History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 4

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IV.

KING AND COLONY.

1624-1639.

Defence Measures — The Dutch at Acapulco — Corsair Raids along the Coast of Yucatan — The Barlovento Squadron — Royal Loans and Extortions — Inundation of Mexico — Proposed Removal of the Capital — Relief Measures and Drainage Projects — The Huehuetoca Tunnel — San Felipe the Protomartyr of Mexico — His Irregular Life and Beatification — The Hermit Lopez — Viceroy Cadereita — The Prelate Zúñiga — The First Creole Archbishop.

In order to guard somewhat against the recurrence of such happenings as the Gelves outbreak, greater precautions were observed by the home government, as we have seen, in selecting the heads for political and ecclesiastical affairs; additional instructions were issued to guide them in their relation to others, and a certain limitation of power was for a time at least imposed; the king for instance taking upon himself to appoint the commandants and magistrates of leading ports, strongholds, and towns,^[1] who had hitherto been commissioned by the viceroy. Cerralvo retained for some time the enlisted troops and erected suitable barracks,^[2] while the enrolment list of volunteers was preserved for cases of need.

These volunteers really constituted a part of the general system of militia, formed already by Cortés, in connection with encomiendas, and extended over settlements in all directions. The only permanent standing forces were those on the frontier, engaged partly in conveying trains of merchandise, partly in garrison duty at the presidios, and those at the leading coast ports, as Vera Cruz and Acapulco. Altogether they constituted but a small body, and more were not considered necessary, as the citizens were always available, and efficient even against foreign invaders, who after all could do little beyond ravaging for a few leagues along certain parts of the coast.^[3] Still there were points which absolutely required protection, such as Vera Cruz and Acapulco, the ports for the rich fleets and the storage place for valuable cargoes, and in view of the increasing number of Spain's enemies Cerralvo took steps to strengthen the fortifications there.

The chief reason for the latter measure was the arrival at Acapulco of a large Dutch fleet. Engaged in their struggle for independence, the Hollanders were eager not only to distract the attention of the Spaniards by carrying the war to the enemy's coasts, but to injure them while enriching themselves. With this object several fleets were despatched to prey on Spanish trade and colonies, and among them one of eleven vessels with over sixteen hundred men, under Admiral Jacob l'Hérémite. It was known, however, as the Nassau fleet, from the prince under whose auspices it was chiefly fitted out.^[4] It left Holland in 1623 with the chief object of ravaging the rich shores of Peru. This plan proved a failure so lamentable as to hasten the death of l'Hérémite. The fleet thereupon proceeded northward under Admiral Schapenham and entered Acapulco on the 28th of October 1624. The Philippine galleons had not yet arrived, and the place contained little worth fighting for, especially as the inhabitants had had time to retire with their valuables. The commandant had entrenched himself with his feeble garrison in a stronghold, and thence refused the overtures of Schapenham for an exchange of hostages, while the latter endeavored to obtain some fresh provisions.^[5] The Hollander's main intention was to ascertain when the Manila fleet should arrive. He now contented himself with a few attempts to procure water and fruit, magnified by modern Mexican writers into an invasion of the town. This extreme caution of the enemy encouraged the Spaniards on one occasion to beat back his men with loss. After despatching part of his fleet Schapenham set sail with the remainder November 8th, and tired of waiting for the galleons he steered for the East Indies.^[6]

Warned of the visit, Cerralvo had hastened to send troops to relieve the town, but their march was countermanded on learning of the enemy's departure. Energetic efforts were made, however, to construct defences^[7] both here and at Vera Cruz, for in the gulf of Mexico foreign cruisers could frequently be seen. In 1625 the treasure fleet for Spain under Cadereita, later viceroy of New Spain, narrowly escaped their clutches,^[8] but the fleet of 1628, carrying bullion and other effects to the value of over twelve millions of pesos, was surprised in the Bahama Channel by the famous Dutch admiral Pieter Heyne, who for some time had been successfully operating off Portugal and against transatlantic vessels. The Spaniards fought bravely and several vessels were sunk before the flag-ship surrendered. The blow proved no less severe to the merchants of New Spain than to the king, who sorely needed the treasure.^[9]

This success lured a number of other raiders who for want of better points along the gulf made Yucatan suffer. In 1632 six vessels threatened Campeche, but timely succor made them retreat. In August of the following year the town was again visited, this time by ten vessels under a leader known to the Spaniards as Pié de Palo. Guided by a renegade, he advanced against the entrenchment behind which Captain Galvan Romero had retired, but a well directed fire killed several of his men, and caused the rest to waver. It would not answer to lose many lives for so poor a place, and so a ruse was resorted to. The corsairs turned in pretended flight. The hot-headed Spaniards at once came forth in pursuit, only to be trapped and killed. Those who escaped made a stand in the plaza, whence they were quickly driven, and thereupon the sacking parties overran the town.^[10] Seven years later Sisal was visited by a fleet of eleven vessels and partly burned after yielding but little to the raiders.^[11]

One result of these ravages was an order for the formation of a squadron, under the name of Barlovento,^[12] to protect the gulf of Mexico and the West India waters. It was to consist of twelve galleons and two smaller vessels, and the estimated cost of maintenance, six hundred thousand ducats, should be levied on the islands and mainland from Panamá, northward. Mexico offered to contribute two hundred thousand pesos by means of an excise tax of two per cent.^[13] Merida placed herself on the list with seven thousand pesos for fifteen years, and other towns came forward with different amounts. One duty of the fleet was to prevent smuggling, from which the treasury suffered greatly, and while the chief station must be Vera Cruz, other ports were to be frequented. To this end surveys should be made, partly with a view to future shipyards.^[14]

The declaration of war by France in 1633 added another to. the many enemies arrayed against Spain through the unfortunate policy of Felipe IV.,^[15] and the colonies had to share her misfortunes not alone in the form of pirate raids, but in being subjected to forced loans and pressing appeals for voluntary and tax imposts. Already by cédula of December 4, 1624, the king had intimated to his subjects that they ought to assist him in his dire need by voluntary gifts, and New Spain was told that 600,000 ducats would be expected by the following year from her rich colonists. They sent 432,000 pesos, and this liberal response caused the donativo, or gift, fund to become a fixed source of revenue.^[16] The appeal for this fund was enjoined on bishops and other officials; and different offices, such as canonries and prebendary ships, were granted to those who displayed liberality. Officials had to submit to large deductions of pay under the term of media anata^[17] and mesada,^[18] the latter applying to ecclesiastics. In addition to these exactions loans were demanded, or forcibly taken when not otherwise obtainable,^[19] and certain taxes were sold to speculators for a large sum payable in cash.^[20]

Frequent prayers rose from all churches throughout Spanish domains for divine aid toward the efficacy of these measures, and with a view to incline worshippers to open their purses as freely as their hearts. There was need in truth to promote Christian forbearance among the oppressed subjects, for, at the very time they were asked to bear the burden of wars brought upon them often by mere caprice, they received urgent appeals to contribute large amounts toward the rebuilding of royal palaces.^[21]

The most grievously taxed colonists of New Spain at this time were probably those at Mexico. Reputed to be among the richest in the wealthy colonies, they were expected to meet liberally every demand for aid by the crown, no matter how sorely rulers, or pirates, or famine might harass them. And now another misfortune was at hand. In 1627 heavy rains caused the Rio Quauhtitlan to break the dams confining its waters, and overflow into the lower lakes, so that several parts of Mexico were laid eighteen inches under water. The alarmed citizens at once bestirred themselves; causeways were raised according to the plans of the engineer Boot; a new dam was constructed near Tizayuca; another to divert the Rio Pachuca, and work on the drainage tunnel received fresh impulse.^[22]

The decrease of moisture in the following year calmed the ardor of both workers and taxpayers, and many useful projects were set aside as needless. In 1629 the rains began early with the prospect of a wet season. Dams broke at several points, and already on the 5th of September canoes floated in several parts of the city, and thousands prepared to depart. On the 21st, St Matthew's day, came the heaviest rainfall so far known in the valley; and it continued for thirty-six hours, till the whole city lay under water to a depth of fully two varas in most parts.^[23] The confusion and misery defy description. All seemed one vast lake dotted with thousands of isolated houses. Roofs and windows were crowded with men, women, and children, drenched and suffering from hunger and exposure. From every direction rose lamentation, mingled with the agonized cries of drowning persons and noise of crumbling walls. While some buildings were undermined with the melting of the adobe brick, or the washing away of the foundation, others were carried wholly away. The costly goods in shops and warehouses were ruined, and broken furniture and other household effects floated about the streets. No one could leave his dwelling save in canoes; and these did not suffice for all, so that intercourse was difficult. Public affairs came to a standstill; divine service was suspended, and bells were rung only for prayer.

The viceroy and archbishop set an example to officials and wealthy persons by extending succor to the more needy quarters. The city was divided into districts, and canoes were sent round with provisions; the sick and helpless were taken to better quarters, the palace itself being converted into a hospital and house of refuge, where for six months the viceroy dispensed charity. No less noble were the efforts of other prominent persons, the prelate establishing half a dozen hospitals, and seeking also to encourage the sufferers with religious consolation by going around daily to hold masses at altars improvised on roofs and balconies. The flood showing no signs of abatement, he proceeded to the Guadalupe shrine on the mainland, and brought thence, for the first time since its foundation, the image of the virgin,^[24] in the hope that so sacred a presence might cause the water to retire; but no speedy relief was experienced.

Under this gloomy prospect the agitation for a removal of the city was renewed, and many began to erect houses in different parts along the mainland shore. Petitions were addressed to the king to grant his sanction, and in a cédula of May 19, 1632, the elevated plain between Tacuba and Tacubaya was assigned for the new site, if a representative council should find the change necessary.^[25]

By this time property-holders were well aware that such a change would work their ruin, and loud remonstrances found their way even to the court. The city property, now valued at fully fifty millions, would be lost, including a large number of sumptuous temples, fifteen convents, eight hospitals, six colleges, and other public buildings and works. With the growing scarcity of available Indians the cost of rebuilding would be immense, and thousands would be reduced to beggary by the transfer. Besides, how could all the convents and temples be restored, and how could the inmates be supported when present rentals were lost?^[26] Those who assisted at the councils for considering the question were most of them too deeply interested in the city property to permit a change, and so the project dropped. They sturdily continued to occupy their houses, although for over four years the city remained practically flooded. The higher parts did come above the surface, but heavy rains on two occasions assisted to keep the waters above the lower lying districts.^[27]

Meanwhile a large number of families migrated to Puebla and other towns, and a still larger proportion perished during the floods and from the exposure, want, and diseases which followed, particularly in the poorer and Indian sections.^[28] Energetic measures were taken to improve communication and other facilities so as to decrease the suffering and induce people to return. Raised sidewalks or causeways were constructed along the houses, canoe traffic was increased, and medical aid provided. In 1634 came a series of earthquake shocks which rent the valley in different directions, and assisted greatly to draw off the water. This was claimed by the native and creole population as a miracle performed by their favorite, the virgin of Guadalupe, while the Spaniards stoutly attributed it to their patron, she of Remedios, intimating that the mediation of the other image had so far effected no good. The dispute between the votaries became quite hot,^[29] though they might more reasonably have cursed the agency which, having it within its power to deliver them, had kept them in misery so long. With this occurrence the city saw herself once more free from the lake; and now haste was made to clean the streets and dredge the canals, for to the obstructions in these channels was partly attributed slow drainage.^[30]

During the excitement consequent upon the first flood, enemies of the Jesuits sought to direct popular feeling: against them as having broken the dams. Investigation revealed that Martinez, the engineer of the drainage tunnel, had closed this outlet on beholding the vast flow of water, confident that its force and accompanying debris would merely destroy his works, while the latter would be inadequate under the circumstances to aid in saving Mexico. The Jesuits were cleared, but Martinez had to languish for a time in prison for acting without permission.^[31]

The importance of drainage and diversion of tributary waters became now more generally admitted, and a number of projects to this end were submitted, all of which received due attention, the viceroy joining personally in examination of ground. Several proposed a drain from Lake San Cristóbal through Rio Tequisquiac into the Pánuco, and Simon Mendez even urged the extension of the drain to Tezcuco Lake. He was allowed to begin the task, but its infeasibility must soon have become apparent, for it did not progress far.^[32] Another suggested that the underground passage into which the Teotihuacan rivulet disappeared might serve for outlet, and finally the Jesuit father Calderon revived the tradition of a natural sink in the bottom of Tezcuco Lake, between two rocks near Pantitlan. This received more attention than might be expected, and quite extensive examinations were made under the alluring offer of a hundred thousand pesos for its discovery.^[33]

None of the plans appearing to possess the merits of the Huehuetoca channel for efficacy and cheapness, a contract was made with Martinez for 200,000 pesos to put the tunnel in condition for carrying off the tributary waters of Zumpango and Citlaltepec lakes.^[34] The plan was deemed insufficient^[35] and work dragged slowly along both on the outlet, now destined to become an open cut, and on adjacent structures. The dam of San Cristóbal, protecting the Tezcuco from northern waters, was restored in a substantial manner; a tributary of Chalco Lake from the volcano range was diverted, and several minor dams were constructed or repaired.^[36] In order to relieve the city, the funds for these operations were obtained chiefly by means of a tax on imported wines.^[37] By 1637 the expenditure on the drainage works had risen to nearly three millions. During the following decade only three hundred and thirty-eight thousand pesos were expended, and after that still smaller amounts, till 1768-77, when they rose to somewhat over half a million.^[38]

Mexico was not very successful in her appeals to the virgin patrons, as we have seen, and her religious fortitude received a further shock from the circumstance that, just before her greatest misfortune, she had celebrated the canonization of the protomartyr San Felipe and enrolled him as one of her guardians. Among a population so largely composed of creoles, with an immense Indian support, all looking on New Spain as their native country, and regarding Spaniards from the peninsula with more or less antagonism—among such a people, deeply imbued with religious feeling, the possession of a national saint must have been ardently desired. This longing was finally satisfied in the person of Felipe de Jesus, the eldest of ten children born at Mexico to Alonso de las Casas^[39] and his wife Antonia Martinez. Casas had grown rich as a trader in the capital, and eager for the redemption of his soul, he designated three of his six sons for the service of God. One, Juan, became an Augustinian, and found martyrdom at the Moluccas in 1607; another, Francisco by name, labored actively in the same order as a priest till 1630;^[40] and the third, Felipe, born on May 1, 1575, and educated at the Jesuit college, joined the barefooted Franciscans at Puebla, but fell from his vows and was by the angry parents sent to the Philippines, there to seek his fortune.^[41] The large sum of money which he brought as a means for advancement was soon dissipated in riot, but the consequences hastened repentance, and in 1594 he became again a barefooted Franciscan, displaying this time such devout zeal as to gain general admiration. After two years of penance he left for home.

The vessel touched at Japan,^[42] and there he with several brother friars was seized to undergo martyrdom.^[43] Proceedings were instituted for the canonization of the victims. Archbishop Serna himself making inquiries on behalf of Felipe, and by bull of September 14, 1627, thirty years after his death, the repentant son of the merchant was admitted a saint, as the protomartyr of Mexico. Two years later, on the anniversary of his martyrdom, February 5th, the city celebrated the beatification with imposing ceremonies, and received San Felipe de Jesus as one of the patrons. The viceroy and archbishop led in the procession, and the mother of the saint was able to participate; but the excitement and joy carried her to the grave a few days later.^[44]

About the same time efforts were made for the beatification of a revered hermit named Gregorio Lopez, who had died in 1596 at the age of fifty-four. In early years he served as page to Philip II., yet led an austere and contemplative life, and was said to be of royal blood. In 1562 he came to New Spain and retired as a hermit among the wild Indians near Atemayac, preaching, practising charity, and writing books. Several of these were printed and two attained more than one edition.^[45] Archbishop Serna transferred his body to the cathedral at Mexico and joined in the efforts for his enrolment among the saints. This was urged as late as 1752, but in vain.^[46]

More persistent and successful were the efforts for the canonization of King Ferdinand of Spain, toward which large sums were at this time collected in New Spain.^[47]In 1629 also imposing ceremonies were held in honor of Cortés the conqueror, on the occasion of the funeral of his last male descendant. The body was then transferred from Tezcuco to the Franciscan church at Mexico, the viceroy, leading corporations, officials, and citizens joining in solemn procession.^[48]

Cerralvo had twice asked to be relieved of office, owing to ill-health and to family affairs which demanded his presence in Spain. This was granted in 1635, with appointment to the councils of war and the Indies and a rental of 3,000 ducados for two lives.^[49] He certainly deserved recognition from the sovereign, for he had proved an able and energetic ruler, dispensing justice with promptness and impartiality, fostering trade and industries, practising charity, and looking zealously to the welfare of the people. He left a power of attorney to answer at his residencia^[50] and hastened away, carrying a considerable amount of treasure, it was said.

Before his departure the installation took place, on September 16th, of the sixteenth viceroy, Lope Diez de Armendariz, marqués de Cadereita, a man of long and varied experience in the royal service. In 1603 and 1608 he figured as admiral and general of fleets; in which position he showed himself quite fortunate, notably in 1625, when he caused wide-spread rejoicings by escaping with a most valuable treasure.^[51] He afterward became majordomo to the king and member of the royal council.^[52]

His reception created less attention than usual on such occasions owing to the restrictions placed by the king on costly pageantry.^[53] Little of note occurred during his rule; affairs progressed to the general satisfaction. The Indians received protection, and settlements were extended northward, one in Nuevo Leon being named Cadereita in his honor. Yet his relations with the audiencia do not appear to have been quite satisfactory,^[54] and at his residencia some malice was exhibited, chiefly from his quarrel with the archbishop. The real nature of this trouble is not clear, though it arose from the interference of each dignitary with what the other considered his special privileges and duties.^[55] While the crown was not seriously alarmed, a similar quarrel in 1624 probably induced it to remote one of them.

The prelate, Doctor Francisco Manso y Zúñiga,^[56] had on April 12, 1628,^[57] been appointed to succeed the troublesome Serna, He possessed many qualifications for his office whereby he gained not only public approval but the confidence of the king. Educated at Salamanca, he took orders in 1608, became rector of Valladolid university, vicar-general of Aloa, abbot of several prominent establishments, oidor of Granada in 1612, and finally member of the India Council; so that with high learning and ecclesiastic experience he combined the training of judge and political counselor;^[58] yet we find him embroiling himself so far with the viceroy as to lead to his recall in 1635.^[59] Otherwise his administration proved satisfactory, and among the people his memory was revered for the kindness and charity displayed in particular during the great inundation, and in aiding religious edifices.^[60] The king indeed was not displeased, for he presented him to the see of Cartagena and afterward to the archdiocese of Búrgos. In 1650 Zúñiga entered the Indian Council with the title of conde de Ervias.^[61] Francisco Verdugo, long connected with the inquisition, and since 1623 bishop of Guamanga in Peru, was appointed his successor at Mexico, but died in August 1636, before the bulls reached him.^[62] Meanwhile the archdiocese was administered by Doctor Fernandez de Ipenza, an intimate of Zúñiga, who probably assisted in procuring for him the bishopric of Yucatan; but death overtook Ipenza before consecration.^[63] The next appointee to the prelacy of Mexico was a creole, Feliciano de la Vega, born at Lima and there educated. His great learning and brilliant talents procured prompt recognition, and he became successively governor of the Lima archdiocese and bishop of Popayan and of La Paz. The latter appointment was conferred in 1639 and in the same year came his promotion to Mexico. On arriving at Acapulco early in December 1640 he was seized with fever from which he died within a few days,^[64] to the regret of the creole population at least, who were naturally eager to see installed as leading prelate one of their own class, though born in a distant land.

 

 

1. In Calle a number of these appointments are enumerated. Mem. y Not., 168.
2. In 1628 the city asked for their disbandment for 'no quedan ceniza del suceso del 15 de Enero de 1624,' but this request was not granted till two years later. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 351. The cost of maintaining them appears to have been wholly borne by the desagüe fund, which was thus drained of 89,853 pesos. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 358-9.
3. Zamacois and others hastily intimate that no troops existed. Hist. Méj., v. 305.
4. This has led most Spanish writers to suppose that this prince commanded it.
5. It was proposed to give captured Peruvians in return for hostages and provisions.
6. The best account of this voyage is the Diurnal vnd Historische Beschreybung der Nassawischen Flotten, by Decker, who served on one of the vessels, as he states. Strasburg, 1629. It appeared in an earlier shorter form as Journael van de Nassausche VIoot, issued at Amsterdam in 1626 by Gerritz, and has been widely copied in De Dry's Hist. Amer., xiii.; Gottfried, Newe Welt, 565 et seq., and others. It is well written, yet not so full and candid as might be desired.
7. Eighteen large pieces of artillery were brought from Manila at a cost of 7,411 pesos. Grau, Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 380. Travellers mention bronze cannon there marked 1628. In the following year, says Cavo, another Dutch fleet entered to seek provisions without doing any damage. Tres Siglos, i. 277.
8. For this an annual thanksgiving was ordered on the 25th of November. What with corsairs, storms, and carelessness these fleets had to meet many misfortunes. In 1614 seven vessels were driven on shore near Cape Cotoche with heavy loss, though the governor took steps to recover a portion. Gogoludo, Hist. Yucathan, 472-3.
9. In Vazquez, Chrón. Guat., 255, is related a similar surprise by a French foe, some years later. Fourteen friars perished, but eight others were picked up and forwarded to Cádiz.
10. The corsair demanded 40,000 pesos to spare the town from destruction, but the citizens refused to interfere. The renegade guide, Diego the mulatto, felt deeply moved at the death of Romero, who had been his godfather, but against several other persons he entertained a profound hatred born of former maltreatment. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 596-8; Castillo, Dic. Yuc., 269-70.
11. In 1637 the opportune appearance of troops had saved the town from such a fate. Id., 602, 639-40. Pié de Palo was reported to be waiting for the fleet of 1638, and it turned back. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 10.
12. Windward, in allusion to this other name for the Antilles.
13. In addition to four per cent already existing, two reals were also levied on cards. This offer was accepted by council of October 19, 1638, deduction having to be made when no fleet came. The contador of the fund was appointed by the king. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 30.
14. The first order for the Barlovento fleet, dated in May 1635, was followed by others bearing chiefly on funds for it. The two per mille collected by the consulado was applied to it, and other taxes. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., ii. 12-20; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 559. Santa María de la Vitoria, in Tabasco, was one of the places, fortified with artillery, and in war time with a large garrison. Calle, Mem. y Not., 87. In 1636 Philippine traders fitted out two vessels of their own to watch for corsairs.
15. An embargo was ordered placed on the property of all French subjects in New Spain, as elsewhere, but timely warning came from Spain and many saved themselves.
16. By 1638 Mexico city gave 1,100,000 pesos toward it. The revenue from the Tributos y Real Servicio fund amounted in the decade of 1631-40 to 2,390,200, an increase of 400,000 over the previous term. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., i. 450, v. 433-41; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro, i. 126.
17. It was established in 1631 and exacted half the income of the first year from each office, as the term implies. This levy was increased at times. For rules regarding the tax see Recop. de Indias, ii. 542 et seq.
18. This deduction of 'monthly' incomes, as the term implies, was established still earlier. For decrees concerning it see Id., i. 152 et seq.
19. In 1625 Cerralvo repaid 40,000 pesos lent by the municipality, and on the strength of the good-will created by this promptness he shortly after demanded a larger loan. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 86, 326. Part of the bullion arriving in Spain was seized and the owners were compelled to accept instead money of inferior intrinsic value.
20. Holders of land with doubtful titles were made to pay 'compromise' fees, collection offices were extended to new regions, and other means taken to obtain increased revenue. See also Gage, Voy., i. 201. Much of this was sent direct to Florida, the West Indies, and other parts, which were also supplied with powder and other articles. Recop. de Indias, ii. 572, 592-3.
21. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 441; Cedulario Nuevo, i. 441.
22. Cavo, followed by modern writers, places some of these measures in 1626, and states that the flood of 1627 gave rise merely to useless consultations, Tres Siglos, i. 278; but Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 178, confirms the more natural supposition that the flood gave impulse to dams and other works. The dam near Tizayuca, called Presa del Rey, was made or completed in 1628. Inundaciones, in Col. de Diarios, 356.
23. 'Llegó a tener dos barcas de alto el agua por donde menos.' Cepeda, Rel., pt. ii. 27. 'Subia mas de media vara en la parta mas alta.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 180; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 96-7. Vetancurt writes that the main square with cathedral, palace, and plazuela de Volador, and all Santiago remained above water, Chron., 121; but this must be a mistake, for the square lay less than two varas above the surface of the lake.
24. Brought over on September 27th says Medina, who adds the pious falsehood that the waters at once began to retire. Chrón. S. Diego, 123. Alegre, loc. cit., gives the 24th and leaves the intimation that no good effect followed. Florencia, Estrella del Norte, 130. Dávila upholds the efficacy of the image, and adds that an image of St Dominic assisted in lowering the waters; so much so that 'a fines de Julio del año de 1630. . .recibieron por Patron y abogado a Santo Domingo.' Continuacion, MS., 303; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 96-7.
25. This site was on the Sanctorum grange. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 2-3. Those who had erected houses elsewhere must not occupy them. This and supplementary decrees are reproduced in Cepeda, Rel., pt. iii. 7 et seq.
26. The most interesting representations on this subject are given in Cepeda. It is also referred to in Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 360; in Cavo; Calle, Mem. y Not., 43; Medina, Chrón., S. Diego, 234; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 18. The number of houses is given at 7,700. The oidores who figured at the time and assisted in deciding the question, were Licenciado Francisco del Castillo, Doctor Juan de Canseco, licenciates Alonso de Uria y Tobar, Francisco de Herrera Campuzano, Antonio Cuello de Portugal, Juan de Villabona Zubiaurri, and fiscales Juan Gonzalez de Piñafiel and Juan de Miranda Gordejuela. Cepedo, Rel., i. 29, 37.
27. Vetancurt, Chrón., 121, extends the flood over five years. Velasco, Exalt. Div., 45-6, says four. Alegre specifies till spring of 1633 and states that the rains of 1630 nearly gave rise to a riot. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 182-3. Some documents imply that the water practically receded between 1631 and 1633 and finally in 1634, Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 215, while Lorenzana assumes that rains in 1631 and 1634 raised the decreasing waters. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 22.
28. Archbishop Zúñiga exaggerated the loss to 30,000 Indians, and states that of 20,000 Spanish families (?) only 400 remained a month after the great inundation. Letter of October 16, 1629. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 60; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 121; Grambila, Tumultos, ii.
29. As Betrani, Mex., ii. 67-8, eagerly points out.
30. The new viceroy Cadereita gave impulse to these operations. Cavo places the cost at 14,000 pesos, which must be a misprint. Cepeda mentions 34,000 for certain work, and Vetancurt, Chrón., 121, states that the Franciscans accomplished, with Indian aid, for 90,000 what others estimated at 140,000. Algate speaks of relics of this period, found in the beginning of this century, under the raised causeways. Gaceta, ii. 124-5.
31. He was also ill provided with funds for work on the tunnel. Cepeda, Rel., pt. ii. 26. It was charged that he had closed the tunnel on purpose to raise the estimation of its value. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 214.
32. Each of these plans was estimated to cost from three to nine millions.
33. Humboldt comments unfavorably on the supposition that the porous amygdaloid of the valley could present any apertures. Essai Pol., i. 216. For a list of the different projects with details of the principal, see Cepeda, Rel., 16, pt. ii. 37-40, pt. iii. 5-6, 17 et seq.; Vetancurt, Chron., 123-4; La Cruz, i. 542-5.
34. This task was to be finished in 21 months beginning early in 1630. Mexico sent 300 Indians to work, and orders came in October 'que la obra corriera hasta las bocas de S. Gregorio.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 2.
35. The adverse report of Oidor Cubiaurré on the work in 1632 hastened the death of Martinez. Cubiaurré succeeded him as superintendent for a short time. In 1637 the Franciscan comisario general Flores took charge and his order retained control for many years. Inundaciones, in Col. de Diarios, MS., 356-8.
36. By Father Garibay of Mexicaltzinco. Vetancurt, Chrón., 121.
37. Of 25 pesos on the barrel, half going toward the fortifications at Vera Cruz. This tax continued to be levied, though in later years but a fraction was applied to the drainage. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 368-9.
38. Details of cost and amount of different work are given in the full official report of Cepeda, Relacion, pt. iii. 21, etc.; also in Instruc. Vireys, 263. Fonseca specifies 1,504,531 as expended during 1628-37, and 1,464,883 previously. Hist. Hac., v. 532.
39. Wrongly called Canales by several writers.
40. Named Francisco and dying on San Francisco's day, he must have had some spiritual relations with this saint, observes Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 114.
41. As a soldier, says Medina, yet he allows him to take large amounts of money wherewith to speculate. Others intimate that he intentled to pursue the trade of a silversmith, in which he had already engaged at Mexico. Sta María, Chron. St Joseph, ii. lib. iii. cap. x.; Ribadeneyra, Hist. Arch., lib. vi. cap. iv.; Comp, de Jesus, Defensa, 5.
42. On a mission, it is said, yet Medina declares that Zales drove it there for refuge. During the voyage singular phenomena gave indication of the saint on board.
43. The bodies of the victims appear all to have been recovered and taken to Manila. Felipe was crucified and lanced after losing his left ear.
44. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 177-8. Pueblo city also vowed to observe the day of San Felipe, who first assumed the robe there. Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 33-4, 114-20; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 96, 363.
45. As Declaracion del Appocalipsi of which I have a manuscript copy; Tesoro de Medicinas, Mexico, 1673, highly spoken of by Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 869, and others, also in my possession; Oratoria Parentatis, Mex., 1666, and Collectio Opusculorum, Rome, 1752. A perpetual calendar, a universal chronology, and other pieces remain in manuscript.
46. One reason may have been the charge of heresy made against him on first arriving at Mexico, though not sustained. For details of his life, see Argaiz, Vida y Escritos. . .Lopez, Mad., 1678, 1-121; Losa, Vida del Siervo. . . Lopez, Madrid, 1727, 1-442; Somoza, Brev. Not., Puebla, 1850, 1-31, and less full accounts in Mexican histories, such as Velasco, Hist. Mil. Ren., 188-96.
47. Bishop Prado alone paid 6,000 pesos. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 126, 131.
48. For documents on the subject see Alaman, Disert., ii. 52-4, and app. Sosa reproduces many details of the ceremonies. Episc. Mex., 68-9. Pedro Cortés died January 30, 1629, and on February 24th the funeral took place.
49. On Indians in New Spain, granted May 27, 1638. Calle, Mem. y Not., 56.
50. The only notable charge was by the religions orders for his interference in their appointments and other acts tending to lower their influence with Indians and others. Although this was not sustained at the time, a revival of the residencia took place five years later, without any unfavorable results to Cerralvo, it appears. Acusacion, in Tumultos de Mex., 1-13; Cerralvo, Acusacion, in Vireyes de Mex. Instruc., pt. 16-17; Samaniego, Rel., 98-9; Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 3. Doctor Quiroga y Moya was the judge.
51. An annual thanksgiving was ordered held in consequence. Certain accounts place his fleet at eight galleons and that of the enemy at 109 vessels. Aguilar, Náutica Sacra, 2; Pap.Var., i. pt. i.; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., série i. tom. ii. 2.
52. He was accompanied by his wife, but his daughter remained in Spain. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 14; Dávila, Continuacion, MS., 201; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 55. His appointment bore date April 19, 1635. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 344.
53. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 14.
54. A cédula of 1639 reprimands the oidores for giving him bad advice. Id., ii. 189; vii. 3-7. The names of the leading officials at the time may be gathered from Cepeda, Rel., pt. i. 2; Certif. de Mercedes, MS., 124; Granados, Tardes, 385-6.
55. Gonzalez Dávila, who wrote about this time, merely says, 'Tvvo encuentros con el Virrey en defensa de la inmunidad de la Iglesia.' Teatro Ecles., i. 61. The marchioness was actually to be prevented from visiting nunneries.
56. Panes adds Mendoza. Virreyes, MS., 96.
57. Gonzalez Dávila writes 1629; but Zúñiga was at Mexico already in February of this year, and arrived probably at the close of 1628.
58. He was born at Cañas about 1582, and studied also at Valladolid.
59. Cavo erroneously writes 1639. Tres Siglos, ii. 11.
60. Gonzalez Dávila speaks also of his liberal expenditures at the funeral of the infante archbishop of Toledo, Teatro, 61, yet this act savors rather of obsequious calculation.
61. And visconde de Negueruela. Sosa, Episc. Mex., 72. At his death, six years later, he left treasures to the value of 800,000 pesos, which were placed under embargo. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii. tom. i. 359. Yet the greater part no doubt reached his heirs.
62. At the age of 75, it seems, though Gonzalez Dávila says 80. He had been professor at Seville, inquisidor at Lima from 1601-23, and had repeatedly declined promotion to Spanish sees. Ho dispensed all his income in alms and died deeply regretted. Teatro Ecles., i. 62.
63. The appointment was dated October 6, 1643.
64. The body was afterward removed from Mazatlan to Mexico cathedral. He left a fortune of 800,000 pesos, but no will whereby to embalm his memory in charities, observes Gonzalez Dávila, yet he adds: 'Fue vno de los mas felizes ingenios que tuuo el Reyno de Pirú.' Teatro, i. 63-5. Of 4,000 decisions made by him as ruler of the Lima see none was revoked. The fortune above referred to gave rise to strange complications as will be seen.
     

    Herewith I give broader references to some authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: Torquemada, i. 306-11, 572, 618-19, 671, 690-3, 726-68; iii. 269-77, 380-1; Calle, Mem. y Not., 43 et seq.; Dávila, Continuacion, MS., 120, passim; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 36, 393-442; ii. 10-42, 115, 136, 178-9; Cepeda, Relacion, i. 4, passim; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 2, 18, 42-61, 92-6, 122-31, 182-97, 206-39; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 11, 33-4, 44-9, 113-53, 234, 240; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 232-9, 409, passim; Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix. cap. viii.; Tumultos de Mex., MS., 15 et seq.; Vetanevrt, Chron. San Evang., 13-23, 120-7; Id., Trat. Mex., 11-14, 30-9; Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 1-19; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 305-6, 340-2; Id., Palestra Hist., 139-48, 193-200; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 35-6, 56, 116; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 114; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat, 255; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 124; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 447-60; Concilios Prov., MS., 1555 y 65, 216-17; Ordenes, de la Corona, MS., ii. 145-89; vii. 1-7; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 718; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., 2-5; Doc. Hist. MEx., série ii. tom. ii., passim; Id., série ii. tom. iii., passim; Mexico, rel. Svm. de Tumultos, 1 et seq.; Sigüenza y Góngora, Carta, MS., 15; Id., Parayso Occld., 24-C; Mexico y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 16-54, 280-91, 361-451; ii. 1-676; Paeheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 380; Maltratamienio de Indios, MS., 1-8; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 18-22; Instruc. Vireyes, 263; Recop. de Ind., i. 21, passim; ii. 27, passim; Montemayor, Svmarios, 56-9, 181, 210-17; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 55-73; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 343, 355; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 140-5; Mexico, Rel. del Estado, passim; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. passim; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 205; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, i. 84; ii. 791; Laet, Am. Descrip., 233-9, 251-310; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 204-35, 074; ii. 817; Id., New Spain, 90-2, 100-5; Id., Versuch, ii. 87-128; Santos, Chron. Hosp., ii. 433-45, 458-61; 401-73, 589-90; Arlegui, Prov. de Zac., 81-3, 138-44, 243-4, 346; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 149, 103, 176-98; Abispa de Chalpancingo, Escritos, 365; Dicc. Univ., i. 139, 328, 342; ii. 212-19, 260, .304-5, 378-9, 547-9; iii. 396; iv. 489-93; v. 250-1; vi. 701-2; vii. 485-6; viii. 577; Lx. 210-17, 260-1, 333-4, 504, 587-8, 805, 930; x. 309-70, 5393, 653-03, 761, 822, 928-9; Aguilar, Nautica, 2-12; San Sanson, L'Amer., 18; Zevallos, Hist. Mund., 135; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 3-10; Alvares, Estudios, iii. 179-221, 461-505; Touron, Hist. Gen., vii. 278-92, 303-5; Arevalo, Compend., 171-2; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 237-50; iv. 23; Album, Mex., i. 351-3; Gottfriedt, Newe Welt, 472-5, 590-8; Poussin's Question, 27-8; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 5-6; Muhlenpford, Versuch, ii. 25403; Frost's Hist. Mex., 138-40; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 157-8; Correal, Voy. (Paris ed.), i. 1; Beltrami, Mex., ii. 62-78; Samaniego, Rel., 98-9; Prescott's Mex., ii. 105-7; Gage, Voy. (Amsterdam ed. 1720), i. 08-116, 203-22; Id. (Paris ed. 1690), i. 225-45; Muller, Reisen en Mex., ii. 52-67; iii. 185-90; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 159-62, 250-2; Id., Hist, y Cron., 105-7; Nicolaï, Newe und Warhaffte, 305; Greenhow's Or. and Cal., 89-91; Ogilby's Am., 245; Ribera, Gob. Mex., 77, passim; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 170, 223; Castillo, Dic. Hist., 60, 269-72; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, i. 10-12; Alzate,Gacetas, ii. 12'45; Granadas, Tardes Am., 340-1, 385-6; Larenaudiére, Mex. et Guat. (Paris ed. 1843), 150; Shepard's Land of the Aztec, 37-9; Varios Impresos, nos. iii. vi.-vii.; Fonseca y Urrutia, Real Hacienda, ii. 12-22, 263-337; iv. 429-50; v. 3521; Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 767-70; Russell's Hist. Am., ii. 106; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 51-71; Ward's Hist. Mex., ii. 282; Ternaux-Compans, Col. Voy., série ii. tom. v. 322; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 41, 169; v. 240, passim; Balbuena, Grandeza Meg., 1-140; Liceo Mex., ii. 5-6, 40-2, 52, 80-3, 119-33, 144-7, 104-5; Burney's Discov. South Seas, ii. 273 et seq.; Mexico, Rel. de Gelves, passim; Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 262, 288-93; Compañia de Jesus, Defensa, passim; Fisher's National Mag., i. 249-54; Mosaico Mex., ii. 209; Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 271; Registro Yucateco, i. 194-8; Velasco, Exalt. Divin. Miser., 39-49; Terranova y Monteleone, Esposicion, 21-03; Somoza, Breve Not., 2-31; Rodriguez, Carta Hist., 2-6, 35-50; Soc. Mex. Geoy., Boletin, ii. 7-8; iv. 19, 73; V.,349-52; viii. 105; Palafox y Mendoza, Venerable Señor, 5-7; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 77-91; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 28-9; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. xxxiv. 486-512; Alaman, Disert., ii. 50-77, 230-9; iii. 19-28, 173, 389; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 13, passim.