History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 26

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXVI.

FIFTY-THIRD AND FIFTY-FOURTH VICEROYS.

1794-1803.

Viceroy Branciforte — Prejudice against Him — And Causes thereof — Persecution of French Residents — Organization of the Militia — Shameful Traffic in Honors and Commissions — A Depeleted Treasury — Auto de Fé — Persecution of the English — Preparations FOR War — Recall of Branciforte — Arrival of Viceroy Azanza — Military Changes — Effects of the War with England — Germs of Revolution in Mexico — Guerrero’s Conspiracy — Fate of the Male-contents — The Machete Plot — Indian Aspirations to Royalty — Discomfiture of Native Conspirators — Internal Progress — Storms and Earthquakes — Recall of the Viceroy.

On the 15th of June 1794 the marqués de Branciforte^[1] arrived at Vera Cruz and took charge of the government about a month later. He was a native of Sicily, and belonged to the family of the princes of Carini, His rank of captain-general of the Spanish army, his grandeeship of Spain, and appointment as viceroy, he owed to his brother-in-law, Manuel Godoy, duke of Alcudia, and afterward known as the prince of peace. His administration was in strong contrast with that of his predecessor, and even before his arrival he gave proof of qualities which afterward made him one of the most unpopular rulers of New Spain. Although he received, besides his salary as viceroy and captain-general, an additional sum of twenty thousand pesos a year, he contrived that all his baggage and effects should pass through the custom-house at Vera Cruz without examination. This created the belief that he had brought a large quantity of valuable merchandise from Spain to dispose of in the colonies, and thus defraud the revenue.^[2]

The marquis was invested with the order of the golden fleece by Cárlos IV. Vainglorious with this testimony of royal favor, he made haste to adorn his person with the badge, and lost no opportunity to display it before the public.^[3] This demonstration of vanity became offensive to the people, and gave occasion for much satire and ridicule. Caricatures of the viceroy began to circulate, with a dead cat suspended from his neck instead of the lamb insignia of the order.^[4] At a reception held in the palace he remained seated under a canopy during the usual ceremonies, though this pretension to royal homage had no precedent among the viceroys.^[5]

The main object of the new viceroy was to enrich himself, by fair means or foul.^[6] Rivera says that he undid all the beneflt wrought by Revilla Gigedo.^[7] His efforts at dissimulation were of no avail, and merely showed him in a baser light; for his character was but a blending of subtle astuteness and hypocrisy. Adoration of the royal family, and veneration for the virgin of Guadalupe, were ever on his lips. Every Saturday, and every twelfth day of the month, he would appear at the sanctuary; and a veiled image of the virgin was placed on the balcony of the palace.^[8]

 

The war between France and Spain still continued, and one of the first acts of the viceroy was to confiscate the possessions of all Frenchmen living in Louisiana and New Spain.^[9] His pretext was that French settlers were spreading revolutionary doctrines throughout the country, and casting aspersions on the virtue of Queen Louisa in connection with his brother-in-law'. The viceroy raised the force of militia to its former strength, though for what purpose save to fill his own pockets does not appear. At that time commissions were much sought after by the sons of the noble and wealthy. It was notorious, says Bustamante, that he appointed as his representative the count of Contramina, at whose house favors, offices, and commissions were dispensed to the highest bidder. There was not a stripling of means or family in the kingdom who did not long to wear an epaulette. Newly appointed officers were required to contribute sums of money, ostensibly for the purpose of procuring arms and accoutrements for the troops, though it is asserted that none were purchased from the proceeds of these contributions.^[10] It was also notorious at the time that soon after his arrival Branciforte had sold the office of subdelegate of Villa Alta to one Francisco Ruiz de Conejares for the sum of forty thousand pesos.

Though during the administration of Revilla Gigedo, nearly one hundred and ten millions of pesos had been coined in the Mexican mint, the exorbitant demands of the crown had always kept the colonial treasury depleted. Moreover the duties on sugar and other commodities had been repealed. In order to replenish the royal coffers and his own, the viceroy now enforced an order which required all intendentes to deposit ten thousand pesos as security, this sum being retained until their residencia was taken.

Rumors of war between Spain and the United States were at this time afloat because of the hostile attitude of the latter country concerning the province of Louisiana. But the matter soon ended in a treaty of friendship signed at San Lorenzo in October 1795.^[11]

After the conclusion of peace between Spain and France, Branciforte received orders from the crown to release the French prisoners, whereupon Branciforte delivered them over to the inquisition. Among those persecuted were Juan Lauset, and Estévan Morell; the latter a professor of medicine, licensed by the medical faculty of Mexico. He escaped torture by committing suicide; but sentence must be pronounced and executed nevertheless. On the 9th of August 1795 an auto de fé was celebrated, in which the dead physician was condemned as a confirmed heretic, deist, and materialist, "voluntary" suicide, and "apparent atheist."^[12] On the declaration of war between England and Spain in 1796 all intercourse between the two nations ceased, and the English who resided in New Spain shared the fate of the French during the war which terminated the previous year. The colonial forces were increased, and Branciforte concentrated his army, eight thousand strong, between Orizaba, Córdoba, Jalapa, Perote, and Encero,^[13] with head-quarters at Orizaba. He strengthened the fortifications at San Juan de Ulúa, and provisioned that fortress for a six months' siege. All the batteries on the coast were put in a state of defence, and several gun-boats were constructed. The commander of the fortress at Acapulco was directed to complete the organization of the militia on that coast, to call to his aid the companies at Zacatula, to reënforce the infantry garrison and his artillery detachment, and to mount guns of the heaviest calibre. The naval commander at San Bias received orders to the same effect, and was instructed to coöperate with the commander-general of the provincias internas and the intendente of Guadalajara.^[14]

In the midst of these warlike preparations Branciforte received notice that his successor had been appointed. The excitement during the preparations for war gave him an opportunity to leave the capital in 1797, under pretext of taking command of the troops at Orizaba. His stay at that town, where he was surrounded by his creatures, was marked by a series of disgraceful orgies, and when in May 1798, he embarked for Spain, he took with him nearly five millions of pesos in gold and silver, the greater portion of which belonged to him. Never had the people of New Spain complained so bitterly and with so good cause, as against this viceroy, who in after years deserted his sovereign in the hour of his sorest need.^[15]

 

The new viceroy, Don Miguel José de Azanza, assumed office on the 31st of May 1798, and as he was known to be a man of ability and character, his public reception in the capital on the 10th of July following, was enthusiastic.^[16] He showed himself worthy of the good opinion of the people, and secured their confidence and respect by one of the earliest measures of his administration. Having determined that the exigencies of the war with England did not require a standing army of eight or ten thousand men, he at once dissolved the military encampments formed by Branciforte, which had been maintained at a monthly expense of over sixty thousand pesos.^[17] This heavy tax on the colonial treasury had long been a burden on the people, and the withdrawal of so large a number of men from industrial pursuits necessarily retarded the progress of the country. He took all needful precautions, however, to provide for the coast defences, and ordered gun-boats to be built, two of which were stationed in the River Alvarado.

The continuation of the war with England again necessitated heavy contributions from the Spanish subjects in the colonies, this time principally from those in the northern provinces, and danger was once more apprehended from the United States. Notwithstanding the recent treaty, it was believed that the government of the latter country was in sympathy with England, and would not prevent her from invading Spanish Florida and Louisiana, with a view to make herself master of the commerce of the West Indies.^[18] It was also feared that the people of the United States might attempt to extend their possessions southward.^[19]

Though Azanza had dissolved the encampments formed by his predecessor, it now became necessary to have at his disposal an effective force of troops. The brigadier-general, García Dávila, intendente of Vera Cruz, having returned from Habana, was ordered to Mexico to receive verbal instructions concerning the defence of the coast; Pedro Garibay, afterward viceroy, was appointed to the presidency of Guadalajara, and Felix de Calleja, who was destined to play an important part during the revolution in the service of the crown, and also as viceroy, was appointed to take charge of the brigade of San Luis Potosí.^[20] During this time brigades were established throughout the country, to which the militia might be assigned for military training. Azanza also proposed measures to avoid the inconvenience caused by the almost independent control of the provincias internas by the comandante general, a matter which former viceroys had not been able satisfactorily to arrange. The frontiers had not been extended; no Indians were being converted, nor were those provinces pacified. For these reasons it was considered advantageous that they should again be under the direct control of the viceroy.

The preparations made by the viceroy were a timely precaution. In 1799 war was declared with Russia. During the summer of this year several English privateers had molested the Mexican coast on the southern sea. They captured some valuable Spanish vessels, and cruised along the gulf of California to the north of the Colorado, touching at the southern part of the Peninsula, and at the María Islands, to procure fresh stores. The Spanish vessels at San Bias were powerless against them, and the English squadron even prevented the departure of the expedition which the captain-general of the provincias internas had prepared against the Indians on Tiburon Island.^[21]

 

Foreign wars and expected invasion were not all that the authorities dreaded. The political horizon of New Spain became overcast, and germs of rebellion already began to appear. Ideas and opinions disrespectful to the authority of the king were here and there diffused among the people, and were no secret to those in command. This was particularly noticeable when some occurrence called forth the ancient rivalry between creole and Spaniard. Prosecutions for high treason became more frequent,^[22] the first important case of the kind being that against Juan Guerrero and his companions during the administration of Branciforte.^[23]

The instigator and principals in this conspiracy were Europeans.^[24] Their plan was to surprise the commander of the plaza by night in the capital, and with threats against his life, force him to put at their disposal a force of a hundred and fifty men from one of the regiments of the garrison. This accomplished, the city prisons and the acordada building, the latter alone containing eight hundred prisoners, were to be thrown open; the archbishop and the authorities were then to be secured, after which the mint, treasury, and the wealthy merchants were to be plundered. The banner of liberty was then to be unfurled on the palace, and the Indians released from paying tribute. Guerrero thought he might then possess himself of Vera Cruz by merely sending to that place an envoy; the port was to be opened to the ships of all nations, without permitting any to depart, lest news of the state of affairs should reach Spain, though he did not greatly fear that troops would arrive, as the attention of the mother country was absorbed in European affairs.

This plan Guerrero communicated to the presbyter Juan Vara, chaplain of the regiment de Corona, in Mexico, whom he offered to make archbishop in case of success. But Vara must impart the news of his prospective exaltation to a countryman, who in turn made haste to betray his friend by reporting the matter to the authorities. Guerrero was imprisoned on the 15th of September, and all his companions soon shared the same fate. With the exception of the presbyter, who managed to escape from San Juan de Ulúa, the conspirators, after eight years of investigation, were exiled to different parts of the world.^[25]

While Guerrero and his friends were undergoing trial, another plot was discovered, which created much excitement at the time in the city of Mexico. This was the so-called "machete conspiracy" toward the end of 1799, instigated by Pedro Portilla, collector of duties of the city. His nephew, Isidore Francisco de Aguirre, a former government employ at Guadalajara, to whom Portilla had confided the matter, believing him dissatisfied with the authorities, disclosed the affair to Viceroy Azanza. The conspirators numbered thirteen, and were either relatives or friends of the leader, some of them holding public positions. The object was much the same as that of Guerrero, but the project was in its conception impracticable. Without weighing the difficulties attending the execution of their plan the conspirators had provided themselves with no other arms than a number of machetes. Prisoners were to be liberated with whose aid they would make themselves masters of the palace and government offices; the authorities and all Europeans were to be imprisoned, and their possessions confiscated. The people should then be called upon to decide on the convocation of a congress like that of the United States, or other form of government.

Though the plot was ridiculous, Azanza did not undervalue its moral importance. "Although," he says to the king,^[26] "the condition of the individuals who formed the project would cause me little anxiety, as neither for their position, faculties, nor talents were they fit to carry out a plan of that kind, yet by some great misfortune there exist in America an ancient division and bitter enmity between Europeans and creoles, an enmity capable of producing the most fatal results, and which must ever be a source of apprehension to the government. I deemed it necessary to look seriously at this matter, and to take active steps to check the evil at the start."

During the night of November 9th, the conspirators were surprised "without noise or scandal," at their place of meeting, and imprisoned. The greatest care was taken to conceal from the public the motive for this proceeding, so as not to excite the rancor between the two classes. Though Azanza by this measure rooted out a conspiracy of which he affected to speak lightly,^[27] it was understood that he foresaw the coming storm, and was desirous of leaving the country. The prisoners, who expected summary punishment, enjoyed the benefit of the delicate political situation of the country. According to the opinion of many, among whom was the oidor Guillermo de Aguirre, the day which should see a criminal of that class executed, would be the commencement of a reaction, the result of which would be the independence of New Spain. Several of the conspirators died in prison, and the others, it seems, were released by Azanza's successor.^[28]

Azanza's judgment concerning the political fermentations was well founded. During the administration of his successor, Marquina, a conspiracy was discovered in Nueva Galicia among the natives, headed by an Indian named Mariano, son of the governor of Tlaxcala,^[29] who had pretensions to royalty. His plan comprised nothing less than the reestablishment of the ancient Aztec empire, with himself as king; and being at a loss for a crown, he stole the one from the image of St Joseph in one of the churches at Tepic. Anonymous proclamations were circulated, and the would-be king was in communication with the Indian towns of Colotlan and Nayarit. It was supposed that the movement was encouraged by Count Miravalles of Mexico, who held large possessions in the vicinity of Tepic, and that everything was done with the knowledge and assistance of the English. The timorous viceroy had even conceived the absurd notion that the United States had a hand in the conspiracy. This time a woman, named Maldonado, divulged the names of the leaders, and the president of Guadalajara, José Fernando Abascal, reported the matter to the viceroy. At the same time Lieutenant Salvador Fidalgo and Captain Leonardo Pintado were ordered out with forces against the Indians. Eighty-six persons were arrested by these two officers, and many others by the civil authorities, all of them being taken to Guadalajara. This conspiracy partook somewhat of a nihilistic character. It had been decided that during the festivities to the virgin of Guadalupe, her sanctuary near Mexico should be fired by means of explosives concealed in wax candles, to be donated by the natives on that day. During the confusion the palace of the viceroy was to be blown up, for which purpose it would be previously undermined at the four corners.^[30] The most careful investigation in the matter did not bring to light sufficient evidence to convict any of the participants, which either proves that the viceroy dared not publicly inflict punishment for rebellion, or that the plan had been so astutely managed as to preclude the possibility of conviction. Many of the prisoners died in the hospital; among them José Gerónimo Perez, who had communicated with the Indians in the interior, and his wife, who had disclosed the affair to the woman Maldonado.^[31]

In the mean while the Comanches continued their depredations, Laredo, Reinosa, Revilla, and other places being attacked at various times. Of not much avail were the measures dictated by commanders of presidios, and the count of Sierra Gorda, governor of Nuevo Santander. Though these outbreaks were of little importance in themselves, the concern which the government showed in regard to them is a proof that serious trouble was expected.

 

The European wars seem in one respect to have been rather an advantage to New Spain. The English fleets blockading Vera Cruz or cruising about the gulf were the cause of a great diminution of the silver export, preventing on the other hand the entry of merchandise from Spain. This necessarily promoted home industry and internal commerce, to which the surplus funds could be applied. Thus New Spain was made nearly dependent on herself for the time being, the commotions of the old world making the colony acquainted for the first time with the extent of her resources, and teaching her the value of an independent existence.^[32]

During his short rule Azanza was too busy to give much attention to the formation of new settlements; but on the borders of the river Salado, in Nuevo Leon, he established a new colony under the name of Candelaria de Azanza, with a detachment of militia as a guard for protection against the savages who passed through those regions during their raids on the frontier. Of the calamities during this administration, two are recorded as of note. In July 1799 a destructive hurricane swept over the port and city of Acapulco, causing much damage to life and property.^[33] On the day of Saint John, March 8, 1800, one of the severest earthquakes on record was felt in the city of Mexico, extending with more or less force over many of the provinces. It commenced with an oscillation from east to west, thence changing its direction from north to south, and terminating with the circular motion observed at times in other earthquakes.^[34] The greatest consternation prevailed for a time, but fortunately no lives were lost, and the damage to buildings was not so great as had been feared. The transit of coaches and wagons was prohibited, until it was ascertained by a board of engineers that the walls of the buildings throughout the city remained secure. Of an earthquake which occurred at Oajaca the next year, Carriedo says: "It happened at midnight, during a heavy rain; the people took to praying, the dogs to howling, and the priests to hearing confessions.^[35]

 

While Azanza was beginning to enjoy the confidence of the people, it seems that his good qualities as a ruler were not appreciated by the home government, for without any apparent cause he suddenly lost favor at court, and his successor was appointed.^[36] He was, however, only too glad to be removed from office. Shortly before his departure he married his cousin, the widow countess of Contramina; then removing to San Cristóbal, he delivered the government into the hands of his successor, and sailed for Spain. Nothing of the odium of his predecessor attached to this ruler, and the people of Mexico were unwilling to see him depart.

On his arrival at Madrid he received some honors at the hands of Cárlos IV., but remained away from court until, in 1808, he became minister under Ferdinand VII. Until that time Azanza seems always to have labored for the welfare of his country, but, like his predecessor, was afterward guilty of desertion, and took service under Joseph Bonaparte.^[37]

The people of New Spain were again filled with forebodings of evil on the arrival of the new viceroy, for he was supposed to be another of the creatures of Godoy. The power of this misnamed prince of peace over the king, and his alleged paramour the queen, and his fatal influence on the destinies of Spain, had begun to cast a sombre shadow on the colonies. Félix Berenguer de Marquina took the customary oath in the capital^[38] on the 30th of August 1800. He was not received in the city with the customary enthusiasm, the popular mind being strongly prejudiced against him. The audiencia, it seems, were even

reluctant to recognize the authority of the new ruler, pretending that his papers were not in the customary form. The fact of his having been taken prisoner by the English during his voyage to New Spain created the belief that, as an officer of the royal navy, he had been obliged to promise not to take up arms against that nation during his administration, in order to secure his release. It was well known that while governor of the Mariana islands he had shown himself inimical to the audiencia of Manila, which matter came to the official knowledge of the oidores of Mexico. Hence they had reason to fear his authority, not being aware of the harmless character of the individual.^[39] His interference with the right of the people to enjoy bull-fights by forbidding them from the very day of his reception, though humane and praiseworthy, increased his unpopularity. The ayuntamiento of Mexico claimed that in the festivities on this occasion they had expended a greater sum than the legal allowance for that purpose, and they must have the bull-fight customary on such occasions to cover the deficiency. Still, Marquina remained firm. "Such festivities," he tells the ayuntamiento, "contribute to the demoralization of the people, and ruin the heads of families by augmenting their expenses at a period when public misery is at its height." Then from his own means he paid seven thousand pesos to make good the difference. Nevertheless he was considered little better than a fool, for he was thought to lack ability to govern a great country,^[40] and though kind of heart, his simplicity often exposed him to ridicule.^[41] Another of Marquina's acts showing his humane disposition was the release of English prisoners at Vera Cruz. He had seen the Spanish prisoners suffer at Jaimaca, and by this generous step obtained the release of his countrymen from the governor of that island. Reforms were made in the police system, and strict measures were taken to enforce the ordinances passed by Revilla Gigedo and Azanza, by which the plebeians were prohibited to present themselves in public unless decently clad, all such offenders being thenceforth treated as vagrants. Though this measure was considered tyrannical, its enforcement meeting with great obstacles, it is claimed to have had a very salutary effect.^[42] The regulations of the various guilds of Mexico excluded women, and prohibited them from engaging in any labor or industry of which they claimed a monopoly. Marquina's predecessor had fully recognized the injustice of this social tyranny, and declared by an ordinance of April 22, 1799, that women should be free to employ their time in any labor suited to their strength and the decorum of their sex.^[43] This ordinance was now reiterated and enforced.

Reforms of a different nature and of more import had begun to mark the progress of the age. The Spanish government had issued laws tending to re- strict the abuses committed by ecclesiastics in their capacity as confessors, who would induce repentant sinners, and persons on their death-bed, to make over to them their property, apparently for charitable pur- poses, to the injury of the lawful heirs and the state. The council of the Indies had therefore declared all such bequests void; but this had not the desired effect until Cárlos IV. forbade notaries to legalize such transactions in any form, or under any pretence whatever.

 

The English fleet continued to damage the com- merce of New Spain and to blockade the harbor of Vera Cruz in sight of the fortress of Ulúa and the gun-boats. The poor construction of the latter never enabled them to do any harm to the more powerful enemy, who had control of the gulf of Mexico, and was ready to capture Spanish craft that might ven- ture into or out of any port on the coast. Marquina repaired to Vera Cruz where a council was held as to the feasibility of sending out the naval forces to engage the enemy and oblige him to retire from the coast. The plan was disapproved, but on the 27th of the same month when an English frigate appeared in front of Vera Cruz, the four available craft in the harbor were sent out to engage her; they soon re- turned, however, not being in a condition to risk an attack. All the public treasure located in the port was transported to Jalapa for safety; provisions and ammunition were stored in Ulúa in expectation of an attack. Instructions also were given that if the place could not be held, the commander should cut his way through, and retreat toward the capital as best he might.

As further precautions for defense Calleja was ordered to form a brigade of cavalry at San Luis Potosí; Nemecio Salcedo was appointed comandante general to govern the provincias internas, and the licentiate Antonio López de Santa Anna, the future general, was made subdelegate of Antigua Vera Cruz. Another appointment made by Marquina at this time was that of a corregidor for Querétaro, in the person of Don Miguel Dominguez, who, together with his wife, Josefa María Ortiz, became famous in the struggle for liberty during the revolution.

 

Among the most notable events during the administration of Marquina was the publication in Mexico in 1802, of the peace concluded with England, and a year previously of that with Portugal. The immediate effect was a fall in the prices of all commodities, and commerce received a new and vigorous impulse. Public treasure had accumulated, and Marquina shipped treasure to the amount of six million dollars to Habana and eighteen millions to Spain. Still the crown must have more gold, and a papal bull was obtained for the sale of new indulgences whereby all could be released from fasting during lent.

These exactions were more severe on the inhabitants as at the same time they were suffering from other calamities. During the latter portion of the viceroy's administration there occurred an extraordinary rainfall in Tamaulipas, lasting about two weeks, and . inundating many towns and ranchos. In Lampazos some hundred dwellings were destroyed; the new town of Azanza was swept away, and the river Salado overspread its banks four leagues on either side. In Nuevo Santander all the northern settlements were under water, and the inhabitants of Reinosa abandoned the town on rafts. In the town of Santa Rosa in Coahuila, only seven dwellings were saved, and in Monclova two hundred houses were destroyed.^[44] Many expedients provided by Marquina were disapproved by the home government, especially in cases of appointments, a matter in which he always proceeded with the greatest care, to satisfy himself that he neglected not his duty to the crown.^[45] The disappointment which he felt in not seeing his loyal intentions appreciated,^[46] induced him early in 1802 to resign in disgust an office which he tried in vain to fill to the satisfaction of the people and his king. The resignation was promptly accepted, and in January, 1803, he delivered the baton of office into the hands of his successor. Although he was not a capable ruler, the government of New Spain had never been intrusted to purer hands, and his departure was regretted by many who had learned to respect in him the good qualities which had drawn forth the ridicule of the vulgar.

Never was an able viceroy more sorely needed at the head of affairs than at the opening of the nineteenth century. Discontent and impatience of home rule were openly expressed throughout the provinces, and the distant moaning of the storm which was soon to burst over Spanish America could already be distinctly heard. It was a favorite maxim of Re villa Gigedo the younger that the first duty of a Spaniard was gratitude to the mother country. It must be confessed, however, that she was an exceedingly selfish parent. The burden of excessive imposts, and the vexatious restrictions on commerce and industries, which became her settled policy, fell heavily on the colonies. Crowds of indolent and dishonest officials lived in luxury,at the public expense, and helped themselves from the public purse. The viceroys at this time received a salary more than twice as large as that of the presidents of the United States,^[47] but this was small as compared with the profits of office, for not infrequently they retired with enormous fortunes acquired by stolen gains. Yet, as we have seen, the Spanish monarch and his representatives in New Spain often neglected to find means for the protection of the colonies from the raids of corsairs, and from invasion by foreign powers. So little confidence had the people in their rulers that even in the reign of Revilla Gigedo—one of the most able and energetic of all the viceroys—the presence of a fishing fleet in the gulf of Mexico threw the country into a panic.^[48]

But other causes were also at work. The successful termination of the American war of independence, and the vast increase in material. prosperity which ensued within less than a quarter of century; the marvellous change which the genius of the First Consul had wrought in the fortunes of the French republic; the feeble administration of Cárlos IV., who in the darkest hour of his country's distress still left the control of affairs in the hands of his crafty but incapable minister, Manuel de Godoy—all these events tended to foster the spirit of disloyalty among the people, who became every year more ripe for rebellion. Though the hour had not yet come, the term of Spain's long dominion in the New World was well nigh accomplished; her days were numbered, and already the handwriting was on the wall.

The bibliographic review at the close of the preceding volume may be said to include in its general features the present, by explaining the imperfect and scattered nature of the material from which I have had to cull the facts. Writers who have attempted to cover the entire field from the conquest to their own times are most unsatisfactory in their scanty outline, swelled now and then by disproportionate details on some topic for which they happened to obtain special information, or with predilection for certain regions or subjects. In the latter respect the monk chroniclers excel; and intent as they are on their favorite theme, they sprinkle but scantily political and general information in a mass of theological verbiage, in extenuated accounts of mission labors in obscure districts, and in reciting the negative virtues of humble ascetics. Add to the want of historic method, the lack of judgment in selecting interesting matter, and in distinguishing truth from absurdity, the bias given by credulity and bigotry, the involved style, and other defects, and the confusion is complete. Not that I ever expected to find the subject much better presented; had it been so, my efforts were of less importance. I was, and am, fully aware of the necessity to go to the fountain-head for information, if I would rescue much valuable material cast aside by the unreflecting mind and which serves in its less tangible points at least to promote the philosophic treatment of the rest. The original sources lie not alone in the many collections of letters and reports from the political and ecclesiastical officials indicated in the preface to Hist. Mex., i., this series, and throughout the footnotes, but they are to be found in the many annals of special districts and corporations, based on documents from obscure convents and local offices, especially for periods beyond the reach of the writer's own observations. The value of such annals is increased by the disappearance of the sources before the inroads of time, the ravages of factions, and such orders from the superior government as instanced in Zamada, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 509, wherein a remission to Spain is demanded of books and documents which may serve for a general history of the Indies. Among the special works must be mentioned the diaries of private individuals, which connected extend over a long period, and allude, though often very briefly, to almost every incident of note throughout the country. Latterly periodicals begin to appear, and while subjected to a most depressing censorship, they fail not to add both facts and clues for the investigator. Many of these special treatises, annals, and diaries are so rare as not to have reached the hands of modern national writers on New Spain history, or they have only quite recently been brought to light; others, and especially official reports from viceroys, governors, judges, prelates, and corporations, exist only in manuscript form, many of them unique.

In the collection of such rare and valuable material I have been exceedingly fortunate, partly through the active aid of friends and agents, and the researches of esteemed predecessors in certain portions of my fields, as Prescott, Squier, Stephens; but also by constant personal search and effort for a period of 30 years. While possessing these advantages over the few Hispano-American writers who have in a more or less complete manner sought to cover the colonial period, I am not unmindful of their meritorious efforts, and acknowledge also the aid afforded me by their different views, now in favor of Spain, now for Mexico; upholding the cause of some party or order, or bringing into prominence some special topic. For the historian must not alone sift facts, but look upon them from all sides and with many eyes, in order to arrive at a true statement.

The leading general chronicler for the sixteenth century was Torquemada, and the same position must be assigned for the seventeenth to Augustin de Vetancurt, also a Franciscan who covered the same field, though in a less diffuse manner, and carried his observations onward. He wrote under orders as chronicler of the central Franciscan provincia Santo Evangelio, a position assigned to him for his high attainments, his eloquence as a preacher, and his association with Mexico as a curate for 40 years of the ancient Indian parish of St Joseph. He was born in that city in 1620, and claimed descent from the famous Frenchman, Juan de Bethencourt, conqueror and so-called king of the Canaries, whose 'posteridad se estableció en España.' Moreri, ii. 271. On p. 38 of his Trat. Mex., he mentions his relationship to Vetancurt, the founder of the Bethlehemite order in New Spain. After joining the Franciscans at Puebla he rose to become member of the provincial chapter and comisario general of the Indies, dying in 1700, after 60 years of zealous labors, not the least of which were in connection with his numerous works. The earliest of these according to his own list is Arte de Lengua Mexicana, Mex. 1673, one worthy of the pen of so profound an Aztec scholar. There are several manuals, sermons, lives of martyrs and apostles, and theologic treatises, enumerated in his Menologio, 144, and in Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 732, 761, 797, 854, 860, etc., most of which were published, some in several editions; but the leading work is undoubtedly Teatro Alexicano, Descripcion Breve de los Svcessos Exemplare-, Historicos. Politicos, Militares, y Religiosos, Mex. 1697-98, in four parts and two volumes folio. The Teatro proper in the first volume contains the first three parts, Svcessos Naturales, relating to physicial geography and natural resources; Svcessos Politicos, to ancient history and rites, and Svcessos Militares to discovery of America and conquest of Mexico. The fourth part forms a distinct section, published in 1697 as Chronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico, and gives the history of the Franciscans in New Spain, notably of the mother provincia, interspersed with much matter on military expeditions, founding of towns, and so forth. To this is appended Menologio Franciscano, a series of biographies of prominent members of the order, monks and nuns, prelates, officers, and writers, a few in list form, but mostly arranged in the chronologic order indicated by the title, under the date of their death. A smaller appendix of 56 pages, Tratado de la Ciudad de Mexico, gives an acceptable account of the civil, political, and religious institutions of the city, with brief biographies of its noted men, and outlines of the rule of each viceroy and archbishop. The last 7 pages relate in a similar manner to Puebla. A reprint of the Teatro, Chronica, and Menologio was issued at Mexico 1870-1, as volumes vii.-x. of Biblioteca Iberia, in modern orthography and with a brief notice of the author. His name appears in different form; he himself signs Vetancurt in Prov. Sto Evang., pt. i. 71.

He gives quite a respectable list of authorities, printed and in manuscript, as the sources for the Teatro, but it is only too apparent that he has copied or condensed Torquemada's versions for a great part of it. 'Le epitoma. . . Betancur, en su Menologia,' observes Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 761. Clavigero also criticises him for this, while acknowledging that he 'scrisse sulle memorie d'Alba' and others. Storia Aless., iii. 75. It must also be confessed that he inclines to hasty assumption of facts, without duly weighing probabilities, or caring for accuracy; 'con muy muchas inconsecuencias,' as a writer expresses it in Papeles Franciscanos, MS., i. pt. i. 24. On the other hand he indulges in no rhapsodies or soaring elegance with which to obscure his diction, but is exceedingly plain and clear for his time, with a marked effort at conciseness, although the biographies lead him away at times into trivialities. Indeed his works may be said to be a condensation of the bulky and verbose material of many predecessors, and I gladly join with Alegre in recognizing the value of his labors.

Similar in nature to the biographic history of the viceroys in Vetancurt's Trat. Mex., is the Cronologia de los Vireyes, by Diego Panes y Abellan, lieutenant-colonel of infantry, MS., 131 folios, which does not add much information to the part covered by the preceding work, but carries the account a century further, to 1789, and serves in this respect as a useful check on contemporary writers. Another work by the same officer is Extension interesante de la Plaza de Vera Cruz, MS., 261 pages, 4 to, with plans, wherein he dwells on the plan and necessity for extending the barracks, and improving the means for the health and protection of the troops. With this is interpersed a certain amount of historic information.

The only comprehensive historian of New Spain after Vetancurt is the Jesuit father Andrés Cavo, who was commissioned by the city council of Mexico to write the annals of the capital from the conquest down. While complying with this he included also all notable events in the country, based partly on meagre data remitted by the council to Rome, where he lived in exile as a member of the expelled society of Jesuits, and partly on well known standard authorities; but he lacks the far more thorough and reliable facts in different diarios, cédulas, despatches, and similar matter from official sources or from eye-witnesses, so that his narrative is both meagre and unsatisfactory. It is moreover in the form of annals rather than philosophic history, though attractive in its pure simple style, clear judgment, and impartiality. In the latter respect Cavo goes so far as to praise the integrity of Marques de Croix and the talents of Visitador Galvez, who were leading instruments in his expulsion; he abstains, however, from alluding to this episode, and also from entering on church affairs, except when absolutely needful. His account, ending with 1706, was dedicated to the municipality of Mexico, and passed into the hands of Bishop Madrid of Tenagra, after 1794, in which year 'escribimos en Roma esta historia,' as Cavo states, Tres Siglos, i. 131. He was born at Guadalajara in 1739, and joined the society in his nineteenth year to become a missionary among the Indians. At the expulsion he formed a close friendship with Father Parreno, the influential rector of the college of Mexico, and shared with him every comfort and discomfort till death parted them. De Vila Josephi Juliani Parrenni, Havanensis, Rome, 1792, commemorates this intimacy and the virtues of his friend. An intense longing for home had at one time induced both to sever their connection with the society with a view to return to America, but their wishes were not gratified.

The well known Mexican writer Carlos María Bustamante learned in 1799 from a brother, Lorenzo Cavo, of Cavo's history, and obtaining the original MS. from the prelate Madrid, he caused it to be published at Mexico in 1836 in 2 volumes, sm. 4to, with addition of notes and certain not very commendable changes, which extended not only to language as stated, but to interpolations. He moreover replaced the original title of Historia Civil y Politica de Mexico with Los Tres Siglos de Mexico. Two years later appeared its continuation by the editor, in two other volumes, from 1707 to 1821, the end of Spanish rule in New Spain, just three centuries after the fall of Mexico, based in this case on the government archives, with the despatches of viceroys and other officials, of which he claims to have examined 280 volumes. It certainly gives the most thorough account so far of the 1707-1800 period, and a very acceptable one for the following years, and it is written in a more historic spirit, though marred by a singular bigotry and effusive patriotism, strongly arrayed against the 'Spanish oppressors.' The value of the work has been recognized by two reprints of 1852 and 1870, in 4to form.

Although the material for special topics, periods, and districts has as a nile been commented upon in appropriate places throughout this volume, I must here allude to several private diaries which present the daily record of events in the capital for about a century, together with frequent mention of the more important occurrences in other portions of New Spain. For the publication of some of the most important we are indebted to the Official of Mexico, in whose rare collection of Documentos para la Historia de México. consisting of twenty volumes of various sizes, issued in Mexico, 1853-7, they are included. Although mention is made of diaries covering the period from 1621 to 1647, Robles, Diario, i. p. ii., the earliest one which has been preserved is that of the licentiate Gregorio Martin del Guijo, presbyter, and secretary of the cathedral chapter of Mexico City, comprising the period from 1648 to 1664, and occupying the first volume of the above collection. It relates to every imaginable subject, particularly within the capital, and possesses that value which attaches to the testimony of an intelligent eyewitness and contemporary, notwithstanding certain defects of style and occasional omissions. The second diary and continuation of the foregoing, by which it was suggested, is that of the licentiate, Antonio de Robles, a presbyter, and member of the college of San Pedro of Mexico City. The period covered is from 1665 to 1703 inclusive, but the diary material is for the most part a compilation or copy of others; indeed, Robles acknowledges having taken more than half from that of the licentiate Diego de Calderon Benavides, suppressing some of its details and making some additions. He proposed to add a summary of events from the conquest down, but no such result appears.

As late as 1849 there existed in the library of the university of Mexico a manuscript diary, which according to Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 93, had been kept by a chaplain of the hospital of Jesus of Mexico City. Leaves were wanting at both the beginning and end, the remaining portion comprising the period from January 1675 to April 1696. Carlos María Bustamante in 1843 made an abstract, added numerous notes and interpolations, which greatly impaired its value, and published the more interesting part in the Museo Mexicano, i. 49 et passim; under the title of Diario curioso y esacto de Juan Antonio Rivera, capellan del hospital de Jesus Nasareno de Mexico. In 1854 the complete abstract of Bustamante appeared in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. vi. Why this diary was attributed to Rivera does not appear; for although Bustamante calls the author a chaplain of the hospital of Jesus, it is stated in Doc. Hist. Mex., that the manuscript had formerly belonged to the Jesuits, but that its author was unknown. Now if the so-called Diario of Rivera be compared with that of Robles for the same period, their identity of origin is at once apparent; the manuscript attributed to Rivera is the Diario of Benavides mentioned by Robles.

Owing to the defects of Bustamante's version already noted, that of Robles is to be preferred, not only because of its greater fulness, but because the editors of the Doc. Hist. Mex. have wisely refrained from any attempt to change the original. The style and manner of treatment, which is in the usual form of a diary, is the same as in Guijo. It occupies volumes ii.-iii. of Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. Following these are the Diario of José Manuel de Castro Santa-Anna, extending from 1752 to 1758, Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. iv.-vi.; and the Diario of José Gomez, one of the vice-regal halberdiers, extending from August 1776 to May 1798, Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. vii. To these may be added the Gacetas de Mexico, with reviews of both domestic and foreign events, and the political and local affairs of the capital and the provinces. Toward the end of the century they became permanently established, after appearing previously for short periods.

About the middle of the eighteenth century the Spanish crown, feeling the need of a full and detailed account of the actual extent of its increasing dominions in the new world, and the civil and religious condition of their inhabitants, issued a royal decree dated July 19, 1741, demanding from the alcaldes mayores and justices a complete report on their respective districts. The compilation of these data in New Spain was confided by Viceroy Fuenclara, to the auditor-general of the department of quicksilver, José Antonio de Villa-Senor y Sanchez. Villa-Señor, according to Alcedo, Bib. Am., MS., ii. 1158, was a native of Valladolid in Michoacan, but Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bib. Mex.-Guat., 154, gives Mexico as his birthplace, describing him as 'un mathématicien distingué, un historien exact et un bon citoyen.' Villa-Señor lost no time in beginning his labors, and published in Mexico the first volume of his work in 1746, and the second two years later, under the title of Theatro Americano, Descripcion General de los Reynos, y Provincias de la Nueva España. After a brief and general account of the early history of America and the Aztecs, with an outline of the physical geography of New Spain, the text proper follows, in six parts, corresponding to the six dioceses, with the history of their towns, parishes, and missions, classified by districts, together with some information regarding their relative situations, actual population, condition, products, and industries. Volume i., containing books i.-ii., with 382 numbered pages, is devoted to the archbishopric of Mexico, and the see of Puebla, including a full description of the city of Mexico, its public buildings, general and local government departments, and revenues. The second volume is equally divided between the remaining bishoprics. Though at the time of its publication this work enjoyed a. high reputation for accuracy, it was subsequently found to contain many errors. Alcedo, Bib. Am., MS., ii. 1159. Approaching, in its nature, a geographical and historical dictionary, it was the first of its kind relating to New Spain; and notwithstanding its defects, which later publications have served to rectify, it is invaluable for the history of this period, and has been freely used by subsequent writers. Villa-Senor is said to have been the author of several other works, likewise printed in Mexico, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bib. Mex. Guat, 155, but I have been unable to find any mention of such works, excepting that given by Alcédo, Bib. Am., MS., ii. 1159-00, entitled Respuesta d la Apologia, Mex. 1742, relating to the monopoly of quicksilver.

About forty years after the publication of the Theatro Americano, there appeared in Spain the first general geographical and historical encyclopædia of America, the Diccionario Geografico-Historico de las Indias Occidentales ó America. Madrid, 1786-9, 5 vols. 4to. The author, Antonio de Alcedo y Bexarano, was born at Quito, during the rule of his father, Dionisio de Alcedo, president and captain-general of that province. Returning to Spain soon after the author's birth, his father was appointed to the presidency of the audiencia at Panamá, whence he departed in 1742. After studying in the Jesuit college of that town till 1752, Antonio entered the Spanish guards in Spain as cadet, and pursued a course of mathematics in the Imperial college of Madrid, and later that of medicine in the college of Montpellier. A few years afterwards he began the collection and preparation of material for his Diccionaro, which employed all the time he could spare from his varied duties during the next twenty years. Meanwhile he had risen to lieutenant, while still a minor, and took part in the operations against Gibraltar. In 1784 he received the rank of captain, and later that of colonel. About 1794 he was appointed political and military governor of the city of Alciras, with the rank of brigadier-general. In 1800 he rose to that of marescal de campo, and in 1802 was made military governor of Coruña.

The Royal Academy of History made him one of its members in 1784, and subsequently he received similar honors from the society Cantabrica, and that of the city of Valencia. Alcedo Bib. Am., MS., i. 27-9.

For the compilation of his Diccionario, Alcedo has drawn upon a variety of sources. The articles relating to the English and French possessions of North America are taken from the American Gazetteer, Lond. 1762; the greater portion of those relating to South America from Coleti's Dizionario Storico-Geográfico, Venice, 1771; but the information relating to New Spain is said to come from over three hundred works on America, in various languages. In addition to these, numberless documents were examined and much information received from intelligent residents of the Indies, to whom he submitted his work. The result of these labors was a work whose value was immediately recognized, and though in many respects defective when compared with later encyclopædias, owing to the numerous valuable authorities used, and now lost or inaccessible, it remains a standard work. The desire of stimulating commerce between Spain and her American possessions, by collecting the most full and accurate information possible, was one of the chief motives of the author, but this laudable desire was well nigh frustrated by the Spanish government, which, in order to prevent this information from spreading among foreign nations, ordered the suppression of the work. A few copies, however, escaped, but though the work at once became very rare no reprint was ever attempted, owing chiefly, no doubt, to its subsequent translation into English. The growing importance of English trade with America, which had increased enormously since the American revolution, and the necessity for more extensive information induced G. A. Thompson, one of her citizens, to undertake the translation, which resulted in the publication in 1812-15 of five large 4to vols., containing as nearly as possible a literal translation of Alcedo, and with many valuable additions, chiefly from the works of Morse, Molina, Humboldt, Depons, Azara, and official sources. To many of the leading articles much matter has been added, including statistics in the preface to the first volume; a statistical review of English trade is given; Alcedo's glossary of provincial terms has been revised and enlarged; various improvements have been made in the arrangement and treatment; many inaccuracies have been corrected; and the whole has been supplemented with a valuable collection of maps in a separate volume.

With the object of avoiding the endless repetition of authors in connection with the various articles of the Diccionario, Alcedo wrote two separate volumes, containing bibliographical sketches of all the works consulted, to which he gave the title of Biblioteca Americana, ó Catálogo Histórico de todos los autores que han escrito sobre materias de América en varies idiomas, con una noticia de sus vidas, MS., fol., 2 vols. This work was never published, and but few copies of the original are extant. One of these, sent to Mexico in 1854 by William H. Prescott, is now in my possession. Another manuscript work of Alcedo, whose title is given in the foregoing work, is Historia del Reyno de Tierra Firme y Ciudad de Panamá, desde el año de 1519, MS., with cuts, 4to. I find no mention of this work elsewhere.

In common with other religious provinces of New Spain, the Franciscan province of Zacatecas had its special chronicler. The labors of its friars were chiefly confined to that portion of New Spain in which are included the modern states of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, New Leon, Coahuila, Chihuahua, Durango, and the north-eastern part of Jalisco, and were closely identified with the conquest and settlement of these regions. All this is related in the Chronica de la Provincia de N. S. P. San Francisco de Zacatecas, Mex. 1737, 4to, by Friar José Arlegui, with special attention to the founding of convents and the lives and sufferings of its members, including descriptions of miracles. Arlegui, who was a native of Biscay and provincial of this province in 1725-8, had in 1736 been appointed chronicler of the province. In 1819 the continuation of the history was determined upon, and Antonio Galvez was commissioned for this purpose. He brought the history of the province down to 1828 in the form of a list of provincials, on whose character and rule he dwells, interspersing brief accounts of outside political and ecclesiastical history. This addition with the title of Memorias para la continuacion de la Cronica de la muy religiosa provincia de N. S. P. San Francisco de las Zacatecas, acopiado por Fr. Antonio Galvez, año de 1827, was added to a new edition of the former work published in 1851, the paging running continuously throughout.

Among my rarest provincial histories is that of religious labors in Oajaca by Father Francisco de Burgoa, identified with the district by birth and by life-long work in its missionary field. He had joined the Dominican order there in 1620, and succeeded twice in reaching the chair of provincial, besides representing the provincia at Rome in 1656. He also acted for the inquisition, and lived latterly as guardian of Huaxolotitlan and other convents dying at an advanced age in 1681. Several writings of his were published, but the most important is the Palestra Historical de Virtvdes, y Exemplares, Mexico, 1670, 269 folios, followed in 1674 by a second part under the title of Geografica Descripcion. . .de esta Provincia de Predicadores de Anteqvera, 423 folios and a supplement, in two volumes, both devoted to the history of Dominican missions, and the lives of the friars, interspersed with numerous details on the ancient history, rites, and relics of the Zapotecs and adjoining tribes. It is the only source of any value for the history of this important province; yet it is so rare even in Mexico as to have been overlooked by several bibliographers. An engraved page representing a portal with a number of statues, astronomic signs, and other elaboration, precedes the title-page. The printing is in double columns, and rather crude. The diction is flowery and verbose, with the superabundance of religious matter to be expected from such a pen, and the phraseology is obscure, rendering it on the whole very troublesome to glean facts; but these are faults of the time, as much as of the man, whose pious biographies do justice to his fraternal zeal, if not to his judgment, and whose curious annals rouse our interest.

The crowning figure in the bibliographic series for the later colonial period is undoubtedly Friedrich Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt, whose well known work on New Spain forms a review of its condition at the most advanced period, the first exhaustive account of the kind ever given, and that by one of a foreign race, hitherto so jealously excluded from making inquiries. The exemption granted in this case was due greatly to Humboldt's fame as a scientist and traveller, which had paved the way to favor at a court roused in a measure to the liberal requirements of the age. He early displayed a taste for botany and kindred subjects, and was allowed full liberty for his inclination at the university of Göttingen, at that time preeminent for scientific studies. His rapid advancement in these and other branches can be traced greatly to the influence of a noble-minded mother, on whom had devolved his entire care since his tenth year, owing to the death in 1779 of his father, a major in the army and chamberlain at the Berlin court. At Göttingen Humboldt formed a friendship with George Forster, companion of the navigator Cook, which gave impulse to an innate love for travelling, and henceforth his reading was especially directed to prepare him for scientific exploration, while a series of contributions on subjects ranging from physics to philosophy gave evidence in his twentieth year both of his profundity and the variety of his attainments. In 1792 he had accepted a position in the mining department with a view to advance his studies, but displayed such marked ability as to obtain rapid advancement, as well as important commissions. In 1795 he undertook a scientific tour through Switzerland and Italy, prepared shortly after to join the projected circumnavigation party under Baudin, but drifted to Madrid and was invited to select Spanish America as a field for investigation. He accordingly left Coruna in 1799, accompanied by the botanist Bonpland, overran successively Nueva Andalucia, Spanish Guaiana, and Cuba, established the existence of a connection between the Orinoco and Amazon, and began in 1801 the celebrated exploration of the Andes, crowned by an ascent of Chimborazo, and complemented by observations on the transit of Mercury, on the sources of the Amazon, and on the fertilizing properties of guano. In 1802 he left Callao for Acapulco, still accompanied by Bonpland, who attended to botanical researches. The letters of Minister Urquizo procured him in New Spain as elsewhere the attention and cooperation of the highest officials, and he was enabled to make investigations connected not alone with the abstract and concrete sciences, which formed his chief aim, but with the political and economic condition of the country hitherto so jealously veiled. During a stay from March, 1803, till the same month in the following year, he made trips in different directions, embracing the mining districts of Real del Monte, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas, the agricultural regions of Michoacan, and back past the snow-crowned volcanoes Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl to the aboriginal center of Cholula with it famous pyramid, and thence to the miasmatic gulf-shore, directing his penetrating observations on ancient and modern society, on mouldering ruins and unfolding elements of a higher culture, on supernal phenomena and subterranean forms, all the more interesting since in connection with his southern explorations, they formed the base for several branches of science, to which he lays claim as founder, notably in meteorology and physical geography. He returned to Europe in 1804, and began soon after at Paris, with aid from different quarters, to prepare for publication the fruit of his remarkable tour, a task occupying a great part of his attention for over 20 years, and intimately connected with other works of encyclopædic range which flowed from his ever busy pen, and procured him a fame almost unrivalled in scientific annals.

The results of his American journey were given to the world in Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent, fait dans les années 1799 à 1804, divided into six parts in 30 folio and quarto volumes, and embracing such sections as Relation Historique, Vues des Cordillères, Atlas, Examen critique de l'histoire de la géographie du nouveau continent, spoken of in connection with my Summary of Geographical Knowledge and Discovery, Hist. Cent. Am., i., and Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, 1811, 2 vols., the rest relating especially to natural history, geology, meteorology^ accompanied by maps and drawings. Most of these and other works have been translated into different languages, and issued in many editions, both complete and abbreviated. My remarks must for the present be confined to the Essai Politique, as the only section which relates particularly to New Spain. It is dedicated to Carlos IV., as his patron in this instance, and has a valuable atlas. After an introductory explanation of the maps, it opens with physical geography and its bearing on agriculture and other industries, and proceeds to treat of population, the causes which affect births and deaths, notably epidemic diseases, and characteristics and conditions of the races and castes. Then follows a description of the different intendencias and provinces, their extent, resources, and leading towns; the second volume with the three last directions is devoted respectively to agriculture and mines, commerce and manufactures, revenue and defences, followed by two supplements of notes and additions. Like many other parts of Humboldt's work, this was first issued in sections from 1808-11, as noticed in Edinburgh Rev., April 1810, and November 1811, the first complete edition being the folio before me of 1811. I have also the first German issue of 1809-14 in 5 vols., 8vo, and English and Spanish editions, those of later date containing additions. The value of the work is recognized not so much in the many reprints, as in the extensive use made of it by later writers, hardly any one attempting to consult earlier authorities for the field covered; and indeed they could not have done better, for it is with rare exceptions not only full and accurate, based on official data freely placed before the author, but it may be called the first comprehensive and philosophic treatise of the kind on New Spain. Nevertheless it is not exhaustive, and it rarely goes back beyond the generation of Humboldt's time for statistics or historic information, a circumstance overlooked by many a hasty and ungrateful borrower. For my purposes, though the scope is broad, the work has served merely as an aid to fill certain gaps. None the less do I acknowledge my obligations to the researches of this truly great man, the first to unlock the Spanish colonies to foreign investigators, and I heartily join my voice to the applause still ringing to his memory.

 

Herewith I give broader references to some authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: Cedulario, MS., i. 09, 90, 152-4, 179-97, 204; iii. 23, 49, 61-4, 129; iv. 24-5, 158-9; Vireyes de Mex., Instruc., MS., passim; Órdenes de la Corona, MS., i. 5-6, 45-50, 134; iii. 12, 42, 53-7, 79-86, 128-30, 158, 177-80; v. 1-54, 133; vi. 63-76; Concilios Prov., MS., i. 1-369; ii., passim; iii. 63-203; iv. 69 et seq.; Reales Ordenes, i. 254-8; ii. 1-17, 305-33; iv., passim; viii. 16, 24, 214-15; Instruccion Vireyes, 29, 97, 104-204; Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 8-10, 75-6, 105-6; ii. 58-63, 153-9, 172-3, 237; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., i., passim; ii. 1-8, 80-100; Id., Instruc., 1-353; Id., Residencia, MS., passim; Id., Bandos, passim; Id., Solemnes Exequias, 1-91; Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 13-36; Azanza, Instruc., MS., passim; Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 5; Linares, Instruc., MS., passim; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 54, 82, 119; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 53-5, 119-20; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 234; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., 221, 313-15; Villa-Señor, Theatro, i, 33-6, 53-61; Providencias Reales, MS., 52, 204-5; Calle, Mem. y Not., 38-45, 157, 161-2, 181-3; Intendentes, Real Ordenanza, 347-410; Disposiciones Varias, passim; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 274; Torquemada, i. 298-304, 620-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 38-40; ii. 73-4; iii. 107-8; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 4-9, 37; Id., Parayso, Occid., 25-32; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 136-40, 363; Recop. de Indias, i. 507 et seq.; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxxi. 496-502; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 34-5; Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i., ii., passim; Id., série ii. tom. vi. 5-96; tom. vii., passim; Alaman, Disert., iii. 62-85, 239-44, 262-4, 296, 390-1; Id., Hist. Mej., i. 8 et seq.; ii. 1-2; iv. 724; v. 956; Colon, Juzgados Militares, ii. 52360; iii., iv., passim; Cartas de Indias, 272, 791-2; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. 1-52; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 107; Vetancvrt, Chron. San Evang., 31-48, 67-9, 81-3; Id., Trat. Mex., 1—5, 34-45; Beleña, Recop., i., passim; ii. 86, 332-5; Gomez, Diario, passim; Presidios, Reglamento, 1-132; Robles, Diario, passim; Morfi, Col. Doc., MS., 8-26, 211-39; Arrangoiz, Mex., i. 33-4; Monumentos Domen. Esp., MS., passim; Guijo, Diario, 8 et seq.; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 150-5; Mota Padilla, Coñq. N. Gal., 3-18, 177; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 10-11; Id., Efemerides, i. 33; Id., Medidas Pacificacion, MS., ii. 63-4; Id., Voz de la Patria, iii. 7-8, 24; Villarroel, Enfermedades, 55, 111-14, 163-72; Montemayor, Svmarios, 3-9, 184-91; Cárlos III., Reales Exequias, 1-33; Id., IV., Breve Relacion, passim; Colon de Larriátegui, Juzgados, 1-466; Alzate, Gaceta, i. 71-7, 166-7, 231-4, 365; ii. 82 et seq.; iii. 1-3, 46-8, 453-62; iv. passim; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 67, 142-210; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 79-80, 159-222, 485-535; Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 463-4; Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 171-2, 194-206; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. xxxvi. 513-35; Palafox y Mendoza, El Venerab. Señor, 23; Mayer's Mex. Azt., L 96 et seq.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 264-5; ii. 2-12, 65-83; iii. 87-9, 93-8, 166-225; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 192-205; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 4-7, 145-237, 273; ii. 811-36; Id., New Spain, ii. 3, 61, 138; iv. 247-76, 322-3; Id., Tobias Estad., MS., 7-40, 65-6; Id., Versuch., ii. 25-130; v. 30-51, 61-8; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, i. 49-50; ii. 5-8, 24, 35-6, 76; iv. 19; viii. 164-6; Id., 2da ép., i. 242-3; ii. 576-7; iii. 307, 314; Id., 3ra ép., iii. 111-12; Beristain de Sousa, Cantos, passim; Guerra, Revue N. Esp., i. 266, 281-3; Simon, Sermon, 1-30; Torrente, Revol. Hispania, i. 6-11; 19; Zúñiga y O., Calendario, 29-37, 82-107, 120-36, 149-50; Leon, Explicacion, passim; Id., Ilustracion, 1-40; Rodriguez, Express del Dolor, passim; Bucareli, Reglamento, 1-32; Vargas, Carta, passim; Cedula, Agosto 21, 1769, 1-7; Baréa, Oracion, 1-40; Farnecio, Reales Exequias, passim; Diario, Mex., i. 91-2, 303, 337; ii. 67 et seq., iii. 19, 70-1, 368; iv. 7-8, 417-20; v. 99 et seq.; vi. 12, 16, 21-20, 219-91; vii. 48, passim; viii. 112, 139-41; ix. 159-60, 319-20, 465, 548; x. 12, 37-44, 401-2; xi. 467-70; xii. 200, 345-6, 631-4, 726; xiii. 167-70, 173-9, 505-6; Lefevre, Doc. Maxim., i. 388-9; Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 37, 63, 108, 144 et seq.; Mexico, Bosquejo Revol., 8; Id., Cuaderno, 40; Id., Circular sobre Numb., MS., passim; Id., Extractos de Cedulas, MS., 13-33; Id., Informe, 9; Id., Memoria Guerra 1840,9-11, 37-9; Id., Memoria Relaciones 1860, 8-9; Id., Notes on, 94, 113-14, 234; Id., Not. Ciud. Mex., 28, 178-88; Id., Ordenanzas, 1-62; Id., Provid. Diocesanas, MS., passim; Id., Regia Linea Front., 28-9; Hospital de la Tropa, Instruc., 1-15; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 149-50; Guia de Hacienda, ii. 129-40; Id., Forasteros, 1797, 156-83; Castillo, Oracion Paney., 1-37; West Indies, Descript., 60-4; Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., i. 4; Pinkerton's Modern Geog., iii. 160-6; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 26; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 273-4, 362-5; iii. 432, 449; Casans, Oracion Fúnebre, passim; Spanish Empire in Am., 112-14; Pike's Explor., 377-85; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 371-9; vi. 190-205, 229-55; Galvez, Informe Marqués, 17-18, 54-60, 186; Id., Oracion Fúnebre, 1-11; Yucatan, Estad. Tabla, 3 et seq.; Gayarre's, Hist. Louis, 164-6; Conde y Oquendo, Oracion, 1-37; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 30; Pap. Var., v. 55-6; xxxiii., passim; XXXV. 11 et seq.; lxxiv. 1-12; cxxii. 29-73; cxlix. 19-20; ccxvii., passim; Coleccion de Diarios, 225-40; Leon, La Estirpe, 1-27; Respuesta al Papel, 17-18; Plateros, Obelisco, 1-5; Reglamento, Instruc. Presid., 1-132; Museo, Mex., i. 304-9, 353-8, 393-402; iii. 212-16, 397-406; iv. 92-5, 119-20, 25-985, 525-35; Willie, Noticia Hoc., 4-5; Arrillaga, Recop. 1834, 142-89; 1835, 3-6, 298-300, 323-4; Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 40, 50-1; Arevalo, Laudatio Funebris, 1-31; Escudero, Not. Son., 63, 70-1; Viagero, Universal, xxvi. 253-330, 343-4, 355-72; xxvii. 51-86, 196-9, 247-9; Rocha, Codigo Nic., ii. 30; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 301-62; Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 149-50; Juarros, Compendio Guat., 267-70; Gazeta Mex., i.-xi., passim; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v., passim; vi. 9-55, 74, 555-9; vii. 49, 785; viii. 49; X. 1296, 1373; Young's Hist. Mex., 63; San Salvador, El Sentimiento, 1-39; Cavo, Tree Siglos, ii. 173-85; iii. 7-92; Granados, Tardes Am.,

 

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1. Don Miguel de la Grua Talamanca y Branciforte, marqués de Branciforte, was the fifty-third viceroy of New Spain. Cedulario, MS., iii. 129; Disposiciones Varias, i. 97; Gomez, Diario, 398, 410.
2. Alaman, Rivera, Mayer, Arroniz, and other authorities make the same assertion; and Bustamante, who knew Branciforte personally, says: 'Con mucha anticipacion se previno por la córte que no se la registrase su equipage, que llegó dentro de poco, y esto dió luego á conocer que traia una riquirima factura de géneros preciosos para venderlos por altos preciós, y comenzar á hacer su fortuna, objecto principal con que se le enviaba.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 166. Zamacois, who, for some reason, seems anxious to screen the memory of this viceroy, here makes but a mild apology in saying. Hist. Mej., v. 692, 'No me atreveré yo á decir que las sospechas descansaban en un hecho positive, ni quiero inclinar el ánimo del lector á un desfavorable concepto hácia el nuevo gobernante.'
3. 'Sin demora se lo puso, y con él se presentó d lucirlo aquella noche en el teatro.' Gomez, Diario, 414.
4. 'El pueblo explicaba su enojo, no solo con las hablillas, sino tambien con las caricaturas. Cuando le vino el toison de oro, pintaron á Branciforte con el collar puesto, pero en lugar del cordero con que termina este collar, le pusieron un goto.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 173.
5. 'These trifles,' says Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 697, 'which perhaps in another would have passed unnoticed, were considered censurable in Branciforte, as the people were already prejudiced against him because of his being a foreigner.'
6. Su principal objeto fué enriquecer, y el intermedio que se valió para ello fue D. Francisco Perez Soñanes, conde de Contramina, que era el canal por donde se conseguian todas las gracias á precio de dinero.' Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 83; Lacunza, Dicc. Hist., 530-1; Respuesta, in Pap. Var., 17-18.
7. 'Fué corruptor de la severa y benéfica administracion de Revillagigedo, así como reemplazó en la Metrópoli D. Manuel Godoy á los ministros ilustrados de Cárlos III.' Rivera, Gob., i. 488; see also Id., Hist. Jal., i. 177-8, 187.
8. When he took occasion to speak of the king, 'se enternecia, hacia pucheritos, exhalaba suspires, y parecia entrar en tiernos deliquios; sobre todo, cuando referia las piedades de sus benignas manos, y de sus católicos pechos.'
9. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 705, who 'supposes' that after the treaty of Basil, July 22, 1793, those who were expelled from Mexico recovered their own, is in error. Persecution of French, in Respuesta, Pap. Var., 17-18.
10. 'No hemos visto llegar un fusil de Europa con esta contribucion, y únicamente consta en la correspondencia ministerial, que solo habia echo mil fusiles útiles en Perote, y que los cuerpos levantados no tenian armamento.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 109. The muskets here mentioned were probably those which arrived during Revilla Gigedo's rule. Other authors agree as to the shameful sale of offices and commissions, while Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v 697-8, as usual, endeavors to create the impression that Branciforte's conduct was strictly honorable.
11. Boundaries and navigation were regulated; the treaty was signed by Thomas Pinckney on the part of the United States, and by the favorite Godoy for Spain. North Americans were prohibited from entering the territory of New Spain. See Guerra entre Mex. y los E. U., 3-5.
12. These facts are taken from the secret archives of the viceroys, where all the correspondence is found between Branciforte and the inquisition concerning the persecution of foreigners. Though Zamacois profusely copies Alaman, he perhaps intentionally suppresses the statement of this author, Hist. Mej., i. 127-8, 'que el virey marques de Branciforte excitase repetidamente el zelo, no muy tibio por cierto, de la inquisicion para no dejarlas (seditious doctrines) echar raiz, persiguiendo de acuerdo ambas autoridades á los franceses. . . muchos de los cuales fueron llevados á las cárceles de la inquisicion, otros á la de la corte, y todos con muy pocas excepciones obligados á salir del reino.' Why Zamacois should have omitted to notice these statements of his favorite author against Branciforte is not clear.
13. The army consisted of the militia regiments of Mexico, Tlascala, Toluca, Tres Villas, Celaya, Oajaca, and Valladolid, together with a cavalry force. Cuia de Forasteros(1797), 156-83; Rivera, Hist. Jal., i. 179.
14. The particulars of these preparations may be found in Branciforte, Marques de, Instruccion, MS. (Mex. 1797), p. 47. This manuscript comprises a review of Branciforte's administration; progress in various branches of government, condition of treasury, revenue, army defenses, with suggestions for their continuation, and a brief account of the condition of the Californias.
15. To serve Joseph Bonaparte, when king of Spain.
16. Azanza, the fifty-fourth viceroy of New Spain, was born in Navarre, in 1746, and came to Mexico for the first time at the age of seventeen, with an uncle, who filled several important government positions. In 1781 he was a captain at the siege of Gibraltar, and afterward filled various important diplomatic and military positions. He was appointed to the viceroyalty in 1796, but did not arrive until the time mentioned in the text. Gomez, Diario, 464, 468; Humboldt, Essai Pol., 311, 803; Rivera, Gob., 496; Cavo, Tres Siglo, iii. 176, 186-90; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 84.
17. See Azanza, Instruc., MS., 158.
18. Without giving any authority for the statement, Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 497, says: 'El ministro Talleyrand dió la voz de alarma, espresando al embajador español en Paris los temores que abrigaba por la conducta de los Estados-Unidos, en cuyo congreso el oro y las intrigas del ministro Pitt habian ganado muchos adeptos.'
19. Because of this mistrust, a number of English and Americans who had landed in California were arrested and shipped to San Bias and thence transferred to Vera Cruz. One of the prisoners died on the way, and another escaped.
20. When Calleja first heard of the revolutionary outbreak at Dolores in 1810, he immediately concentrated his brigade—'organizó un ejército, y con él obtuvo las primeras ventajas del gobiemo español.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 181.
21. The brig Activo, schooner Sutil, and sloop Horcasitas, which were to go on the expedition, had to take refuge in Puerto Escondido. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 184-6. Azanza feared that the Russians might in conjunction with the English invade Alta California, where they had always been anxious to form settlements. The viceroy therefore asked the king to establish a naval force at Acapulco. It was thought impossible to establish forts and garrisons in California. Azanza, Instruc., MS., 184-6. At this time the coast of Tabasco and the Cármen presidio were harassed by corsairs, who did little damage, however, thanks to the activity of the governors.
22. See the case against the agitator Rojas, who escaped from the clutches of the inquisition to New Orleans. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 128.
23. See Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 177-80; Bustamante, Medidas Pacif., MS., ii. 63-4; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 128-31; Arrangoiz, i. 33-4; Domenech, Hist, du Mex., i. 308-9.
24. Guerrero was a native of Estepona in Granada, Spain, and had come to Mexico as purser of one of the ships from the Philippines. Having! been left at Acapulco on account of sickness, he asked his pay from the authorities at Mexico, but was refused. Poverty then drove him to rebellion. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 128-9.
25. Besides Guerrero and Father Vara there were José Rodriguez Valencia, a wig-maker, intended as ambassador to the United States; Antonio Reyes, a retired officer of dragoons; Mariano de la Torre, government official, and José Tamayo, master barber, who died in prison. According to Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 132, Guerrero had abandoned his purpose before his arrest. Nevertheless he was sentenced to six years of exile to Africa, after being kept in irons during the investigation. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 177-80; Bustamante, Medidas, Pacif., MS., ii. 63-4; Arrangoiz, Mex., i. 33-4.
26. Informe Reservado, Nov. 30, 1799.
27. Qualifying it as 'de mala naturaleza, por la disposicion que habia en el pueblo á dividirse en los partidos de gachupines y criollos.' Azanza, Informe al Rey, Mex., Nov. 30, 1799; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 134.
28. The principal, Portilla, was a man of some note after the independence. Particulars of the trial are in Portilla, Representacion, passim; See also Azanza, Informe al Rey, passim; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 132-4; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 182-3; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 292-4; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 715-17; x. 1364; Dicc. Univ., i. 396.
29. Not the ancient city of Tlaxcala near Puebla, but one of the colonies of Tlaxcaltecs established in the interior.
30. This was told to the woman Maldonado by the wife of one of the conspirators; it was also divulged by an unknown person passing through Tepic. Alaman, Hist. Mej. i. 135.
31. In acknowledgment of his services during this conspiracy, president Abascal was made viceroy of Buenos Ayres, and then of Peru, where he received the title of marqués de la Concordia.
32. Azanza gave much encouragement to the manufactures of silk, cotton, and wool. In the town of Cadereita alone there were more than two hundred looms, giving employment to over five hundred men. Azanza, Relacion, San Cristóbal, 1800. The uniforms of the whole army of New Spain were made from cloth manufactured at Qucrétaro.
33. See Azanza, Instruc., MS., 92-3.
34. The duration was over four minutes. In Guanajuato, where Bustamante was at the time, no shock was felt, but 'se notó una grande opacidad en la atmósfera, cosa rara en aquel cielo hermoso.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 182. Other shocks occurred in Oajaca the following year, in Vera Cruz and Orizaba in 1805, and more or less severe shocks during the next four or five_ years. See Id., Id., 197-8; Carriedo, Estudios, ii. 107; Orizaba, Occurrencias, i.; Azanza, Instruc., MS., 55; Fossey, Mex., 398; Cortina, Seismologia, passim; Diar., Mex.,i. 303,337; ii. 344; iii. 70-1, 153-4, 176; vii. 159; viii.; xiii.; Gaz Mex., xiii. 263-4, 400, 411-16.
35. Estudios Hist., ii. 107.
36. Alaman, Hist. Méj., i. 134, assumes that Azanza was anxious to lay down the government on account of impending troubles in Mexico. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 185-6, affirms that the removal of the viceroy was the work of intrigue and barter between Godoy and Marquina. 'El vireinato se puso en venta en aquella córte (Madrid): dícese que se ofreció en ochenta mil pesos al Secretario Bonilla que residia en la córte, y se quedó sin él por no haber encontrado un libramiento contra su yemo D. Lorenzo Guardamino, y se le confirió á D. Felix Berenguer de Marquina.'
37. He died at Bordeaux on the 20th of June 1820, at the age of 80, poor, and bereft of all his offices and titles, but appreciated in civil life for his personal merits and virtues. See Disposiciones Varias, MS., i. 108, 140; Agreda, Represent., MS., passim; Spain, Manifiesto, 66-100; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 201-5; Rivera, Gob., i. 502; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 84-5. In Azanza, Instruccion sobre las provincias de Nueva España, MS. (Mex., April 29, 1800), are the instructions given by the viceroy to his successor. It also contains full information concerning the policy of Azanza's administration from 1798 to 1800, and a sketch of the general condition of New Spain for that period, with many details on mining, commerce, and military matters.
38. Marquina, the fifty-fifth viceroy of New Spain, held the rank of rear-admiral in the royal navy. Of his earlier life very little is known. On his way to Mexico he was captured by the English near Cape Catoche and taken to Jamaica; he was allowed to proceed, however, to his destination with his Secretary Bonilla.
39. 'Se habia conducido con animosidad cuando fué Gobernador de Islas Marianas, y se tenia que obrase del mismo modo en México.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 192-3.
40. This seems disproved however by the fact that subsequently Marquina was made viceroy of Buenos Aires, and then of Peru, where he obtained the title of marques de la Concordia.
41. He was fond of writing his decrees himself. At one time, when on a certain measure the assessor supported one view and the fiscal another, he thought to reconcile the two extremes by ending his decree with the words: 'As the fiscal claims and the assessor-general thinks, although it does not seem so to me—Marquina.' During a trip to Vera Cruz the senior oidor in charge of the government took advantage of the viceroy's absence to give the people a bull-fight. On his return, Marquina, enraged, immediately issued a decree declaring that bull-fight null and void! The only public improvement made during his rule was a fountain, donated by the viceroy himself. For some reason it was without water and soon became a receptacle for filth and offal. One morning there was attached to it a placard with the following epigram:

    'Para perpetua memoria
    Nos dejó el Señor Marquina
    Una pila en que se orina,
    y aqui se acaba su historia,'

42. The reform was extended over the whole country. The guilds and cofradías were prohibited from receiving any person not decently dressed. In processions, or in the streets they passed, in the paseos, or at church festivals, no person was allowed with a 'manta, sábana, zarape,' or similar garment under pain of eight days' imprisonment. The same was enforced in regard to children in primary schools. This was in compliance with Azanza's recommendation that 'la vergonzosa desnudez del pueblo bajo ofende tanto la vista de la gente culta, y ocasiona muchos daños fisicos y morales, quise destruia enteramente este abuso pernicioso, tan comun en la Capital como en otras Ciudades del Reyno.' Instrucciones, MS., 60.
43. 'Declaré por punto general que las mujeres pueden ocu parse en qualesquiera labores y manufacturas que sean compatibles con las fuerzas y decoro de su sexo.' Azanza, Instruc., MS., 59. A similar decree with reference to New Spain was issued by Cárlos III. in 1784; this was subsequently reformed and amplified by Cárlos IV.
44. Arch. Nac. Mex., tom. ccxi. carta dclxlviii.
45. 'Me parece que este punto lo he manejado con excesiva escrupulosidad, y estoy poseido de una interior satisfaccion de que he llenado mis deberes.' Instruc., Vireyes, 217.
46. 'Sin embargo de este premeditado procedimiento. . . tuve el dolor de haber recibido en Agosto ultimo dos Reales Ordenes que no aprobaban el nombramiento que hice.' Id.
47. The salary of the viceroys was now 60,000 pesos a year.
48. It was at first supposed that the fleet was sent for the purpose of establishing a settlement or making raids on Spanish territory, but the alarm subsided when it was known that it had sailed from Boston. To prevent such expeditions in the future a royal decree was issued in September 1789 ordering a company to be established with the exclusive right to the gulf fisheries for twenty years, and with the privilege of trading and establishing colonies in America and Asia, the king furnishing troops and arms.