The Writings of Carl Schurz/Volume 4

by Carl Schurz and others

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV

1880.
	PAGE
To James A. Garfield, July 20th	1
Disappointment at Garfield's letter of acceptance—Regarded as reactionary—A better course to have taken—Schurz will appeal to the independents and conservatives.
Speech: Hayes in Review and Garfield in Prospect, July 20th	5
From James A. Garfield, July 22d	44
Defends letter of acceptance—Refers to his attitude in Congress on money question and civil service—Expresses “great satisfaction” with Schurz's Indianapolis speech.
To James A. Garfield, September 22d	47
Popular impression growing that Garfield will return to old patronage system and will not prevent sectional strife—His recent visit to New York believed to be a surrender to the “machine”—Schurz advises Garfield not to go to Warren.
From James A. Garfield, October 15th	49
Republican victory in State elections due to fear of reactionary tendencies of Democratic party—Hopes that Schurz can allay the antagonism between German Republican leaders in New York—Thanks Schurz for effective campaign work.
To James A. Garfield, November 3d	50
Congratulates Garfield on his election but adds: “Your real troubles will now begin.”
To John D. Long, December 9th	50
A full statement of the case of the Ponca Indians.
1881.
To James A. Garfield, January 2d	78
Garfield's task more difficult than that of Hayes—Future of Republican party dependent on success of his Administration—Cabinet should be chosen for their ability, energy and integrity, rather than to please the party—Schurz discusses the merits of several whose names have been suggested.
To James A. Garfield, January 16th	84
“Geographical question” in choosing Cabinet of less importance than efficiency—General tendency toward independence in politics—“Boss-rule” a menace to Republican party—Democrats in earnest about civil service reform—Garfield's Administration must be clean, and able in managing public business.
To James A. Garfield, January 28th	88
Indispensable qualifications for a Commissioner of Indian Affairs—Francis A. Walker recommended.
To Henry L. Dawes, February 7th	91
Case of Big Snake reviewed—Dawes's misrepresentations—Official evidence quoted to prove that Poncas were content to remain in Indian Territory—Let the Poncas at last have rest.
From James Freeman Clarke, February 17th	114
Congratulates Schurz on his able defense of his Indian policy.
From Edward Eggleston, February 22d	114
The “large-minded wisdom” shown by Schurz while Secretary of the Interior.
To James A. Garfield, February 22d	115
Importance of a good Cabinet and a business Administration—Anxious to see Garfield succeed.
From Ex-President Hayes, March 10th	115
Acknowledges gratifying letter from Schurz—Hopes they will always be friends—Cordial invitation to “Spiegel Grove.”
From Ex-President Hayes, June 1st	115
Desirous of reading Schurz's editorial articles—Busy and happy in private life—Interesting himself in local affairs.
Essay: Present Aspects of the Indian Problem, July	116
From Thomas F. Bayard, July 7th	146
Enjoys Schurz's editorials—Reasons for Conkling's solicitude for Arthur—Senate was prevented from electing a President pro tem. before adjournment because a Democrat would have been chosen.
From Alonzo Bell, August 5th	147
Rejoices that “the Ponca war” has been ended by the marriage of Tibbles and Bright Eyes—Will Dawes and Long add this to their indictments?—Schurz's Indian policy adhered to by Kirkwood.
To George M. Lockwood, October 27th	148
Anonymous charges against Schurz as to contingent fund of Interior Department.
From Thomas Wentworth Higginson, November 26th	149
Schurz invited to speak before Massachusetts Woman-Suffrage Association—Fee and expenses offered.
To Thomas Wentworth Higginson, November 28th	150
Has never taken part in Woman-Suffrage movement—Impossible to accept invitation.
1882.
To George F. Edmunds, January 16th	150
Senate resolution calling upon the Interior Department for copies of Secretary Schurz's ruling on the Northern Pacific R. R. land grant—Schurz assailed in the newspapers—Asks Edmunds to move for a thorough investigation of the case.
From Thomas F. Bayard, January 19th	151
Will aid in procuring fair investigation of the land-grant case.
To George F. Edmunds, January 24th	152
The Northern Pacific R. R. land case, as a legal question, was submitted to the Attorney-General and decided on its merits—Newspapers ascribe false motives—Thorough investigation desired.
From George F. Edmunds, January 27th	153
Unless more specific charges are made, thinks it unlikely the Senate will order an investigation—Advises fighting it out in the press.
To Joseph Medill, September 21st	154
Amused at Blaine's posing as a civil service reformer—Schurz did not write the Evening Post criticism of Blaine—Natural that Blaine should dislike one who believes the author of the Mulligan letters would never be President.
1883.
To John T. Morse, Jr., January 9th	156
Is at work on the biography of Clay; but would prefer Gallatin as a less laborious subject.
To the Editor of the Savannah News, January 30th	157
Homicides in the South—Their causes—How they are encouraged—How they might be checked.
To George W. Julian, March 15th	168
Detailed reply to criticism of Schurz's administration of the Department of the Interior in relation to railroads and land-grants.
From Ex-President Hayes, March 20th	181
Commends reply to Julian—Expresses theory as to why Julian is “sour and malignant.”
From Thomas Wentworth Higginson, April 5th	181
Requests, for public use, a brief statement from Schurz as to relative efficiency of women clerks as compared with men.
To Thomas Wentworth Higginson, April 6th	182
Thinks men more efficient—Many women clerks do excellent work—Impatience of discipline and frequent absences of others bring down the average.
To B. B. Cahoon, April 11th	183
Comments on Julian's attacks—The attacks caused Schurz to review, with several officials, his own records and decisions as Secretary—Found they would bear the most searching investigation—Democrats lack courage on tariff question—Probable rearrangement of political parties in near future.
To George W. Julian, May 9th	184
Reviews and confutes charges brought against his administration of Interior Department—Julian's personal record brought out.
1884.
From John A. Logan, February 28th	194
Asks Schurz to help him obtain the Republican nomination for the Presidency.
To John A. Logan, February 29th	194
Tries to dissuade Logan from his ambition—Logan's record on civil service reform and specie payment questions would prove fatal.
To W. G. Sherman, March 1st	196
Is not an “apologist of violent methods”—For Republicans to urge want of improvement in the South as a political issue, would be to defeat themselves—Remedy for existing evils.
To Gustav Schwab, March 21st	197
Declines a gift of $100,000 contributed by generous friends.
To Simon Wolf, March 22d	198
Gives his views on Sunday opening of libraries, museums, etc. and the operation of railroads—Prohibition laws—Protecting public school system from sectarian control—Equal taxation, etc.
From P. B. Plumb, May 6th	200
Desires an exchange of political views—New York essential to Republican success.
To P. B. Plumb, May 12th	200
New York a doubtful State—Strong opposition to Blaine—“Arthur stands much better”— Desirous of seeing the Republican party succeed.
From P. B. Plumb, May 25th	202
How Republicans might win without vote of New York—Various candidates for nomination considered.
To P. B. Plumb, May 27th	203
New York necessary to Republican victory—Only a candidate with unblemished record can succeed—Expects to attend Chicago Convention.
To G. W. M. Pittman, June 15th	204
Why Blaine and the Republican party deserve defeat.
To Thomas F. Bayard, June 28th	205
Would be glad to see Bayard President—To defeat Blaine, friends of Bayard and of Cleveland should work together—Tammany's hostility to Cleveland would strengthen him.
From Thomas F. Bayard, June 29th	208
Explains personal attitude and agrees with Schurz's suggestions—Puzzled by New York politics and not associated with local politicians—Not seeking a nomination, but, if nominated, would be grateful for Schurz's counsel and aid.
To J. W. Hoag, June 29th	210
Asks Hoag to sign protest against Blaine's nomination—Mulligan letters show that Blaine traded upon his official position for his own pecuniary advantage—Moral standard of the country would be lowered by electing Blaine.
From John B. Henderson, July 1st	212
Blaine regrets Schurz's indisposition to support him—How election to the Presidency would change Blaine—Henderson asks Schurz to suspend all political activities until after they meet.
To Thomas F. Bayard, July 2d	213
Butler and Kelly using Bayard's name to prevent Cleveland's nomination—Tammany against Cleveland—Importance of Bayard and Cleveland coöperating—Loss of Democratic opportunities would mean Blaine's election.
To John B. Henderson, July 5th	214
Glad to meet Henderson, but cannot support Blaine—Schurz sorry to be in opposition—Some recently learned facts cause a worse opinion of Blaine.
To Henry Cabot Lodge, July 12th	215
Urges Lodge carefully to review the reasons that have led him to declare for Blaine—The demoralizing influence Blaine's election would have on the country—Advises Lodge not to accept nomination for Congress from the Republican party while it is so corrupt—Sincere, warm, personal feeling for Lodge.
From Henry Cabot Lodge, July 14th	218
Is grateful, but takes a different view of the political situation—Obligations to Republican friends and neighbors—Having freely declared his independent views, he will accept a seat in Congress if offered—However mistaken, he acts from a sense of duty—Must pay a debt of honor to the party.
To Henry Cabot Lodge, July 16th	221
Duty to one's country paramount to allegiance to one's party—Blaine's record makes support of him impossible—After decision, argument is superfluous.
From Henry Ward Beecher, July 29th	222
Is “paralyzed” by statements of “eminent clergymen” against Cleveland—Urges Schurz to postpone prospective speech for Cleveland—Suggests choosing a candidate with a clean record—Accepting Cleveland as candidate would elect Blaine and kill the Independent movement.
To Henry Ward Beecher, July 30th	222
Schurz's investigations convince him that, aside from the old offense, the stories are maliciously exaggerated for political purposes—Known facts do not warrant the risk of changing plans now.
Speech: Why James G. Blaine Should Not Be President, August 5th	224
To Henry C. Bowen, August 6th	272
Is disappointed at failure of Independent to publish Dr. Ward's article championing Cleveland—In politics, public virtue is more important than private.
To Albert H. Walker, August 7th	274
Promises to read and give due weight to Walker's defense of Blaine—Has spared no trouble to get at the truth.
From George William Curtis, August 15th	274
Commends Schurz's anti-Blaine speech—Blaine's suit for libel will have an important influence on the canvass—Cleveland hurt by the scandal.
To Paul Bechtner, August 20th	275
Reply to open letter from Milwaukee purporting to answer Schurz's anti-Blaine speech—The signers will be invited to hear Schurz speak in Milwaukee.
To George F. Hoar, August 22d	276
Detailed reply to Hoar's attempt to discredit some of the statements in the Brooklyn anti-Blaine speech.
To Albert H. Walker, September 2d	284
Summary review of some of Blaine's letters, his explanations and pleas.
To R. R. Bowker, September 21st	285
Activities in the campaign—Itinerary to October 4th—Asks why more Independent speakers are not in the field—Great demand for German edition of anti-Blaine speech.
To James Bryce, November 9th	286
Representatives, both State and National, the immediate agents of the people—Senators generally of a higher average but not belonging to a privileged class, excite no jealousy—Two-house system entirely satisfactory.
To Grover Cleveland, November 15th	288
Congratulations—Civil service question will demand immediate decision—Cleveland's Administration might be made a turning-point in country's political development—Schurz does not seek anything for himself or for his friends.
To George Fred. Williams, November 16th	290
Urges Williams to point out to Democratic Representatives from Massachusetts that failure to support civil service reforms will “quickly sweep their party out of power again.”
From Thomas F. Bayard, November 17th	291
Praise for Schurz's part in campaign—Hopes Schurz may officially assist in making victory fruitful.
To Thomas F. Bayard, November 21st	291
Appreciates Bayard's praise—Hopes to see him Secretary of State—Character of Cabinet of great importance—Schurz will help only “as a private citizen.”
To George Fred. Williams, November 23d	293
Approves formal declaration to Cleveland that anyone asking for office ceases to represent the principles and aims of the Independent movement—Blaine's speech after defeat.
To George Fred. Williams, November 26th	294
Could not accept Cabinet position because of the expense—Advises Williams not to go into public life until he is financially independent.
To Thomas F. Bayard, December 2d	296
If Bayard fears expense of Secretaryship of State, Schurz suggests Secretaryship of the Treasury as less expensive and more influential—Bayard “absolutely needed” in Cabinet.
From Grover Cleveland, December 6th	297
Had been expecting to meet Schurz—Regrets the obstacles to Schurz's coming to Albany—“Glad to hear your views at length.”
To Grover Cleveland, December 10th	297
Schurz offers detailed views to President-elect—Civil service reform the decisive question—What is required of a reformer—Kind of Secretaries a reform President needs, especially in Treasury, Post-Office and Interior Departments—Importance of being well known—Slight importance of geographical considerations—Why Schurz did not go to Albany.
1885.
To Grover Cleveland, January 3d	305
Cleveland's civil service letter an “excellent document”—Schurz arguing with advocates of reform that attitude of critical opposition will delay concentration of energies and necessary reorganization of political forces—Reports prospective absence during Cleveland's visit to New York.
To John T. Morse, Jr., January 7th	308
Reasons for slow progress with Henry Clay.
To George W. Folsom, January 10th	308
Accepts partial reimbursement for campaign expenses—Makes political contribution.
Lecture: Benjamin Franklin, January 21st	309
From Horace White, January 24th	348
Detailed account of an interview with Cleveland about the choice of a Cabinet: Whitney, Bayard, Manning and others—Cleveland had made no pledges—Desires reappointment of Pearson—Cleveland strongly opposed to silver coinage—White's impression of Cleveland.
To Silas W. Burt, February 16th	351
Importance of selecting best men in Democratic party for Cabinet positions—Several persons discussed—Impossibility of keeping all Presidential aspirants out of Cabinet—Paramount object, to create public confidence.
To Grover Cleveland, February 24th	354
Quality that an inaugural should contain—A suggestion about the selection of the Cabinet.
To L. Q. C. Lamar, March 2d	355
Objections to making Whitney and Manning members of Cabinet—Independents disappointed by the prospects—Schurz's past experience in coöperating with Democrats—Has no personal aims, but wishes to see reforms accomplished—Why Lamar is appealed to and what he could do.
To President Cleveland, March 21st	360
Urges reappointment of Pearson—Cleveland's pledges to make efficiency instead of partisanship the test in the civil service will be judged by his treatment of Pearson—No satisfactory middle course between spoils and reform.
From President Cleveland, March 23d	363
Has had many urgent matters to attend to—Perplexed by official documents on file in the Pearson case—Hopes to do the right thing and to gratifiy the reformers—His burden and solemn good intentions.
To President Cleveland, March 26th	364
“What I want to see recognized is not a person but the public interest”—The Administration should either reappoint Pearson or make public its reasons—The Independents made a “free offering” of their support of Cleveland.
To President Cleveland, March 31st	367
Congratulations on Pearson's reappointment—Regrets appointment of Higgins in Treasury Department.
Essay: The New South, April	368
To John T. Morse, Jr., April 30th	400
Hopes to finish biography of Henry Clay by October.
To President Cleveland, June 25th	401
Congratulations because of wise appointments—Fears appointment of a partisan, instead of an efficient collector of customs—Administration gaining friends—Bold and consistent reform the only safety.
To President Cleveland, June 28th	404
Forwards letters—Warns against partisan acts of newly appointed officials—Fears Hedden is but a cat's-paw of H. O. Thompson—Newspaper comment.
To Lucius B. Swift, August 25th	406
Thinks criticism of Eastern Mugwumps by Western newspaper too severe—Deplores recent appointments in Indianapolis—Swift should submit to the President charges against Jones.
To President Cleveland, September 17th	407
Newspaper attacks on recent appointees reflect public opinion—A President's advisers and chief officials should be in thorough accord with him.
To President Cleveland, September 23d	408
Personally grateful for investigation ordered of the Bacon-Sterling affair—The anti-reform movement in Democratic party should be met with calm and defiant determination—Danger of having unsympathetic subordinates.
To Alfred T. White, October 12th	409
Approves resolutions of Brooklyn Independent Republican Committee—Duty of Independents to vote for the best man, irrespective of party—Davenport represents the best, Hill the worst, political tendencies—Attitude of the Independents—Good administration the main question.
1886.
To President Cleveland, January 16th	414
Urges the President to make public the reasons for suspension or removal from office—Quotes letter dismissing a Republican appointee to make room for a Democrat—The President dishonored and discredited by such partisan rulings—Need of heroic measures—Believes a law requiring the President to give his reasons for removals would be both Constitutional and helpful to a reform Administration.
To Thomas F. Bayard, February 1st	420
Condolence—Devotion to duty and the pursuit of some high aim will help him bear his bereavement.
To President Cleveland, February 5th	421
Apprehends that the President misunderstood a recent letter—Urges him to issue Executive order that “hereafter in every case of removal the reasons therefor shall be put upon public record”—Much criticism on the part of Independents.
To George F. Edmunds, February 27th	425
Favors publicity in all things connected with appointments and removals—Moral authority of the Senate hampered by secrecy.
To George F. Edmunds, March 12th	426
Is following with interest the debate on removals and suspensions—How the lost prestige of Senate might be regained—Scheme of Republican Senators to force Cleveland to acknowledge partisan removals and appointments, so as to justify spoils system.
From George F. Edmunds, March 17th	428
Not at liberty to discuss what passes in secret session—Cases in which publicity would be advantageous—Instances where privacy during discussion is essential.
To George Fred. Williams, March 18th	429
Points out lack of discrimination in speeches at Reform Club dinner—Independents must never be partisans—Commends Williams for denouncing Democratic “office-mongering” in Massachusetts—Favorable opinion of Edmunds—Need of a strong, searching but high-toned opposition.
To George F. Edmunds, March 18th	431
Secrecy in the Senate and secrecy in the Cabinet very different—Secret sessions to consider nominations often serve only party interests.
From George F. Edmunds, March 23d	433
Failure of the President to keep his avowed intention to make “removals for cause only” attributable to irresistible party pressure.
To George F. Edmunds, March 25th	433
By referring each case of suspension or removal to the proper committee for open inquiry, the Senate could determine the public judgment—The people have no confidence in the Senate's secret proceedings in such matters.
From George F. Edmunds, March 26th	434
Departmental rule to refuse access to their official files would embarrass Senate in ordering investigation by committees as proposed by Schurz.
To Wayne McVeagh, March 30th	435
Without undervaluing the good Cleveland has done, Schurz thinks the President has permitted partisan removals and appointments—Prefers to make no public speech at present.
To W. H. Clarke, April 30th	436
Lincoln's fears of the evil effects of officeseeking.
To Thomas F. Bayard, May 6th	437
Schurz's most pointed criticisms of Cleveland have been made to Cleveland—Cleveland has exasperated the spoilsmen without satisfying the reformers—Strength of Democratic party waning—Cleveland can save the day by acting with firmness and decision—Schurz watching with intense and friendly anxiety.
From Thomas F. Bayard, May 8th, 17th	439
Detailed defense of Cleveland and exposition of the difficulties—Understands Schurz's attitude and invites him to come and take a closer view.
To Thomas F. Bayard, May 20th	442
Has not visited Washington lest the cry be raised of Mugwump influence, etc.—The mistakes of an Administration are widely commented upon, while its good work is scarcely known—Schurz makes specific and practical recommendations as a means of success through reform—President Grant's warning example—Does not regret supporting Cleveland.
To William Potts, June 11th	447
Importance of the National Civil Service Reform League's always telling the truth—Schurz anxious to have Cleveland demonstrate that a public man's word can be kept.
To Silas W. Burt, June 21st	448
Growth of Cleveland's popularity—Importance of popular confidence that he will be true to his pledges—Why benefited by the attacks in the Senate.
To L. Q. C. Lamar, September 28th	451
Schurz's interest in character of Administration wholly non-personal—Must soon make a report on progress of reforms—Commends selection for New York collector of customs.
To L. Q. C. Lamar, October 9th	453
Believes in Cleveland's sincerity but does not excuse his mistakes—The causes and the remedies—Seeks a friendly understanding between the reformers and the Administration—Suggests interchange of clerks in the Indian Bureau and those at the Indian agencies—Spoils scandals.
To L. Q. C. Lamar, October 14th	457
Heads of Government offices throughout the country should report to proper Department at Washington reasons for each removal.
To Winslow Warren, October 16th	457
Significance of the millionaire in politics—Menace to the country where wealth is a candidate's only recommendation.
To Abram S. Hewitt, October 26th	461
Asks whether Hewitt has given pledges as to appointments or patronage.
From Abram S. Hewitt, October 27th	462
Has given no promises as to appointments, etc., and authorizes publication of his letter.
To John T. Morse, Jr., November 19th	462
Anxious to avoid mistakes in Henry Clay.
To President Cleveland, December 15th	463
At the request of Independents and Democrats, Schurz points out to the President the more serious mistakes of his Administration, his waning popularity and the possibility of defeat should he accept renomination and the Republicans select almost any one but Blaine—Party success and adhering to reform pledges hang together Schurz's attitude toward the Administration and the charge of “impracticability”—Spokesman for many in this unwelcome task.
1887.
From Charles R. Codman, January 31st	470
Gives details of conversation with Cleveland about his pledges and his practice as to appointments—Believes him to be a “faithful public servant, honest and manly, simple and brave”—Thinking too much of details, he fails to grasp the entire situation—Claims to have kept his pledges, to have made progress and to be considering the next advance—Codman would “deal gently with Mr. Cleveland,” in civil service reform report.
To Charles R. Codman, February 3d	474
Cleveland's mistaken point of view—His explanations fail to explain—Relations and obligations between Schurz and Cleveland—The Independents must tell the truth and the “report” must deal with actual conditions—Desires conference with Codman before the “report” is made public.
From Thomas F. Bayard, April 11th	477
Sends advance copy of Diplomatic Correspondence for 1886—Blaine's diplomacy—Schurz's part in preventing Blaine from being President.
To Thomas F. Bayard, April 28th	477
Recovering from effects of fall—Blaine's “beautiful suggestiveness” in diplomacy and the good effects of his defeat as Presidential candidate—Labor candidate in 1888 for Presidency, probable—Inquires as to John Sherman's chances for nomination.
From Ex-President Hayes, July 2d	479
Commends Schurz's Henry Clay and suggests he write a “full autobiography.”
From Ex-President Hayes, July 9th	480
Rejoices that the autobiography is begun—Schurz's political independence is an “enigma,” a “mystery” to the average party man.
From Moses Coit Tyler, August 30th	481
Praise of Henry Clay—Tyler has always been in political accord with Schurz.
To Melville E. Stone, October 3d	482
Declines to telegraph his views of the Administration.
To Mayor Hewitt, November 5th	482
Protests against Mayor Hewitt's favoring Fellows, a confessed gambler and beneficiary of Tweed, for nomination as district attorney—Advocates the appointment of Nicoll, an energetic prosecutor—Gives reasons.
From George William Curtis, November 7th	490
Letter to Hewitt, a “great public service.”
1888.
To Oscar S. Straus, February 7th	491
Contemplates writing a political history of 1852-61—Cleveland's tariff message has strengthened his position—Cleveland's chances of reëlection good, if party stands by him—Speculation as to the Presidential election.
To Thomas F. Bayard, March 7th	493
The only charm of public office—Commends Bayard's management of the fisheries dispute—Death of Emperor William I. and possible results.
Address: Emperor William, March 21st	495
To Thomas F. Bayard, March 29th	505
Intending to write a political history of the United States beginning in 1852, he seeks Bayard's aid in obtaining access to archives of foreign Governments.
To Thomas Bayard, April 3d	506
Thanks for passport and letters of introduction—Speech on the dead Kaiser—If Blaine is nominated, will return and oppose his election.
To Count Dönhof, May 18th	507
The victim of a newspaper story involving Prince Bismarck, Schurz asks how the matter is regarded in court circles—Complains that the newspapers report him as asking favors from the Crown Prince as to the Techow affair.
To L. S. Metcalf, August 13th	509
Received with much friendliness by Prince Bismarck and other German statesmen—Lucrative offers from newspapers—Will write nothing for publication while abroad.
From Thaddeus C. Pound, July 1st	509
Appeals to Schurz to come home and help elect Harrison and Morton.
Public Letter: To Thaddeus C. Pound, September 15th	510
How Cleveland missed his opportunity—The main consideration: how the public interest can be best served—Blaine the real candidate—The tariff question—“The Trust is the younger brother of the Tariff”—What Cleveland has accomplished—Cannot support Harrison.

SPEECHES, CORRESPONDENCE
AND POLITICAL PAPERS OF

CARL SCHURZ

SELECTED AND EDITED BY

FREDERIC BANCROFT

ON BEHALF OF
THE CARL SCHURZ MEMORIAL COMMITTEE

Volume I.

October 20, 1852-November 26, 1870

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORKLONDON
The Knickerbocker Press
1913

Copyright, 1913

by

SCHURZ MEMORIAL COMMITTEE

The Knickerbocker Press, New York