, after the building of this temple; particularly in times of drought, storm, epidemic, earthquake, inundation, and famine. Down to 1696 the image had been solemnly carried in procession to the city as often as fifteen times.^[19]

 

Of all the viceroys of New Spain, the fifty-second, Don Juan Vicente de Güemes Pacheco de Padilla, conde de Revilla Gigedo, was one of the most able. After being appointed captain of the viceregal guard under his father, who was a former viceroy, he served with distinction as lieutenant-colonel of the Spanish guards at the siege of Gibraltar. Landing at Vera Cruz on October 8, 1789, the baton of office was delivered to him at Guadalupe^[20] on the 16th of the same month.

The count was the man needed for the occasion. One morning, about a week after his arrival, it was found that the house of a wealthy merchant, named Joaquin Dongo, had been broken into by burglars, money and valuables stolen, and all the members of the household, eleven in number, assassinated. The criminals were executed on November 7th, a fortnight after the commission of the deed. Never before, except in the days of Velazquez and other officials of the Santa hermandad and acordada, had justice been administered with such despatch.

For many years before the viceroy's arrival a celebrated bandit named Pillo Madera had been the terror of the community. The authorities either would or could not bring the miscreant to justice. His astuteness and audacity were as great as those of any of his famous colleagues in Italy, and his band of cut-throats had never been surpassed in ferocity and cruelty. Madera alone had committed twenty-eight highway robberies and seven assassinations. The new ruler made short work of the matter: in 1791 Pillo Madera was captured and hanged.

 

During Revilla Gigedo's administration war was declared with France. Although there was little fear of invasion the viceroy made all needful preparations. A regiment of dragoons was sent to Durango to protect the borders of the provincias internas; the militia on the north coast was prepared for efficient service, and the fortifications of San Juan de Ulúa strengthened; the garrison of Vera Cruz was reënforced, and the king's treasure, ready for shipment, removed to a safe distance. All this was accomplished at little expense.

The condition of the army occupied the viceroy's special attention and a reconstruction was proposed according to orders issued in January, 1792. The regular troops and the militia were in a demoralized condition, and their insubordination gave such serious cause of offence that they were put under strict regulations, and a portion of the latter disbanded. These measures caused dissatisfaction, particularly among the creoles, and it is claimed that the reduction in the militia was one of the few errors of Revilla Gigedo's administration. Bustamante says that he gave a fatal blow to this branch of the service, destroying and unmaking what had been established with much care and labor since the time of Viceroy Cruíllas. In his instructions to Branciforte, the count claimed, however, that in the enlistment of provincials there seemed to have been no other purpose than to defraud the king's treasury, for such troops were unreliable in action.^[21]

The immediate consequence of this measure was that native tribes committed depredations in the eastern provinces. Many colonists were assassinated in Coahuila, the Indians penetrating to within the confines of Saltillo, driving off cattle, and winning over the presidio of San Juan de Rio Grande. Still greater disturbances occurred in the colony of Nuevo Santander, where in the settlements of Laredo, Revilla, and Mier, twenty-five Spaniards were killed between March and July, 1791.

Another source of dissatisfaction among the officials of the capital was the viceroy's order that a letterbox should be placed in one of the halls of the palace, into which any person having cause for grievance might deposit a written statement of the facts for his information. He knew well that the complaints of the people seldom came to the ears of the ruler, and that the abuses committed by those who surrounded him, were carefully concealed by the courtiers whose interest it was to represent everything in the most favorable light for themselves. This matter exposed the viceroy to insult through anonymous communications, and many an honest official was wrongfully accused by some hidden foe. This, however, Revilla Gigedo had undoubtedly anticipated. Wise enough to disregard vilifications of this kind, he received, on the other hand, many important suggestions from well meaning and loyal citizens, who denounced actual abuses, and disclosed the true state of affairs in the kingdom. The secret information no doubt enabled him to inaugurate many useful measures, of which the instructions to his successor give ample proof, and which otherwise might not have been suggested. The officials, however, who were thus attacked from an unknown quarter, and often with sufficient cause, continued loud in their denunciation of the practice, as directly favoring a system of espionage unworthy of the high station and dignity of a viceroy. Though it may have been a dangerous practice, Revilla Gigedo made good use of it.^[22]

The dispositions of the viceroy made necessary a change in the system of arranging, classifying, and preserving official documents, which had received little or no attention on the part of his predecessors, the secretaries generally using their own judgment and consulting their own convenience in the matter.^[23] Revilla Gigedo therefore determined to form general archives in which were deposited all documents of importance pertaining to the tribunals and other branches of administration, without any expense to the crown.^[24]

The intendencias established by his predecessor continued unchanged during his administration, except that he ordered the intendencia of San Luis Potosí to comprise the territories of Coahuila and Texas, the intendente himself to act as subdelegate in regard to all contentions arising on questions of exchequer and war. In accordance with instructions from the crown commissioners were sent to explore the portion of Texas near the confines of Louisiana to determine whether it were convenient to extend the limits of the latter territory to the river Sabinas.^[25]

 

While the viceroy, faithful to his trust, was improving the condition of New Spain, the tempest of the French revolution was raging in its greatest fury, and Louis XVI. was no more. Though most of the oidores were inimical to the viceroy, they vied with each other in representing to the people that the imprisonment and execution of the French monarch was a transgression against laws divine and human. Moreover the English colonies of North America had recently shaken off their allegiance. The authorities began to tremble; and to increase their alarm, from the mother country came secret reports that among the merchandise shipped to the colonies were {{hws|numer| numerous articles, as snuff-boxes, watches, and even pieces of money, bearing the figure of a woman dressed in white, displaying a banner, and around her the inscription "Libertad Americana." The viceroy was enjoined to confiscate all of these articles that he could lay hands upon; and in order to prevent the revolutionary contagion from spreading to New Spain, the introduction and circulation of books, pamphlets, and papers, bearing on religious or political emancipation, were prohibited, and the greatest vigilance exercised by all the authorities to impede even private correspondence on matters relating to the French revolution. It was at this time also that Cárlos IV. issued his famous decree prohibiting French prisoners in New Spain from discussing public affairs pertaining to their country.

 

During his administration. Revilla Gigedo made other public improvements and did much to develop the commerce and industrial condition of New Spain. Botanical gardens were laid out in the suburbs of the capital; the drainage of the city received attention; •mills were built for the manufacture of cotton, silk, hemp, linen; bridges were constructed; and the roads were repaired and improved, especially the one leading from Mexico to Vera Cruz. Mining and agriculture were also encouraged, and it is said that at this period the coinage averaged twenty-four millions of pesos a year against eighteen to twenty millions previously. The series of orders which the viceroy issued for these purposes are regarded with great interest even at the present day by students of political administration.^[26]

But the expenses occasioned by these improvements were necessarily great, so much so, that the crown, always selfish and grasping with her colonies, began to put obstacles in the way; particularly as the viceroy had paid much attention to the moral and social progress of the community, and enlightenment was not particularly desired at this time. The home government having become displeased with his administration, his successor, the marqués de Branciforte, was appointed in 1794; thus he did not complete the five years of office for which it was intended that he should serve. It was ordered that his residencia be taken in secret by the new viceroy, and a public investigation proclaimed and concluded within forty days. The marquis refused to hold a secret residencia, alleging that it was necessary for Revilla Gigedo to depart for Spain previous to taking any steps in the matter. When he had sailed, his successor, knowing the cause of his removal, incited the ayuntamiento of [Mexico to prefer numerous charges against him; but though the matter was not concluded for several years, he was finally acquitted, and the corregidores of Mexico were sentenced to pay all costs.^[27]

 

 

1. 112,926, according to the tabular statement of this census in Gaceta Mex., v. 8. It was considered, however, that this count fell short by about one sixth. Humboldt, basing his calculation on this census, estimates the population at the beginning of this century at 137,000. Of these 2,500 were Europeans, 65,000 Spanish creoles, 33,000 native Indians, 26,500 mestizos, and 10,000 mulattoes. It is probable that this estimate is not too high, though the population of the city was fluctuating, being influenced by floods, political disturbances, and other causes. Moreover, at certain times the capital would be overrun with vagrants, while at others it would be almost free from them. Consult Humboldt, Tab. Estad., MS., 7-40; Id., Essai Pol., i. 194-8; Cancelada, Ruina, 73-7; Guia de Foraderos, 1797, 197-8; Zúñiga y O., Calend., 149-50; Mex., Not. Ciud., 178-80; Guerra, Rev. de N. Esp., i. 31, 335; Abeja, Poblana, 75; Ortiz, Mex. Ind. Libre, 79-80; Mex. Ord. Division, passim; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. 8. Russell, Hist. Amer., i. 389 (London, 1778), places the population at 80,000.
2. As already stated in my Native Races, ii. 560-61, the number of houses is variously given at from 30,000 in Ayalon to 120,000 in Torquemada; and according to the most reliable estimates the population may be set down at about 300,000.
3. See Hist. Mex., ii. 17, this series. A description of the foundation and early growth of the city is given in the opening chapter of that volume.
4. Cartas, 309.
5. Hist. Mex., 236.
6. Page 7 et seq., this vol.
7. See Native Races, ii. 166-7; iii. 298; iv. 502; v. 295-7, 321-4, 330-1, 340.
8. The palace which the Montezumas built there was used as a powder factory, and was blown up in 1784, with the loss of forty-seven lives. See Galan, Calendario, 1838; Mex. Gaceta, Dec. 1, 1784, supl.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 54; Humboldt, Essai Pol. {tom. ii. lib. iii. cap. viii., German ed.) On June 5, 1728, the city council issued a license to Juan Diaz del Real, to establish there a house to furnish refreshments to visitors who 'fueran á holgar, pan é vino é otros mantenimientos.' Icazbalceta, Notas, in Salazar, Mex. en 1534, 256-7.
9. The crown disapproved of the enormous expense, but too late. Reales Cédulas, MS., 105-6.
10. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 202.
11. More particulars concerning Chapultepec may be found in Revilla Gigedo, Residencia, MS., 374-85; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 128; Mendoza, Carta, in Florida. Col. Doc., 137; Ternaux-Comp., sér. ii. tom. v. 273; Dicc. Univ., ix. 31-6, 385; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 100 et seq.
12. Rivera, Gobemantes, i. 476, whose facilities to ascertain historical data concerning the city of Mexico may be considered fully as ample as those of Zamacois, supports the statement made in the text. The latter author. Hist. Mej., V. 683, takes umbrage at this, claiming that many elementary institutions existed in the country at the time, particularly for orphans, in which tuition and maintenance were given gratuitously.
13. The porous amygdaloid called tetzontli, and a porphyry of vitreous feldspar without any quartz.
14. 'No hay en Madrid edificio comparable en extension con el palacio del Virey.' Estalla, xxvi. 278.
15. Id, 279.
16. See Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Teatro, i. 53-61; Mex., Not. Ciudad Mex., 8 et seq.; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 485 et seq.; Estalla, xxvi. 281.
17. 'El coliseo ó teatro es indigno de México, y no se puede ponderar su deformidad sino afirmando que es abominable el edificio, y lo peor esque amenaza desplomarse.' Ortiz, Mex. Ind. Libre, 497.
18. See Humboldt, Essai Pol., i
19. The first solemn occasion was in 1577, 'para dar remedio á la epidemia del cocolistli.' Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 31-2. In 1810, after the first war of independence broke out, it was brought to and placed in the cathedral. The viceroy laid at its feet his baton, and declared the virgin 'generala' of the royalist troops, decorating the image with the insignia of that rank. The patriots, on the other hand, bestowed the rank of captain-general on their favorite, the image of the virgin of Guadalupe. Thus was the virgin under different names called on to lead the two hostile armies. Vetancvrt, Prov. S. Evang., 128-32. For description and particulars concerning the city of Mexico at different periods, see Ogilby's America, 86, 243; Gage's Survey, 87-150; Sammlung, Reiseb., 45-78; Vetancvrt, Ciudad Mex., 1-5; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, Mex., 234; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 128; Tratado, Mex., pt. v. 28-45; Calte, Mex. y Not., 42-5; Dávila, Cont., MS., 302; Torquemada, i. 298-304; Cepeda, Rel., in Boucher, vi. 154; Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., i. 7-8, 11; Villa-Señor, Teatro, i. 53-61; Mendoza, Carta, in Florida, Col. Doc. 137; Humboldt, Essai Pol., 202-4; Revilla Gigedo, Resid., MS., 374-85; Viagero Univ., 190 et seq; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Lib., 485-535; Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 159-222; Pagés, in Berenger, Col. Voy., vi. 44-6; Correal, Voy. (Paris ed.), i. 50-60; Mex. Not., Ciud. Mex., 8-188; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 382-4.
20. He was originally appointed viceroy of Buenos Ayres; but in consequence of the resignation of Florez, he was ordered to proceed to New Spain. See Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 82.
21. Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 147. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 104, says that the viceroy believed them to be no match for foreign troops in case of invasion. The viceroy reduced the militia in order to increase the royal revenue; for while serving, the Indian was exempt from the payment of tribute, ceasing to enjoy this privilege as soon as discharged. Id., Id., 105. The Spanish government disapproved of the count's measures, and decrees were subsequently issued for the reconstruction of the militia, during Branciforte's administration.
22. 'Se ha querido decir que por este medio se autori 2 abael espionage; confieso que es peligroso cuando el gefe no sabe hacer buen uso de él, y que semejante un veneno aprovecha ó mata segun el profesor que lo ministra. En Revilla Gigedo obró los buenos efectos.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 105.
23. The reader will remember the loss of the valuable manuscripts, taken from Boturini during Fuenclara's administration, which could only be attributed to the carelessness of the secretaries.
24. It was the custom of the viceroy to drop in unawares upon the government employés when they least expected him. In this manner he visited the tribunals, treasury, acordada, and other offices, where he had found the archives in dire confusion.
25. 25 The governor of Louisiana reminds us of the times of Nuño de Guzman, He was removed by the viceroy for having killed in cold blood five friendly Lipan Indians, who were on a visit at his own residence, and also for other grave offences.
26. See Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, passim; Id., Instruc., MS., passim; Dispos. Varias, ii. 63; Alvarez, Manif., 6; Zuñiga y O., Calend., 35-7; Arroniz, Hist. y Cron., 144-9; Doc. Ecles. Méx., MS., v. pt i.
27. Notwithstanding apparently serious accusations against Revilla Gigedo, on his return to Spain he was appointed director-general of artillery by the king, who it seems believed him innocent. His death occurred hlay 12, 1799, before any decision was rendered concerning his residencia, and his last days were embittered by unjust persecution. When the sentence of the council of the Indies was finally pronounced, the truth became known, and the virtues and faithful services of this eminent ruler were duly appreciated, and his descendants made grandees of Spain of the first class. In connection with his. reign maybe mentioned an expedition despatched in January 1790, under Juan-Eliza, to occupy the new establishment at Nootka on the northern coast of the Californias, with orders to explore the islands and places on the coast visited by Cook. One year later, in May 1791, the celebrated mariner Alexandro Malaspina touched at Acapulco on his voyage north, to investigate the existence of the north-west passage to the Atlantic, based on a narrative of the voyage of Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado in 1558, and said to have been recently discovered in private archives.

    The following authorities have been consulted on matters concerning this administration: Revilla Gigedo, Instruccion, MS., passim; Id., Bandos, pts. i.–iii. xxi. xxiii. xxxiii.; Id., Solemnes Exequias, passim; Id., Residencia, MS., passim; Disposiciones Varias, i. 66–94, 131–3; ii. 63; iii. 41; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 82; v. 133; Cédularios, i. 152; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., v. pt. i. 2; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., i. 1st ser. 221; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 139–40; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 86–166; Bustamante, Efem., i. passim; Zuñiga y O., Calendario, 35–7: Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt. v. 312–13; Estalla, xxvi. 190 et seq; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 144–9; Gomez, Diario, 317–468; Dicc. Univ., iii. 103–4, 732–4; x. 259–69; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 80–2.