History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 3/Chapter 5

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER V.

ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROYS ESCALONA, PALAFOX, AND SALVATIERRA.

1640-1648.

Viceroy Escalona's Arrival — The Bishop and Visitador Palafox — Quarrels about Doctrinas — A Covetous Ruler — Fruitless Complaints — Startling News from Portugal — Escalona's Sympathies — An Insolent Captain — Viceroy versus Bishop — Palafox Made Archbishop and Governor of New Spain — Secret Preparations — The Stroke against Escalona — His Vindication in Spain — Palafox an Able Viceroy — Iconoclasm — Episcopal Labors at Puebla — Viceroy Salvatierra Arrives — California Explorations — Salvatierra's Rule.

Satisfactory as the rule of Viceroy Cadereita had been, the crown had, as it seems, some motive for his removal,^[1] and the appointment of a successor was resolved upon. Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrera y Bobadilla, duque de Escalona and marqués de Villena, a grandee of Spain,^[2] was the personage selected as seventeenth viceroy. He arrived at Vera Cruz the 24th of June 1640, though festivities in that city and at several points on the road delayed his entry into the capital until the 28th of August.^[3] In the same fleet came the new bishop of Puebla and visitador general for New Spain, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, with a special commission to take the residencias of the former viceroys, Cerralvo and Cadereita, and to investigate the commercial relations with Peru and the Philippine Islands.

The new viceroy was a man of fair speech, and for a time won for himself the sympathies of the people, who expected from him a change for the better in the condition of affairs. At this period commerce and mining industries were depressed,^[4] and the common necessaries of life could be purchased only at exorbitant rates. Moreover the church was in a demoralized condition, and the religious brotherhoods ever at strife; the highest ecclesiastical dignity in New Spain being represented only by a deputy.

The beginning of Escalona's rule showed some activity. He had been ordered by the king to make explorations on the coast of California, and soon after his accession a commission was issued for that purpose to the governor of Sinaloa. Certain Jesuits accompanied the expedition; but the only purpose which it served was to ascertain that the coast was rich in pearls, and, though cheerless and barren, inhabited by peaceful tribes. In the mean time the viceroy aided effectually in carrying out the orders which had been given him for the reformation of the doctrinas, the execution of which rested with the visitador-bishop Palafox, an able, energetic man, whose name became intimately linked with that of Escalona, and with the greatest ecclesiastical strife which occurred during the seventeenth century.

Juan de Palafox y Mendoza was born in Fitero, Navarre, on the 24th of June 1600, and was of noble descent, though a natural son. When ten years old he was legitimized by his father, Jaime de Palafox y Mendoza, marqués de Ariza.^[5] Having received an education in keeping with his rank, he intended to enter the army, but being dissuaded by his father, he studied law and theology at Alcalá and Salamanca, where his talents won the admiration of his teachers and fellow students. His fame soon reached the ears of the king, who summoned him to court, and he was appointed in quick succession to several important offices in the council of the Indies, and of war. During this time he first entertained the idea of changing his worldly life for a more sacred calling,^[6] and a few years later was ordained a priest, being appointed, in 1629, chaplain and chief-almoner to the empress, whom he accompanied to Germany,^[7] where he remained for several years. On the 27th of December 1639 he was consecrated at Madrid, and on his arrival in New Spain, in June 1640, immediately entered upon his duties. His zeal and charity soon gained for him the love and obedience of his flock, while as visitador he knew so well how to temper justice with moderation that litigants highly respected his decisions. The only matter in which he displayed unwonted rigor was the removal of friars from doctrinas, and in this he was seconded by the viceroy.

For years great irregularities had prevailed in the appointments to doctrinas, or neophyte congregations, a great number of which the religious brotherhoods had held in their gift since the time of the conquest. Friars were installed and removed at will by their superiors, regardless of royal and pontifical decrees to the contrary, and of instructions directing candidates to be examined and approved by the bishop. Little or no attention was paid to the manner in which the doctrinas were administered, the only object seeming to be the accumulation of wealth at the expense of others. The bishop at once resolved to correct this abuse, and meeting with resistance on the part of the friars, proceeded to deprive the orders of their missions. In a short time he had established thirty-seven new curacies, which formerly had belonged to the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians. It must be admitted that in some instances he went too far, making a parish out of every district containing a small church or hermitage, if the ecclesiastics failed to appear before him during the short term granted for examination.^[8] Finally, when the religious orders realized their inability to battle successfully with the united powers of the bishop and the viceroy, they submitted under protest to the India Council, a measure which was of no avail to them, however, as the conduct of the bishop was approved. The general feeling of the population had doubtless been with the bishop, and they considered the great number of friars as a burden to the country, and one of little benefit; for a few years later petitions were addressed to Spain, urging that no more friars be sent to Mexico, and that no licenses be issued for new convents.

Although an intimate friendship seemed to exist between Escalona and Palafox, which found expression in the frequent visits they paid each other, the former had not been deaf to the complaints of the friars merely for the sake of the bishop's good-will. He required a more tangible compensation, which was nothing less than the assistance, or at least the non-interference, of the powerful visitador. Pleasure, and the acquisition of wealth, were dear to the heart of the viceroy. The duties of his office were a sore burden to him, and he willingly transferred them to his friends' and courtiers, if they would only offer him opportunity for amusement, and his due share of the official perquisites. The best offices were thus given to the partisans of the duke, and by them resold to the highest bidder. Among other measures he was induced to order a census to be taken of all the mulattoes, negroes, and mestizos, but for what purpose does not appear, save that of swelling his own coffers, and those of his favorites. One of his attendants was put in charge of the granary, the stores of which were sold at excessive rates to the public; another was made judge of police and given charge of the public water works.^[9] A third was appointed juez de pulques under the pretext of enforcing the laws against the sale of intoxicating liquors, and made fifty thousand pesos a year by his office. The sale of cacao was also monopolized, and its price was so extravagant that only rich persons could afford to buy it.^[10]

The people were loud in their complaints, but no whisper reached the ears of the viceroy,^[11] for his friends did their utmost to prevent him from learning how great was the dissatisfaction his measures had created. Representations were made to the bishop-visitador, who argued with Escalona, suggesting that if the offices were sold the proceeds ought to be turned over to the royal treasury. His counsel was disregarded by the duke, who was piqued by it, and afterward endeavored to keep aloof from him.^[12]

The viceroy still wanted money to redeem his encumbered estates, and a new scheme was devised by his ingenious financiers. A list of wealthy persons was made, and all were in turn invited to the palace by the viceroy, who flattered them, feasted them, promoted some of them to office, and finally did them the honor of borrowing their money, the repayment of which in all probability was to be made ad Græcas calendas. To refuse or to concede was alike dangerous, and many preferred the latter. So well worked the contrivance, that within a short time several hundred thousand pesos were obtained.^[13] Occasionally appropriations were also made from the royal treasury and from the monopoly of quicksilver, the latter proving so injurious that the product of the mines was largely reduced.^[14]

Cool as were the relations between Escalona and Palafox, an open rupture had always been avoided by the latter, perhaps more from policy than from any other motive. Even the viceroy's misconduct with regard to the armada de Barlovento, and the despatch of the fleet of 1641, did not produce any visible effect on the visitador, though they widened the breach already existing. Orders had been given to the duke to proceed with the organization of this armament for the protection of the coasts and the escort of merchant vessels. These instructions were carried out in the most careless manner; a large amount of money was drawn from the royal treasury and spent on vessels scarcely seaworthy and altogether too small.^[15] In addition, the despatch of the fleet was unnecessarily delayed until the end of July. In vain the visitador had remonstrated; but though his advice was disregarded the result proved how correct it had been, for a storm destroyed the whole flota, and caused the crown a loss of about eight millions of pesos.^[16] During this same year the viceroy's covetousness was again a cause of offence to Palafox. The late archbishop elect, Feliciano de Vega, had died intestate, soon after his arrival at Acapulco, leaving property valued at eight hundred thousand pesos, and a controversy arose as to whom belonged the administration. The bishop claimed it in virtue of his office as visitador, and commissioned his vicar-general, Bartolomé de Nogales, to make an inventory. But the property, or at least the greater part, had already been seized and placed in safe-keeping by the oidor, Melchor de Torreblanca, by order of the viceroy; and when Nogales proceeded to comply with his instructions, he was strongly rebuked by Escalona, and also by Palafox, who yet strove to remain on good terms with the duke. Nogales returned in disgust to Spain;^[17] and the bishop, also annoyed, abandoned his claim and retired to Puebla.^[18]

 

During the first days of April 1641 news reached Mexico that Portugal and Catalonia had risen in revolt, and were at war with Spain in defence of their proclaimed independence. The people of Mexico became alarmed, for the viceroy was a near relative to the chief of the Portuguese insurgents, the duke of Braganza, and there was a large number of that nationality in the country. Many of them were wealthy and influential, and had always been treated by Escalona with marked favor. Fears were entertained that the insurrection might spread to the New World, and the duke's behavior apparently justified this apprehension. Cédulas had been sent to the viceroy to serve as a guide for his conduct toward the Portuguese, but they were kept secret, and neither the audiencia nor the visitador learned their contents. The distinctions bestowed on the Portuguese were remembered; how one had been made castellan of San Juan de Ulúa; how another, even after the arrival of the news, had been placed in charge of a portion of the troops, and received the rank of maestro de campo; while a third was appointed comisario general.^[19] It was also asserted that, on the very day when the intelligence was received, Escalona, instead of expressing sorrow, dressed himself in gala costume and invited his friends to a banquet.

One circumstance, however, although a trivial one, was brought forward as clearly proving the duke's disloyalty. It was alleged that, when offered the choice of two horses, one belonging to Pedro de Gastilla, and the other to Cristóbal de Portugal, he exclaimed, after trying them: "The Portuguese is the better."^[20] This remark did not escape the strained ears of his enemies; and trifling as it was, it was afterward so construed as to form one of the heaviest charges against him.^[21] The loss of one of the mailships, despatched in the beginning of the year, also caused great excitement, and without regard to inconsistency of dates was by some persons interpreted as a premeditated step of the viceroy to aid his rebel cousin in Portugal.

The feeling of the Spaniards against the Portugese reached its climax on the 13th of August 1641, the day of St Hippolytus. When the usual procession of the banner met a body of soldiers with their Portuguese captain, the customary salute of lowering the flag was refused on the ground of the duke's absence.^[22] The Spaniards, though greatly incensed, merely changed their route, and made no attempt to punish their insolent neighbors. Palafox, who soon afterward returned to Mexico, represented to the viceroy the necessity of punishing the captain and of adopting energetic measures to prevent an outbreak of the Portuguese, who became more haughty from day to day. Escalona agreed with the bishop, but could not be induced to take any active steps, although the representations were repeated.^[23]

While the viceroy and Palafox were yet quarrelling, information reached Mexico that the Portuguese in Brazil had rebelled, and that a mutiny had occurred in Cartagena, New Granada.^[24] The zealous visitador immediately held consultations with the members of the audiencia, the inquisition, and a number of prominent persons, and all urged him to reason with the duke, and call his attention to the impending danger. The dismissal of the Portuguese captain and those of his countrymen who held office under the crown, and the disbanding of the companies of Portuguese soldiers, were deemed necessary. An attempt to obtain an interview with the viceroy failed, owing to the latter's discourtesy; and when the bishop explained his views in a letter,^[25] the duke's answer was, “The learned always err.” Nevertheless a meeting was convoked, consisting of lawyers, friars, and other personages with little or no judgment on political affairs. Moreover disputes about etiquette prevented any definite action.

Comprehending at last the danger of greater delay, the viceroy issued a proclamation, ordering the Portuguese inhabitants to deliver up their fire-arms under pain of death. The Portuguese captain was dismissed, and Palafox, in order to manifest his conciliatory disposition, went to the palace to congratulate Escalona, but was discourteously treated by the viceroy. The ill-will of the latter increased when his request to the visitador to pardon a certain prisoner was denied, and the bishop in some skilful manner contrived to secure the people's sympathy for his conduct. The duke retaliated, vexing the bishop by petty annoyances and a lack of courtesy; he persecuted his friends, and forbade him to interfere with the despatch of the Philippine vessels, a matter which belonged to the jurisdiction of the visitador. Toward the end of 1641 Palafox was desirous of returning to his diocese, but was provoked by the sneering remarks of the duke^[26] to remain, only to experience new offence in the following year, when the corregidor of Vera Cruz imprisoned a Carmelite friar on whose person were found letters which caused him to be suspected of being an emissary of the bishop, and the latter's efforts in his behalf seemed to confirm it. Having failed to obtain from the viceroy the punishment of the corregidor, and the residencia of Cadereita being concluded, in February 1642 the bishop retired to Puebla to attend to his duties, and to await the result of his reports to the king, whom as a loyal subject and in duty bound he had informed of the suspicious behavior of the duke.

His patience was not put to a severe test. The king had always been aware of the viceroy's intimate relation with the Portuguese rebel, who had wrested from the Spanish sovereign an important province; the critical circumstances of the epoch and the abuses wrought by the viceroy's attendants, magnified as they were by the bishop, effectually undermined the king's confidence. Previous orders to exercise a wholesome surveillance were now amplified, and the visitador was ordered to take possession of the government. Simultaneously his services were recognized by offering him the archbishopric of Mexico, vacant since the death of Feliciano de Vega.^[27]

These cédulas arrived toward the end of May 1642,^[28] and Palafox was not loath to assume the viceroyalty, which office so well suited his ambition. He declined, however, the archiepiscopal see.^[29] The latter was in consequence given to Juan de Mañosca y Zamora, the late president of the chancillería of New Granada.^[30] He was consecrated by Palafox on the 24th of February 1645. Keeping secret his appointment, the bishop proceeded on the 6th of June 1642 to Mexico, where his exaltation to the highest ecclesiastical dignity had filled with joy the whole population, save the viceroy, who congratulated him with such scant courtesy^[31] as to rouse the ire of the bishop, who occupied himself during the two following days with sending letters to Puebla, Vera Cruz, and other places, making known his appointment almost simultaneously. On the eve of Saturday the 9th of June, the final preparations for the stroke were made in the city of Mexico, as the viceroy intended to retire to Chapultepec. At a late hour of the night, after previously informing the members of the inquisition, and ordering them to be ready for action, the members of the audiencia were summoned to his house and shown the royal cédulas, which they obeyed, recognizing Palafox as viceroy. Subsequently the city council, municipal and royal officials, and a number of prominent citizens, who had been assembled, were likewise acquainted with the king's will, and all declared their willingness to obey.

During the same night, by order of Palafox, the maestre de campo, Antonio Urrutia de Vergara,^[32] with thirty resolute men took possession of and guarded the entrances to the viceregal palace, allowing all who so desired to leave it, but none to enter. This done, word was sent to the new viceroy, together with the information, that everything within the palace was quiet and that there was not the least suspicion. Others had secured the prison, the mint, the house where the royal seal was kept, and several public buildings.

Confident as was the bishop that his conduct could not fail to meet with the approval of the people, he still deemed it but prudent to have an eye to his own safety. At five o'clock the next morning everything was ready, and the oidor Andrés de Pardo de Lagos,^[33] accompanied by two alcaldes, the fiscal, and a secretary, proceeded to the palace to notify to the duke his downfall.^[34]

Escalona was asleep when Lagos and his companions entered, and awoke to find the party on bended knee, as they apprised him of the king's latest resolution. The secretary handed him the cédula, but he returned it with the request that it be read to him. This was done, and raising himself on his shoulder he listened, speechless with surprise, to the words of his sovereign, who, under pretext of bestowing on him greater favors, bade him deliver up the reins of power to the archbishop and return to Spain. "This is a hard blow, but the orders of the king must be obeyed," was his answer. Informed that his successor had already assumed office and demanded his early departure from Mexico, he left the capital between seven and eight o'clock, poorly equipped and with a scanty retinue,^[35] and retired to the convent of the barefooted Franciscans at Churubusco, a few miles distant. When the inhabitants awoke, they learned with amazement how close to the verge of rebellion the province had been, and that but for the prudence and energy of the new viceroy the stain of sedition had been branded on the most noble and loyal city of New Spain. Such was at least the manner in which the friends of the bishop justified his conduct, and though the people believed it for a while, they were soon undeceived.

On the 10th of June^[36] Palafox inaugurated his rule, and his first measure was to place under embargo all the property and papers belonging to his predecessor,^[37] whose residencia he immediately began to take. The conduct of Escalona and of certain of his friends and attendants who were in prison, was closely scrutinized; but all efforts failed to secure evidence of the suspected conspiracy. The people, always inclined to sympathize with the unfortunate, ere long pitied the duke on account of the new viceroy's harsh proceeding, explaining his alleged malefeasance as the calumniations of his enemies, and his mistakes in the government as originated by the bad counsel of his advisers. Later events seemed to justify this opinion, and having remained in the convent of Churubusco till the end of 1642 Escalona removed to the small town of San Martin, about sixteen leagues from Mexico, and three months later returned to Spain.^[38] Here he vindicated his conduct so satisfactorily that the king intended to reinstall him in office, but afterward bestowed on him the viceroyalty of Sicily and a grant of six thousand pesos of rental. His opinion was also consulted about the government of New Spain, and among other suggestions he made was that of resuming the expeditions to California. There is no doubt that he became a victim to the visitador's ambition or scruples, and that on account of his innate indolence his friends and attendants were allowed too much influence in the control of affairs, but no evidence has been produced strong enough to convict him of disloyalty.^[39]

Whatever the reasons which controlled the conduct of Palafox in all affairs where Escalona was concerned, once in charge of the highest magistracy of New Spain he proved himself well fitted for the position. The abuses which his predecessor had permitted in the management of the public water-works and the granary were corrected; crime was severely punished; and frequent public sessions were held, often presided over by the viceroy himself.^[40] The affairs of the royal treasury, of late a mine of wealth for unscrupulous officials, were reorganized, but Palafox himself did not draw any of the salary due him as visitador and viceroy.

Vera Cruz and Acapulco were fortified according to orders from Spain, the duties of maestre de campo more clearly defined, and twelve new companies of militia organized for purposes of defence. The viceroy then directed his attention to the improvement of ecclesiastical and educational matters. He made reforms in the affairs of the church, visited the convents, framed statutes for the university, and, though a protector of the Indians, was sometimes severe in his endeavor to outroot such superstitions as still lingered in their minds. To that end a number of ancient statues and idols, kept by preceding viceroys as tokens of victory, were demolished.^[41]

In the mean time a new viceroy had been appointed by the crown, and to him Palafox delivered the reins of power, after a rule of five months,^[42] during which brief term he gave unquestionable proof of ability and disinterestedness. By order of the king, he gave to his successor a collection of 'instructions' to guide

him in the government,^[43] and then turned his attention to his duties as bishop and visitador.^[44] The cathedral of Puebla, which had been commenced in the middle of the preceding century, was completed,^[45] the viceroy making a donation of 15,000 pesos, and obtaining within four years subscriptions amounting to 150,000 pesos.^[46]

The building-was consecrated on the 18th of April 1649, and until the completion of the cathedral in Mexico was the finest church edifice in New Spain.^[47] More than a hundred thousand persons were confirmed;^[48] the college of San Pedro y San Pablo was founded, with a library of some six thousand volumes; the hospital de la Concepcion for orphans was established; and many other charitable acts^[49] gave testimony to the zeal of this worthy prelate.

In October 1642 the nineteenth viceroy of New Spain, García Sarmiento de Sotomayor, conde de Salvatierra and marqués de Sabroso,^[50] arrived at Vera Cruz, and in the following month took charge of the government.^[51] During his administration an expedition was despatched to the coast of Lower California, in charge of Pedro Porter y Casanate. Troops were enlisted, and a large number of persons made ready to embark on board the fleet; for it was said that the pearl fisheries of that region were second only to those discovered by Vasco Nuñez de Balboa. When all was in readiness the vessels were destroyed by fire. A second expedition was fitted out and set sail a few years later, but resulted in failure. In 1648 Casanate returned to report to the viceroy that he had failed even to discover any spot suitable for a settlement.

During this year Salvatierra was appointed to the viceroyalty of Peru.^[52] His conduct meets with the approval of the chroniclers of his period, although the condition of affairs during his regime was far from prosperous.^[53] Spain was engaged in external wars and the suppression of internal revolts; the attention of her sovereign was concentrated almost exclusively on European affairs, and though cédula followed cédula in quick succession they contained little save demands for money. Throughout the provinces commerce and industries languished, and a crowd of quarrelsome ecclesiastics and indolent officials gathered in the wealth of the community. Flood and earthquake were among the causes that made the term of Salvatierra's administration memorable as one fraught with disaster to the people of Mexico.^[54]

 

 

1. Troubles with Archbishop Manso y Zùniga may have been the cause. The reprimand of the audiencia would also indicate grounds for complaint.
2. He was the first grandee that ever held the viceroyalty of New Spain. Calle Mem. y Not., 56. Escalona was a relative to the dukes of Braganza in Portugal.
3. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 14, followed by Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 12; Lorenzana. Hist. N. Esp., 22-.3. Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 198, and Ribera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 91, state that his entry into Mexico was made four days after his arrival at Vera Cruz.
4. The losses sustained by shipwrecks and pirates during the preceding ten years were estimated at 30,000,000 pesos. Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 4-5.
5. The latter title has probably misled several authors, among them Vetancurt and Gonzalez Dávila, who give Ariza in Aragon as his birthplace. Trat. Mex., 52; Teatro Ecles., i. 98.
6. Several miraculous escapes from danger had already predisposed him to this change, and the death of two prominent courtiers hastened his resolution. His mother, who had become a recluse, encouraged him. Palafox, Obras, xiii. 10, 15-47.
7. He held also for some time the offices of a treasurer of the church of Tarasona and of an abbot of Cintra. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 52; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 98. Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 251, mentions Palafox also as visitador of the royal convent of barefooted nuns of Madrid.
8. The Franciscans as the most numerous seem to have suffered most, judging from the long complaint of Vetancurt, who says that his order had to suffer many grievances. Only one Franciscan, of Atlixco, submitted to the bishop's demand, and having been approved, was left in undisturbed possession of his doctrina. Vetancurt, Chron. San Evang., 14-16; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 99. See also Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 13; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 28.
9. Even salinous water sold at two to three reals a load, and its usecause diseases among the population.
10. If thus the wealthier classes were unable to obtain it, how could it be with those who had no means, y con solo este desayuno ayunaban los dias y las noches.' Palafox, El Van. Señor, 6.
11. His rooms, in the interior of the palace, were quite distant from that part of the building where the offices were situated, and to which the public had access.
12. Pareciéndole que en no oyendo culparse no seria culpado.' Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 7.
13. Authorities differ as to the exact figure, stating it from 300,000 to 400,000 pesos. One Alvaro de Lorenzana alone is said to have loaned 50,000 pesos.
14. It is asserted that not one mark of silver entered the royal treasury under Escalona 's rule.
15. The amount is estimated at 800,000 pesos. Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 8.
16. Palafox made of the viceroy's proceedings a charge of harboring seditious plans; but this fell to the ground; for at Habana the fleet was placed under the command of an officer quite independent of Escalona. Escalona, Defensa, in Vir. Instrac., MS., série i., no. 1, 13-14.
17. 'Diciendo no queria estar en tierra donde tanto ataba las manos á la justicia la contemplacion de los señores vireyes.' Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 9.
18. The money disappeared mysteriously; 'murieron (the 800,000 pesos) como su dueño muy apriessa.' Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 65. Torreblanca was later suspended from office and banished to Tacuba, for the term of five years. In 1650 the council of the Indies pronounced a severe sentence against him—perpetual removal from office, exile from the New World, for ten years from the court, and a fine of 15,000 ducats. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser., i. 107. All this implies that frauds were committed in the administration of the estate.
19. It seems that the first instructions from Spain did not order the dismissal of Portuguese officials, who were considered trustworthy, but only enjoined strict vigilance. The duke retained them in office as there were no sufficient reasons for their removal.
20. 'Mejor es el de Portugal.' Vetancort, Trat. Mex., 14; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 15; Bustamante in Palafox, El Vm. Señor, 79. The two last authorities say the horses had been given to the duke. Palafox, Respuesta, in Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 57, gives to the horses the names of Castilla and Portugal, and changes the viceroy's exclamation to 'Dejo á Castilla por Portugal.'
21. Correspondence with Portuguese noblemen, observations approving the duke of Braganza's treachery, and even the project of a Portuguese invasion were also on the list of accusations against Escalona, but proofs were never furnished, and it is not at all improbable that the bishop had a good deal to do with the circulation of such rumors, if not with their creation.
22. No reason is assigned why the viceroy failed to assist. 'El portugutes dijo: que no hallándose en él (the procession), S. E. á ningun otro abatiría su bandera.' Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 10-11.
23. Palafox, in his letter to the king, mentions the disrespectful language of the viceroy, saying that the latter, on one occasion, told the bishop's chaplain: 'por ahí dicen quo me alzo con esto, si eso fuese así, yo sería rey, y mi obispo papa.' Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 60. There is no doubt that, as well on this as on other occasions, the viceroy made merry with the serious remarks of the bishop, who really suspected a conspiracy.
24. Cartagena de las Indias, as it was then called, to distinguish it from that of old Spain.
25. 'Con maravillosas razones y profunda reverencia le proponia la reformacion del capitan portugues, y todos los demas puntas convenientes.'
26. Escalona said publicly he had ordered the bishop to return to Puebla.
27. Diego de Guevara, archbishop-elect of Santo Domingo, had taken possession of the see in the name of Vega, and ruled until his death. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 64.
28. The contemporary narrator, in Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 18, says March 23d, which is likely to be a misprint, or incorrect reading of the original manuscript. The time given in the text is supported by the personal statements of Palafox, and intimated by Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 14.
29. Gonzalez Dávila asserts because he had vowed not to accept any other see but that of Puebla.
30. A native of Marquina in Biscay. He was educated in Mexico, studied in Salamanca, and held later, among other offices, that of inquisitor at Cartagena and Lima. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 2.5. Some call him Mañosca, others Zamora; the first, his matenial name, was with preference adopted by him. Panes mentions him as Juan Saenz de Mayorca y Zamora. Vireyes, in Monmentos, Dom. Esp., MS., 99.
31. It is also said that Escalona circulated reports that Palafox owed his elevation to his influence.
32. He is sometimes only called Vergara, in other instances Urrutía.
33. In some places he is called Lugi or Lugo.
34. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 14-15, expresses his astonishment that they could enter the palace without encountering opposition. He forgets evidently that the guard, although only subject to the immediate orders of the viceroy, would not fail to obey those of the maestre de campo, the second commander, who, as has been shown, sided with the bishop.
35. 'En un coche de dos mulas, mal aliñada la persona y con un solo page.' Palafox, El Ven. Señor, 21.
36. The son of Escalona in his complaint to the king says erroneously that the bishop took these measures on the night of a Sunday, which would have been June 10th. Escalona, Defensa in Vir. Instruc., MS., 1st ser., no. 1, 1-2. Lorenzana, referring to the Libro de Cabildo, says Palafox entered into office on the 9th. Hist. N. Esp., 23.
37. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 14, followed by Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 330, makes the improbable assertion, that the duke's property was sold at auction.
38. With him he took written testimony of the city council, other corporations, and many prominent persons, giving evidence of his innocence.
39. El Venerable Señor Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza. . . justificado en el Tribunal de la Razon, Mexico, 1831, pp. 79, published by Cárlos Maria de Bustamante. This work forms part of the Voz de la Patria, and contains documents bearing on the altercations between Escalona and Palafox. The first is a relation, written by a contemporary, apparently a friend of the bishop, but full of valuable information and less biassed than might have been expected. The second is a memorial to the king by the son of the ex-viceroy, asserting the duke's innocence and severely accusing Palafox. Another, apparently coetaneous copy exists in my manuscript collection under the title Escalona, Defensa. The last document is the bishop's reply to the king concerning the charges preferred against him. Both the memorial and the reply, partial as their origin necessarily stamps them, add few historical facts to the first document, but are valuable because they reveal occasionally the reasons which guided the two antagonists. Of later writers, most have adopted the version that the removal of Escalona was an act of unnecessary caution in view of the slight reasons against him; others, like Alaman and Ribera, confine themselves to a mere statement of the facts, without expressing their opinions. In addition to the authorities already quoted I refer the reader for more details to Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 14; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 11-15; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 237-8; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 28-9; Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 132-41.
40. 'Dió audiencia. . .en que hablaban en dos dias cuantos no habian podido hablar á S. E. en dos años.' Palafox, el Ven. Señor, 23.
41. This iconoclasm has been severely censured, and justly so, because a number of curious and doubtless valuable relics have thus disappeared. If he had simply put them among other objects of idol-worship, the bishop would also have attained his purpose and remained exempt from the just charge of intolerance and fanaticism.
42. Touron is in error when he states that Palafox ruled three years as viceroy. Hist. Gen, Amérique, vii. 361.
43. These Instrucciones, as they were generally termed, should by order of the crown be given by every vacating viceroy to his successor, and were generally rather a résumé of the condition of the country, with suggestions for the best government, than what the title implied. Those of Palafox to Salvatierra, contained in Morfi, Col. Doc., MS., 7-46, reveal a very thorough understanding of the social and political state of affairs in New Spain at that time, and embrace nearly all the important points which then might come under consideration. The character of their author readily accounts for certain stress laid on ecclesiastical coöperation.
44. His residencia was not taken until 1652, and though he had created many enemies no charges were made. 'No resultó. . . cargo, ni culpa alguna . . .ni huuo Demanda, Querella, ni Capitulo.' The council of the Indies published the sentence on August 8, 1652. Satisfacion al Memorial, 31-2; Palafox, Obras, xii. 465-7; xiii. 106-14; Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser., i. 215-16.
45. A royal cedula of January 19, 1640, had directed him to hasten the completion of the building.
46. Rosende, in Palafox, Obras, xiii, 57-60, followed by Touron, Hist. Gen. Amérique, vii. 326-7, places the amount at 400,000 pesos; but the former's statement probably originated in the desire of extolling the glory of his patron. Gonzalez Dávila, Vetancurt, and Calle give the statements adopted in the text. Teatro Ecles., i. 99; Trat. Mex., 62; Mem. y Not., 66. Garcia says that altogether 333,133 pesos 1 real 11 granos were spent. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., viii. 175.
47. A description of the cathedral, which contained many costly paintings and sculptures, and is said then to have been equal, if not superior, to the finest in Spain, is given by Rosende in Palafox, Obras, xiii. 55-61; also in Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 48-9.
48. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 52. Gonzalez Dávila says 60,000 from 1640 to 1645. Teatro Ecles., i. 99.
49. The bishop also established a nunnery, aided in the repairing of more than 50 churches and hospitals, and in the construction of convents.
50. Some authors say Sobroso; Zamacois styles him marqués de Sonora. Hist. Méj., v. 334.
51. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 14, and Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 16, say it was on the 23d of November. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Exp., 23, and Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. 6, respectively place it on the 13th and 15th.
52. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., 701-2, says Salvatierra was somewhat reluctant to deliver up the government; but this is not probable, as the viceroyalty of Peru was generally held in higher esteem than that of New Spain. On the 12th of June, 1648, his residencia was begun, and though later discontinued by order of the king, was resumed in July 1652. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st series, i. 10, 15, 223. In June 1660 news arrived at Mexico that Salvatierra, after serving his term as viceroy of Peru, became temporarily insane, and died shortly after his recovery. Guijo, in Id., 443. Vetancurt says he died at Cartagena when on his way to Spain.
53. The only serious charge brought against him was that he caused the Indians to serve as slaves to the friars and to pay their tribute in kind. The king disapproved of the measure, and in 1644 forbade it. Indians were to be exempted from all imposts, and from servitude, unless they were paid and volunteered to do the work. Strict compliance with previous cédulas bearing on the subject was enjoined. Maltratamiento de Indios, MS., no. 5, 1-2.
54. A town named after the viceroy was founded in Guanajuato, and in the following year declared a city. Quintana, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da ép. i. 579. The ground, an immense tract of land, had been given by a certain Alderete under condition that a yearly rent of 2,000 pesos be paid to him and his descendants in honor of the donation. Romero, Not. Mich., 223-5. Salvatierra was a man of simple manners, and much averse to the burdensome etiquette connected with his position. He frequently gave cause of offence to the oidores by his unceremonious conduct, and sometimes incurred severe rebukes from the crown.