History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 3

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER III.

OVERTHROW OF GELVES.

1624.

The Interdict Launched against the Capital — Excitement among the Populace — The Rabble in Arms — Attack on the Palace — The Government Declared Vested in the Oidores — Their Schemes to Secure Control — Flight of Gelves — Triumphant Entry of the Archbishop — Reactionary Measures by the Audiencia — The Viceroy under Restraint — His Vain Negotiations for Return to Power — Gathering Evidence — Measures by the King — Cerralvo Sent as Viceroy — Nominal Restoration of Gelves and Triumphant Entry — Proceedings against the Rioters — Fate of Serna and Gelves — Significance of the Outbreak.

Among the oldest and most sacred spots of Anáhuac was Teotihuacan. During the early Nahua period its lofty pyramids were famed throughout the land, and under the Toltec empire it remained the religious centre to which pilgrims with rich offerings flocked from afar to worship in the temples of the sun and moon. Here kings and priests were elected, ordained, and buried, and here were fulminated oracles which overturned dynasties and caused nations to tremble. It was in the village near this spot, now a mass of awe-inspiring ruins, that Archbishop Serna had taken a defiant stand within the convent church, and like his ancient forerunners he sent forth a decree which should rouse a people and overturn a ruler. This was nothing less than a new excommunication of the viceroy, together with an interdict upon the whole capital. The decree was intrusted to the priest Martinez de Recalde, who set out on horseback the evening it was issued, the 14th of January 1624, and reached the city at dawn the following day. At half past five the name of the viceroy again appeared in the list of religious outcasts, and an hour later the interdict was read from the cathedral pulpit to such of the faithful as were present at matins. The chant of the choir ceased immediately, the candles upon the altar were extinguished, the massive doors closed upon the devout, who, weeping, spread throughout the city the sad tidings, crying that the land was now as one possessed by Moors, since God had gone from among them. Soon, too, the willing feet of priests were hastening to bear the decree to the other churches and convents of the town. All were closed save the convent of La Merced, which remained open during the morning, while from every belfry tolled forth the dread tidings to the awakening city.

The events of the past four days had been at work in the minds of the ignorant. The archbishop's mania for excommunicating, and the opposition of the viceroy to one whom they had been taught to regard as more than human, if somewhat less than divine, had formed the sole topic of conversation, and all day long and till late into the night excited knots of men hung about the plaza and the street corners predicting some dreadful catastrophe. They were faithful children, these poor Mexicans, of a church the tenets of which to them consisted simply in their outward manifestation, while they gratefully remembered that its ministers had ever stood, or endeavored to stand, between them and the tyranny and greed of their lay masters. Of this the partisans of the prelate failed not to remind them. If an occasional skeptic hinted at episcopal missteps, the faithful expressed themselves as only too willing to give their all for his ransom. They could not bear to see the representative of heaven driven forth like a criminal. To many it seemed an overwhelming calamity, and impressed by the popular disquietude others readily drifted into the current of excitement which at any moment might develop into a storm. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 15th the great square was full of excited people. Cristóbal de Osorio, regarded as one of the chief oppressors of the archbishop, passed through it in his carriage and was recognized by some boys. Cries of "heretic," "excommunicated dog," and the like came lustily from their throats until Osorio, losing his temper, ordered his servants to chastise them. The boys defended themselves with stones, and at length forced the coachman to drive toward the palace for protection.^[1] The viceroy, who was still in his bed, received a probably exaggerated account of the attack and ordered out the guard to the rescue. Though roughly handled at first, the boys were soon reënforced by others and at length joined by many of the idle men who flocked to the spot. Armed with sharp fragments of stone gathered from the spot where the cathedral was a-building, they soon forced the guard to retire within the palace gates, against which the mob, which had now assumed formidable proportions, threw itself. Gelves with characteristic valor would have sallied forth sword in hand, but from such a rash proceeding he was dissuaded by Admiral Cevallos and others who happened to be with him. He contented himself therefore with ordering the general call to arms to be sounded from the palace roof, and displaying from a window the pendant used during the negro trouble in 1612. The call of the trumpet served first to summon aid to the rabble, and, amidst the encouraging cries of his fellows, one of the crowd mounted a ladder and tore down the flag, which soon waved in triumph from one of the cathedral towers. But the rioters lost little time in idle demonstrations. Some busied themselves in an attempt to fire the palace gate, others sought to free the prisoners in the jail, all shouting the while: "Viva la fé de Jesucristo; viva la Iglesia; viva el rey nuestro señor, y muera el mal gobierno de este luterano herege descomulgado!" The bravado of the untrained populace grows more demonstrative the less it is opposed, and presently the rioters began to cry that, unless their pastor^[2] were restored to his flock and the imprisoned oidores liberated, they would put an end not only to all in the palace but to the tribunals and the gentry as well.

The situation was becoming serious, for the supply of arms was small even for the few defenders of the palace, and the fire at the gates grew hot. It happened that the oidor Cisneros, who had not taken part in the proceedings which led to the arrest of the archbishop, was among the first to obey the general summons of the viceroy. He now, kneeling, besought Gelves to recall the prelate, and in this he was seconded by other prominent persons. To this Gelves at length gave consent, albeit against his will, for he was still inclined to offer a stout resistance to rebels. The decree which he signed was intrusted for transmission to the senior inquisitor, who as he left the palace showed it to the crowd. But the mob had no faith in the viceroy, and notwithstanding the general freedom promised them they clamored still for the release of the oidores and the issue of the decree by them. Gelves had to yield, and now the mob was persuaded by the popular marqués del Valle to put out the fire at the gates, while some Franciscans persuaded a large number to depart from the spot.^[3] One faction in moving away amid exultant demonstrations, sought to obtain the pendon de la fé from the inquisitors; and balked in this they took Varaez from his confinement and carried him round in triumph.

This lull by no means suited certain parties; and a rumor that the archbishop was to be executed assisted to draw the rabble again to the plaza. A number now raised the cry to break open the prisons in one end of the palace, partly with a view to plunder the building. The lower jail was easily entered, but not so the upper and main portion, whereupon torches were applied.^[4] Reënforced with arms and ammunition the viceroy opened fire on the assailants, killing quite a number. This naturally exasperated the crowd, which, armed with arquebuses, broke into the archiepiscopal palace, ascended to the roof, and began to return the fire from the viceregal palace. Gelves now found himself in greater strait than ever, for the mob was increasing both in number and fury, and the fire extended rapidly. Finding it necessary to release the prisoners lest they be burned alive, he opened the cell-doors on condition that the inmates should assist in quenching the flames,^[5] but most of them hastened to join the mob.

Meanwhile the oidores had done nothing beyond issuing tame appeals for order and urging upon the viceroy not to persist in opposing the people but rather to retire,^[6] a not very easy task, had he so desired. In response to their appeals the people shouted that they should assume control and remain in the city hall.^[7] Only too eager to comply with so flattering a demand, the oidores turned for advice to officials and notables present, not omitting the clergy, whose fears prompted but the one counsel of compliance; and so, after much pretended hesitation, they yielded, in token of which the city standard was unfurled at 5 p. m. At the same time Gaviria proclaimed himself captain-general, and set forth to summon citizens to join him in suppressing the riot. He took the direction of Tlatelulco, with a view to meet the large force of Indians who were said to be gathering there intending to march to the main square.

All this time the rabble at the palace were having their own way, with little or no attempt at interference on the part of the oidores remaining at the city hall. Gelves even charges them with promoting the trouble,^[8] and intimates that Gaviria kept away on purpose, so that he might be driven to extremes for the benefit of Gaviria's party. Part of the palace was already in the hands of the sackers, and the viceroy and his adherents were beaten further and further back, with loss both in dead and wounded. Finding that it would not be possible to hold out much longer, and warned by the insensate outcry against him, Gelves resolved to seek safety in flight. He donned the garments of a servant, ^[9] took off his well known spectacles, and favored by the darkness he mingled with the mob, shouting awhile as lustily as any of them against himself. With two servants he thereupon hurried to San Francisco convent, and hid in a room behind the refectory.

His departure gave the signal for a general abandonment of the palace, which the rioters now overran, plundering and destroying, and respecting not even the sacred vessels and images in the chapel. They also sacked the houses of Armenteros and the viceregal asesor, and would have extended their raid against other adherents of the opposite party, perhaps against any one whom it might pay to plunder; but Gaviria now returned at the head of an overwhelming force of citizens. Whatever may have been his motives they could no longer be promoted by countenancing the riot, which now threatened to endanger the common interest. It was not long, therefore, ere he had cleared the palace and its neighborhood of all dangerous persons; the fire was extinguished, the wounded received due care, and patrols paraded the streets all night, keeping guard and maintaining bonfires at the corners.

Few, however, of those concerned in that day's turmoil thought of returning home, for another excitement of a more peaceful nature was in store. During the day the marqués del Valle, and the bearers of the audiencia order, had come up with the archiepiscopal party, and urged upon the prelate to return at once and aid in calming the people. He set out at 3 p. m., escorted by a crowd, which greatly swelled as he advanced. At Guadalupe he was met by a procession of Indians with blazing torches, the advance guard of many others, and the entry into the capital about midnight resembled that of a victorious monarch. The houses were illuminated, the bells pealed merrily, and cheering crowds lined the street,^[10] impressed more than ever by the grandeur and power of the church. In the morning the prelate removed the interdict, and then, borne aloft to the altar over the heads of the crowds, he held mass and chanted the te deum, the rest of the day, a Tuesday, being held as a feast. The dead rioters he buried free of cost, showing them particular honor, but the fallen defenders of the palace he disregarded.^[11]

The same day the audiencia took steps to plant themselves firmly in power, and rumor being brought by their zealous henchmen that the people were again showing uneasiness at the possible restoration of Gelves, they seized this as a pretext for issuing a proclamation to the effect that they would retain the government. In this document were cited the views and wishes of judges, clergymen, and citizens of different degrees. All the provinces were notified and ordered to obey the new rulers. The demand for maintaining order appeared to call for a standing force, and since this would strengthen their position, they hastened to mass arms and enroll men, and formed several companies, including a corps of cavalry from among the encomenderos under Captain Legaspi. Contador Juan de Cervantes Casaus was created maestre de campo. Three companies of one hundred men each were regularly assigned for guard duty, their pay being taken from the drainage fund.^[12]

A number of these were detailed to protect the government house and enforce the behests of the audiencia, and another body attended Gaviria as escort. He and his associates moved about with great pomp; banners were lowered as they passed, and besides carrying staffs and other insignia they adopted the broad frilled collar hitherto restricted to the higher nobles. The royal seal was brought from the palace to their hall, and the papers of the viceroy were seized, many of them being freely ventilated, notably his secret report on the character of the officials. It contained reflections far from flattering, and served to increase the animosity against him, and to encourage hostility. Indeed a number of his most excellent measures were annulled, wherever the oidores thought it for their interest to do so. The restriction on bearing arms was removed, persons exiled for crimes were recalled, prisoners released, and apostates restored to their orders. Further than this, many worthy officials had to yield their posts to adherents of the new party, and among them Pedro Velez de Guevara, governor of San Juan de Ulúa, who was replaced by Francisco Bravo de la Serna, a nephew of the archbishop.^[13] Pedro de la Gorreta, governor of Acapulco, declined to surrender his post to the relative of Gaviria, who had been appointed to receive it. The public feeling against the viceroy was maintained by libellous notices and abusive songs; and although printers were not as a rule permitted to issue them, no restriction was placed on public delivery.^[14] These proceedings received encouragement from the effort of the viceroy to keep secret his hiding-place, even from the oidores. They ferreted it, however, and placed a guard round the convent, ostensibly for his protection, but really to keep him prisoner. They also took precautions to restrict visits by allowing none to enter save with their permission.^[15] Many of those who came as visitors or servants were subjected to the indignity of search, and the viceroy's secretary was confined elsewhere so as to be unable to communicate with him.

Notwithstanding the secrecy concerning his abode the viceroy had not failed from the first to let it be known that he was still among the living. On the very evening of his flight he had summoned Inquisitor Juan Gutierrez Flores^[16] and Fray Juan de Lormendi, guardian of the convent, and commissioned them to treat with the audiencia for his restoration to power, and for a meeting between them. They must also secure his papers. While considering themselves firmly enough established to follow their bent, the oidores nevertheless thought it necessary to call a meeting of leading men to give them support. They failed not to magnify the danger of restoring to power so unpopular a viceroy. A civil war might thereby be ignited which would not only imperil the lives and estates of every Spaniard in New Spain, but the interests and authority of the crown itself Although the marqués del Valle among others made some blunt objections to these manifest efforts of the oidores to retain control, yet their influence and arguments prevailed in obtaining a very respectable endorsement. The more prudent refrained from committing themselves. Thus strengthened in their position, Gaviria and his colleagues replied to Gelves that he had been deposed, not by them but by the people, and had virtually admitted the removal by abandoning his post. Under the circumstances the law and the popular will demanded that they should administer the government till the king decided in the matter. He might confer with any oidor, but it would not be advisable for them to meet him as a body. His private papers would be surrendered, but not official documents nor his estate.

On receiving this answer the viceroy, partly with a view of sounding his opponents, proposed to leave for Spain since it was not proper that he should remain after being deprived of his position. It was also necessary that he should be allowed to consult with his secretary, his confessor, and other persons, in order to prepare the report which the king expected from him. Moreover he needed funds for the support of himself and followers. To this came the reply that the viceroy could not be permitted to leave before his residencia was taken. But residencia in this case could not be taken except by special order from the king, it was urged, since the office had not been left in due form, and bonds would be given if required. This caused the audiencia to yield and offer a vessel, at his own expense however. Shortly after they changed their mind and paid no attention to proposals for his departure.^[17] It was thereupon agreed that a few assistants would be given to prepare despatches, and certain means for expenses, but no officials could be allowed to act for him as messengers to Spain.^[18] The notaries, however, and other officials necessary for giving formality to the viceregal documents were either withheld or delayed, so that negotiations broke off for some days, and more than one opportunity was thus purposely lost to Gelves for sending reports to the court.

On February 7th the viceroy sent a formal protest to the audiencia. He had learned of their many proclamations and acts tending to rouse the people, and bring into contempt the royal authority vested in him. They had usurped the government, risked its subversion, and prevented him from fulfilling the obligations of his office. There could be only one head of government, and he, as that royally appointed head, now required the oidores to obey him as viceregent, governor, captain-general, and president, restore him to office, and protect his person with the force enrolled, under penalty of being declared rebels, together with their supporters, a penalty involving death and confiscation.

In the expectation of such notices it is not to be wondered at that visitors to the convent were searched. The audiencia did not fail to express disapproval of the extreme language used, and regret that the inquisitor should have undertaken to carry it. This official was henceforth forbidden entrance into the convent. After two days of deliberation the oidores replied in equally formal manner, in the king's name, addressing Gelves as marquis and ex-viceroy. They recapitulated the different acts of despotism which gave rise to the popular commotion that caused him to abandon the palace, such as disobeying royal orders; withdrawing right of appeal; preventing the audiencia from administering justice and fulfilling the duties of their office; suppressing letters and interfering with the free use of mails to the court and elsewhere; proclaiming that no will but his own should prevail, even in spiritual matters, to which end he had exiled the archbishop and imprisoned the oidores. These and other outrages had so irritated the people as to compel the audiencia, by common acclamation, and by cédulas providing for such cases, to assume government and save the country from ruin. Tribunals, secular and ecclesiastic bodies, and citizens generally had further required them to retain this power for the safety of all. The efforts of the marquis to resume his late office were, under the circumstances, dangerous to peace, and he was ordered to desist, under penalty of being held responsible for any trouble and disaster that might arise in consequence. He was, moreover, commanded to obey the audiencia.^[19]

Without the power to enforce his demands Gelves could merely continue to issue protests while declaring that he would do nothing that might cause disturbance. Yet he objected to certain measures of the audiencia as tending to irritate the people against him, and sent proclamations to municipalities and citizens commanding them and other similar bodies in New Spain to maintain order and oppose the scandalous and disloyal acts^[20] to which the despotic and inimical conduct of the audiencia might give rise. This body issued a counter proclamation declaring Gelves to be actuated by malicious motives, and that his order was intended chiefly to draw attention from a defeated plot on the part of his nephew, Francisco Pimentel, to gather forces in support of the uncle while pretending to raise them for Acapulco. Pimentel had been arrested, and all local authorities were charged to aid the audiencia in suppressing similar attempts.^[21]

Meanwhile clergy, oidores, and local authorities of Mexico had combined to gather evidence against the viceroy, and in support of their acts, and this evidence together with exculpatory letters were forwarded by the fleet under Oquendo which set sail for Spain shortly after the riot. The audiencia appointed for this mission Doctor Hernan Carrillo Altamirano, legal adviser of that body, who had become the sworn enemy of Gelves because of his interference with certain of the doctor's irregular sources of income.^[22] The municipality of Mexico commissioned at the same time Cristóbal de Molina y Pisa, one of the regidores whom Gelves had placed under arrest, and provided him with letters from different sources, and for the most influential officials in Spain.^[23] In the representation to the king they depicted Gelves as a tyrannical, unscrupulous, self-willed, and violent man, who had made himself so generally feared and hated by all good citizens as finally to compel them to rise in self-defence.^[24] The archbishop showed himself no less energetic in collecting and wording his evidence, in which he figured as a martyr to religion. The viceroy had interfered also in his jurisdiction, and had persecuted clergymen and oidores for daring to expostulate. In support of his representation he did not hesitate to include the declarations of aged nuns, who professed to have beheld the viceroy's adherents in the form of demons, and to have heard a supernatural voice denounce the marquis for his disobedience to the prelate. To another had been reveled that those who attacked the palace were souls from purgatory led by their guardian angel.^[25]

As for the viceroy, his documents and letters of defence were, after long delay, given an opportunity for transmission in the treasure fleet; but this was wrecked, with the loss of two millions of precious metals, and Gelves' majordomo, Juan de Baeza, went down with the documents in his-charge.^[26] Some earlier reports by him and his adherents appear, however, to have reached Spain.

 

The court was not a little astonished and perplexed on receiving the news from Mexico. It could not well be decided with whom the blame should rest, although the defense of the archbishop appeared by no means satisfactory. One thing was certain however, that the authority of the king had been defied in his representative, and that an audiencia which had failed to support him at a critical moment could not be trusted with supreme control. It was also the opinion of the nobles that exemplary punishment should be meted to the ringleaders, lest leniency give encouragement to greater disloyalty. But to this the marqués de Montesclaros objected, saying that "a child could in his majesty's name control the whole viceroyalty.”^[27] Time had evidently left a happy impression on the mind of the ex-viceroy.

Nevertheless it was decided to appoint a new ruler; one possessed of firmness to assume control of an apparently disordered country and with sagacity to guide an investigation and restore harmony by reconciling discordant elements, for it was not thought either prudent or needful to send troops. Such a man it was thought might be found in the governor of Galicia, Rodrigo Pacheco y Osorio, marqués de Cerralvo,^[28] who combined great physical strength with tried bravery, and while occasionally subject to passionate outbursts was reputed to be of jovial disposition and agreeable in manner, yet withal devout and addicted to study. These qualities had however contributed less, it is said, to obtain the favor which he enjoyed at court than the fortunate circumstance that he once saved the queen by carrying her away from a fire.^[29]

Owing to the apparent urgency of the case Cerralvo hastened on his way accompanied by his marchioness and two children,^[30] and some eighty attendants and officers, four of them knights. He was joined by oidores appointed to replace certain members of the doubtful audiencia, and by Martin de Carrillo, inquisitor of Valladolid, the latter bearing special instructions to investigfate the outbreak and see to the punishment of the guilty. The party sailed in the fleet of General Chavez and reached Vera Cruz in September 1624.^[31] On the way to Mexico they were detained at different places by demonstrations, addresses, and petitions, and courted by a host of seekers for favors or clemency, in view of the prospective reforms and punishments to be ordained. At Puebla the reception was particularly brilliant with triumphal arches, processions, bull-fights, and other performances. The bishop here sought to win the good graces of the marchioness by presenting a casket with perfumes and the like, all mounted in gold. The lady kept the perfume alone, returning the rest, whereat the prelate is said to have felt deeply mortified.^[32]

Cerralvo entered Mexico informally toward the end of October, conferred for some time with Gelves,^[33] and inquired into the state of affairs. One result was that he determined first to restore the dignity of his office, and to this end ordered the removal of the name of Gelves from the excommunication tablet^[34] and his reinstallation. This was a bitter pill to the higher officials, notably the oidores; but the new members of the audiencia assisted to overrule objections. On the 30th of October the municipality, with the best grace possible, issued proclamations in accordance with the order, declaring their joy at the prospective re-entry of their viceroy on the morrow, and ordering a pompous celebration with salvos and fireworks to testify "the affection which the city entertained for the marquis."^[35]

On the 31st a vast procession of officials, nobles, gentry, and prominent citizens appeared at the convent, whence the troops had been removed, and hat in hand the oidores made their bow. Gelves vaulted into the saddle and was escorted to the palace. Along the very streets so lately trodden by him as a decried fugitive shielded by the darkness, he now proceeded with the pomp of a victor, beneath arches and festoons, amid salvos and ringing of bells,^[36] beneath floral showers from fair hands, and amid the thundering cheers of countless spectators, who now and then made a diversion by cursing the oidores and other enemies of their beloved viceroy. At the palace gate he was actually caught in the arms of the fickle populace and carried to where Cerralvo stood to receive him. In the evening came festivities with illumination and fireworks. Gelves did not, however, expect to assume executive power, for this he regarded as already vested in Cerralvo. He merely came to triumph. The next day he left the palace, and followed this time by a sorrow-stricken crowd entered the Franciscan convent at Tacuba, there to await his residencia.^[37]

The popular demonstrations at his entry and departure were by no means so insincere as at first glance might appear. An interval of eight months had calmed men's passions considerably, and the rule of the audiencia had tended to exalt in the eyes of most citizens the salutary strictness of the overthrown government. The annulling of Gelves' many reforms, the setting aside of pending indictments and verdicts, the permission so generally given to carry arms, greatly contributed to promote corruption and disorder among all classes. Monopolies again appeared in force to raise prices and grind the poor, aided by dishonest officials; rich and influential criminals bought themselves free, while humbler law-breakers languished in prison. Varaez appeared on the street with great ostentation, and proceeded to his alcaldia mayor to submit to residencia, accompanied by fifty horsemen, who were no doubt intended to intimidate honest witnesses.^[38] Bandits again began to crowd the highways and commit depredations with impunity, and affairs assumed so forlorn an aspect that many became loud in their desire for the restoration of Gelves.^[39]

On the Sunday following the nominal reinstallation of his predecessor, Cerralvo took formal possession of office as fifteenth viceroy,^[40] and prepared to extend the needed reforms, yet in a manner more conciliatory and affable than that of Gelves, so as to gain general good will. He showed also greater regard for some of the old oidores than had been expected, Vallecillo being recommended for promotion and Gaviria intrusted with several honorable commissions.^[41]

The residencia of Gelves was proclaimed with more than usual formality, owing to the peculiar circumstances of his rule. Fully two hundred witnesses came from different parts to testify, the trial lasting fifteen months. In connection with this inquisition Carrillo also investigated the conduct of all concerned in the riot, including ecclesiastics by special assent of the pope,^[42] yet with prudent leniency, for it was not politic to stir the more powerful spirits. Examples were made among the less formidable. Many of these anticipated events by flight, but several officials including two oidores were removed, four of those who led in the outbreak were executed, and five ecclesiastics who had hurried away to Spain were sent to the galleys.^[43] In a proclamation to the people Cerralvo announced that the trial had convinced the king of their loyalty. The outbreak was evidently caused by rancor against the marqués de Gelves personally. Filled with a desire to affirm their love and remove even the suspicion of disloyalty among vassals of Spain, his Majesty decreed that all who were arraigned or in prison for supposed complicity in the riot should be released unconditionally.^[44]

Archbishop Serna was among those who had hurried out of the way to Spain. The effect of his conduct in causing riot and overthrow of the royal representative must have startled him when sober second thought prevailed. His position became uncomfortable; he felt that he must personally plead his cause at court, and in the spring of 1624 he departed from Mexico. The desire to anticipate the disgrace of a recall may have been an additional motive. Highly commendatory letters were given to him by the municipality and others, and, still warm in their zeal, the people contributed a hundred thousand pesos for his journey.^[45] A prelate whose obstinacy had been the chief cause for bringing into contempt a royal representative, and into peril the authority of the crown, so as to require costly and radical measures, such a man could not expect a welcome. He was certainly treated coldly; but the pope felt pleased with so firm a champion of the church, and recommended his cause to the king. Other influences were brought to bear; so that Serna was partially restored to favor and granted the important see of Zamora. He died in 1631, with the reputation of an able bishop and a benevolent man.^[46] His successor at Mexico, appointed in 1628, was Francisco Manzo y Zúñiga, one who as member of the India Council, and in other political positions, had been trained not to imperil royal interests for ecclesiastic prerogatives. So at least it was supposed.

Gelves came off with honor from the residencia, as a righteous judge, zealous for the administration of justice, for the public good, and the service of the king.^[47] After the conclusion of the trial he left for Spain,^[48] and was well received. His delay in coming had allowed time to soften the remembrance of his unfortunate mishaps, for success is above all expected from the agent; and now his family influence^[49] could be wielded to greater advantage. The monarch had good reason to be dissatisfied with the leading personages in this outbreak, with the viceroy for being so exacting and unyielding, and with the prelate for his excess of zeal, when, as one who professed to set an example in humility, he should have contented himself with a protest and appeal to the sovereign, especially in view of the insignificance of the point involved and the well known temper of the marquis. The ecclesiastics, on whom the crown above all relied for supporting its authority, since troops were not kept, had been the chief promoters of the riot, wherein they proved themselves possessed of a power greater than that of the state. This influence had been strengthened by the triumphant return of the archbishop, and extended not alone over Indians and mestizos, but over the creoles. The Ávila-Cortés conspiracy, a half century before, had been an outburst on the part of landed proprietors, with little hold on the people; here on the other hand came in action a wide-spread feeling rooted among the very sinews of the colonists and directed against the more favored children of Spain, those of Iberian birth who had come across the sea to fill the best and largest number of offices, with the intention merely of enriching themselves in New Spain and then turning their back upon the country. It is not strange that those born on the soil, and bound to it by every tie, should look with disfavor on these interlopers who not only encroached on their rights and possessions, but treated them with contempt.^[50] The revelation of this antipathy, which could not fail to extend in a certain degree also to the home government, naturally alarmed the king, and was a main reason for the clemency observed; but few well directed steps were taken to profit by the lesson in conciliating the creoles, and their number and feeling grew apace till they became irresistible.

 

 

1. The author of the Relacion Sumaria says that the boys were urged on by a priest. Mex., Rel. Sum., 8. This was the theory of the causes of the tumult which Gelves and his friends endeavored to have adopted, and although later clergymen witnesses unanimously contradicted this, Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. ii. 275-345, there can be no doubt that the secular clergy was to a great extent responsible for the acts of the mob on this day.
2. 'Que lo habian desterrado por defensor de su Iglesia.' Id,, 313.
3. Gaviria claims credit for having aided in this dispersion.
4. The viceroy's supporters state that powder alone was used, while opponents declare that more than 100 persons were killed, and Cavo accepts the latter version. Tres Siglos, i. 274.
5. This act he describes as prompted purely by commiseration. Mex., Rel, Sum., 10.
6. To surrender himself a prisoner' to them. Id.
7. A todos los oidores habian de acabar y matar, y que habian de perecer si dejaban de tomar al gobiemo.' Carta de la Ciudad, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 144.
8. Some of their people were actually led against the viceroy under Regidor Valmaseda. Mex., Rel. Sum., 10.
9. With a white band on the hat. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 274.
10. They would not depart from the palace till he came forth on the balcony to give his blessing. Crowds replaced crowds. 'Traian mas de quinientas hachas encendidas.' Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. ii. 284-5, 291, 296; Id., iii. 1 50-1, etc.
11. Id., 94. Captain Velasco was at first declared a heretic, but a handsome fee induced the clergy to bury him. Mex., Rel. Sum., 11. The oidores received the formal thanks of the prelate for their action.
12. This levy amounted to 64,000 pesos a year. Artillery was placed on the roof of the government house and double pass-words were at first required. Id., 13. Fonseca states that merely 39,853 pesos were taken from the fund. Hist. Hac., v. 359.
13. To this end he was first made corregidor of New Vera Cruz, and as soon as the fleet for Spain had sailed he assumed command. Guevara at first refused to yield, but certain promises prevailed upon him. The alcalde mayor here maintained himself in his office, however, by command of Gelves. Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 17.
14. Even boys sang couplets on the streets, one of which ran:

    'Ahora vivamos en nuestra ley,
    Que no hay virey.'

    The archbishop allowed an abusive attack on the viceroy to be printed by one Cristóbal Ruiz.

15. 'Y que matasen al virey, si instase de hecho en su salida.' Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 97. The viceroy's defenders point out that the placing of a few guards at Varaez' asylum had raised a terrible outcry, but none objected to the present violation.
16. Also visitador of Peru. Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 15.
17. 'Teniendo dispuesta mi jornada y embarcacion, la impidieron contra mi voluntad.' Gelves' representation of September 1, 1624, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 197. See also Id., 95-6. He might change his place of abode within New Spain. Mex., Rel. Sum., 14.
18. It was resolved by the oidores to treat all matters with the viceroy in council and in writing.
19. This document was signed by Licenciado Paz de Vallecillo, senior oidor and acting president, Doctor Galdos de Valencia, Licenciado Pedro de Vergara Gaviria, Licenciado Alonso Vasquez de Cisneros, Doctor Diego de Avendaño, the only don among the six, and Licenciado Juan de Ibarra. Countersigned by the escribano mayor Godinez. The text of this and the preceding protest are given in full in Mex., Rel. Sum., 14-18. The inquisitor considered the tone too strong, and declined to act as bearer.
20. This evoked from the local authorities at Mexico merely a declaration of loyalty and of respect for the 'marquis.' Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 194—205. Corregidor Ávila, as a first cousin to Gelves, was debarred from taking part in the consideration of these and later messages from his kinsman.
21. Id., 185-93. Gelves claimed that he had received many offers to aid him in recovering his position, hut he preferred not to endanger public peace. Mex., Rel. Sum., 13.
22. He had once been arraigned for murder. Gelves had punished him and taken away 600 pesos of unlawful income derived by him from Indians. He was now captain of one of the companies raised by the new rulers, and received 10,000 pesos from the drainage fund for his journey. Ib.
23. Cavo alludes to him as the alférez real. Tres Siglos, i. 276. He was commissioned as procurador general, and carried letters to a number of leading men, such as Conde de Olivares, prime-minister, Conde de Monterey, president of the council of Italy, to whose father Molino had been secretary, the ex-viceroy Montesclaros, now of the council of state, and the members of the India council. The different texts are given in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii tom. iii. 152-74.
24. As a judge he had been cruel and unjust; he had removed and appointed officials at will, selecting those who unscrupulously carried out his orders, without regard to their fitness; he had interfered with the duties of the audiencia and municipality, taking upon himself to decide in many of their affairs; he shocked the feelings of the community by his lack of respect for religion, thereby setting a dangerous example to evil-disposed persons. If the municipality had formerly praised the viceroy, it was due to intimidation; for he had not only exiled the more independent regidores, but caused all their reports to be submitted to him, and to be filled with praise of himself. As for the rioters, they were chiefly Indians and mestizos of feeble intelligence, actuated by a loyal though misdirected zeal for the king. Regidores Gaviria and Valencia should be rewarded for their good services in restoring order. Ib., Libro Capitular, pt. xxv. 82-8.
25. 'The nun had prophesied the riot. Doc. Hist. Mex„ série ii. tom. iii. 25-49. Other testimony appears on pp. 230-74.
26. Mex. Rel. Sum., 13. Urrutia names the messengers Melchor de Córdoba and Gerónimo de Valenzuela, and relates that the documents were smuggled into their hands by the aid of a laborer at the convent where Gelves was living. They further took the precaution of leaving the city with dogs and falcons as if for a hunt. Once outside they hastened to Vera Cruz to embark on the ill-fated fleet with which they were to perish. Rel., in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 363, 497. This smuggling probably applies to an earlier report sent by Gelves.
27. 'Un niño podia atar y sujetar á todo este reino al servicio de S. M. con un cordel de laua.' Id., 370.
28. And relative of Pacheco, viceroy of Cataluña. Cortina, Doc. Hist. Reinado Felipe, iv. 100-1. Portrait and autograph in Ribera, Gob. Mex., i. 118.
29. He once killed a corregidor with a dagger stroke in a just cause. Once every week he celebrated the communion. His confessor was a Pauline friar of great piety, master of the college of Villagarcía. Urrutia, Rel., in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 361-5.
30. Vetancurt mentions only one, a daughter who died at Mexico in 1631. Trat. Mex., 14.
31. On approaching this place two fast sailers advanced to gather news, and met cruising off the harbor two vessels sent by the audiencia to anticipate the report of any such arrival and what it might bode. Urrutia, ubi sup.
32. ’Pienso que el despego tan impensado sirve de azada para abrirle en breve la sepultura.' Urrutia, Rel., in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 443. Gifts from Gaviria were also declined.
33. Urrutia relates that Gelves made a return visit to Chapultepec where the marchioness received him kneeling and in tears. Gelves also knelt and wept till Cerralvo made both rise.
34. Portillo, the provisor then in charge of the diocesan affairs, made objections, but Cerralvo peremptorily ordered obedience, and intimated that he had power to deal summarily even with prelates.
35. Mex., Rel. Estado, 30.
36. At all the temples, save the cathedral, the Jesuit houses, and the Carmelite convent.
37. Urrutia, Rel., MS., i. 441-61.
38. He seized his denouncer Soto and forced him with threats to declare his testimony false. Soto afterward reaffirmed his statements. Mex., Rel. Sum., 12.
39. Yet such expressions were promptly suppressed. The oidores and regidores made money by selling monopoly licenses. Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 12-15. No energetic efforts were put forth to recover the booty taken from the palace and other places during the riot, although a part was recovered. Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 92-3, 151-2.
40. November 3d, it appears, though Cavo and others place this as the date of his arrival at Mexico. Tres Siglos, i. 276.
41. A nephew of the latter was appointed asesor to the viceroy. Mex., Rel. Estado, 30. Gelves does not appear to have been quite pleased with this.
42. Urban VIII., Cartas, in Tumultos de Mex., MS., 141.
43. Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 123-4; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 277. Charges being made that Cerralvo had unduly-favored Gelves and influenced the inquisidor, testimony was taken with an almost unanimous approval of the viceroy's course. In this document appear the following as new members of audiencia: Oidores Juan de Álvarez Serrano, Don Antonio Canseco, Miguel Ruiz de la Torre, Juan de Villavena Cubiaurre, and fiscal Yñigo de Argüello y Carbajal. Oidor Avendaño remains. The officers of the visita are also named. Cerralvo, Inform., in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., ii. 221-477.
44. This did not exempt those already alluded to from punishment as traitors and robbers. Text of proclamation dated December 25, 1625, in Doc. Hist. Mex., Série ii. tom. iii. 209-12; Tumultos de Mex., MS., 137-8. Before his departure Carrillo ordered city officials to give residencia. They protested and were exempted from a review of charges already passed by. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 336; Libro Capitular, pt. xxvi. 255.
45. Mex., Rel. Sum., 1.3. In their letter the cabildo pray the king to send him back with greater power. Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. iii. 169-70. Cavo says that he was recalled to suffer humiliation for some time. Tres Siglos, i. 277.
46. Gonzalez Dávila attributes to him Carrillo's appointment as visitador. Teatro Ecles., i. 45. Lorenzana assumes continual favor for him with the king. Concilios Mex., 1555-65, 217. But this Sosa does not admit, although he does not agree with Cavo. Episc. Mex., 66. The representations of the pope in 1625, in his behalf, indicate that he did remain awhile under a cloud. Cartas, in Tumultos de Mex., MS., 139-40. But Lacunza's allusion to deep disgrace is not borne out. Disc. Hist., 491.
47. 'Sentencia, la dio el Visitador. . .en 14 de Abril de 1627.' Mex., Rel. Estado, 31.
48. Several writers, followed by Zamacois, state that he left in 1624, but he himself declares that he remained in the convent fully a year after Cerralvo's inauguration. He appears to have sent a letter from Mexico on January 29, 1626. Id., 30.
49. He was related to the powerful conde duque de Olivares.
50. The importance of the Gelves outbreak, and the wide-spread interest affected thereby, called forth a mass of documents and accounts as we have already seen. Among the most valuable are those given in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, série ii. tom. ii.-iii., 27 in number, collected by the knight Echeverria y Veitia, and including orders, petitions, and representations from different sources, yet for the greater part in support of the archbishop, and most of the remainder in favor of the audiencia and cabildo. The only important paper on Gelves' side had already appeared in print. This partiality induced the historian José F. Ramirez to collect a complementary set of documents bearing on the other side. This exists in two 4to volumes of close manuscript under the title of Mexico y sus Disturbios, obtained by me from Ramirez' library, whereof the first contains several important relations by Urrutia, partly in condensed form; and the second, a lengthy report by the secretary of Gelves, Tobar Godinez, and one in favor of Serna, from an early rare publication also in my possession. A third volume folio, Tumultos de Mexico, collected by the same gentleman, contains original documents and early copies bearing chiefly on the investigation, its results and subsequent acts. Grambila, Tumultos de Mex., is an original folio manuscript in defence of Gelves; another, Relacion de Tumultos, opposes him. Among the rare accounts printed at this time are: Mexico, Relacion Sumaria, drawn for Gelves by Inquisitor Flores and Friar Lormendi; Relacion del Estado en que. . . hallo los Reynos, also prepared by him; Memorial de lo Sucedido, in favor of Serna; Burguillos, Memorial para. . .Carillo, by Gelves' confessor; Garzes de Portillo, En la Demanda, bearing on the sanctuary privilege. From one or more of these sources have been prepared a number of accounts with more or less impartiality, yet none of them complete or reliable, events subsequent to the actual riot being almost wholly ignored. Cavo for instances claims to have used five accounts, three of them in favor of Gelves, yet his clerical bias is too evident. Much fairer is Sosa, Episc. Mex., 59-63, Ribera, Gob. Mex., i. 113-17, and Alcaraz, in Liceo Mex., ii. 121 et seq. Dicc. Univ., x. 653-63, gives Cortina's imperfect version. Mora is very faulty. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. suppl. 2-43. Comparatively brief or unimportant are the accounts in Vetancurt. Trat. Mex., 13; Lorenzana, in Concilio Prov., 1555-65, 216; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 21-2; Sigüenza y Gongora, Parayso Occid., 124, 448; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 146-51; Crónica del Cármen, vi. 757; Gage, Voy., i. 225-45; Medina, Crón. S. Diego, 151-2; Velasco, Exalt. Divina, 39-44; Grijalva, Crón. S. Agust., 110 et seq.; Revista Mex., i. 81 et seq.; Fisher's Nat, Mag., i. 249-54; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 188-94; Müller, Reisen, ii. 52-67; Lacunza, Disc. Hist., 488-91; Bustamante, Voy., No. 10.